Je ne sais pas bricoler - Petits bricolages pour les non-bricoleurs (French Edition)

Today, when the directors and boards of major orchestras plan their seasons, they rarely worry about the availability of scores and parts, or feel any need to reuse them. They have music libraries; they can rent out-of-the-ordinary works from publishers; and new commissions now arrive as digital files. But because the Concert Spirituel was the first public concert series with a standing orchestra and regular schedule,7 the entrepreneurs had significant expenses for music copying, which could run to hundreds of pages for a single grand motet.

University of California Press, , —, — History of an Institution, — New York: Oxford University Press, , Seven have survived, dating from , , , , , ca. Only three , and — have been published,9 and they have never been well analyzed. Of the rest, the and inventories are known only to a few specialists,10 the ca. In the latter, the scribes gave each piece a call number, putting it on both the inventory and the music, so the actual scores and parts used by the Concert Spirituel, tallow-stained and marked up, can be identified with absolute certainty today.

They provide a wealth of information, including 1 clear identification of the works performed; 2 size, distribution, and sometimes even physical placement of performing forces; 3 practices in the copying atelier; 4 modifications made during copying, in rehearsal, and over years of performance; 5 ornamentation; and 6 names of some soloists and ensemble singers and players. In addition, the inventories, unlike the 8 Paris: Gloria in Gallia Deo Millau: Fayard, , Any study of the grand sweep of changing musical style must include failures as well as successful works.

With the Concert Spirituel scores in hand, the question can be asked: The inventory discloses the pivotal role of the music library in the process of forming a repertoire: Each entrepreneur with the possible exception of Philidor built his own. Since each paid for his own music copying, each owned the resulting copies, regardless of who owned the original, and could dispose of them by lease or sale or store them away in an attic.

The effect on concert programming was formidable: Because of the ownership and leasing issues related to the music libraries, the development of repertoires and canons at the Concert Spirituel was not a steady, gradual process, but rather one where periods of consolidation and innovation alternated. Bricolage By comparison with the care the Concert Spirituel entrepreneurs lavished on their music libraries, their methods of acquiring music seem haphazard.

The programs were not formed pursuant to some carefully thought-out plan, but rather through bricolage. In France, a bricoleur is an improviser, someone who achieves a goal by using whatever materials happen to be available in a new and creative way. Royer, to add variety and interest to the concerts, brought in symphonies and Italian arias.

He did not send away to Italy or the German courts for scores: He also leased and borrowed music from previous Concert Spirituel entrepreneurs and bought printed music. He even arranged small vocal works himself, and occasionally plucked a gem from among the dozens of scores sent or handed to him by hopeful composers.

It was not unusual for a young traveler like Mozart to walk through the door with scores in hand: University of Chicago Press, , 16— Duchesne, , Because Paris was the cultural crossroads of Europe, as well as a center of European music publishing, and because the Concert Spirituel enjoyed considerable prestige, the entrepreneurs were importuned by composers and soloists without having to lift a finger to attract them.

They, along with the performing ensemble and audience, waited at the crossroads for music and performers to come to them. Today, as in the eighteenth century, some music directors seek to expand audiences by choosing tried-and- true crowd-pleasers, while others want to edify with commissioned pieces and local premieres of rare works. Given the exigencies of organizing an entire season out of the complex demands of performers, composers, critics, and audiences, they must find an appropriate balance between old and new.

The forces favoring the use of repertoire works are numerous. There is a savings in time and money for performance materials. Pulling a score and parts out of a music library is easier than obtaining the score of a new work and copying out separate parts. Further, repertoire reduces or eliminates rehearsal time: Finally, programming a repertoire work makes the reaction of audience and critics more predictable. Janet et Cotelle, , Lastly, well-developed repertoire often legitimates the performing organization.

Playing the Lalande motets, which had been heard in the Royal Chapel and Parisian churches for half a century, lent the Concert Spirituel an enduring association with music of the highest moral, social, and spiritual quality, and with court society and royalty itself. The forces favoring innovation are just as powerful. The Concert Spirituel took place during a great cultural transition, in which the assumption that the world was static, eternal, and unchanging was replaced by the notion that the world was always moving toward perfection.

So by , it was no longer acceptable for Michel Blavet to play flute sonatas and concertos on nearly every concert: New music also created interest: Too, innovation was not difficult: Royer and his successors were flooded with scores from aspiring composers. The idea of repertoire originated in spoken theater, but an unusual article in the edition of a Parisian almanac, the Spectacles de Paris, shows that the Concert Spirituel had a repertoire as well.

It was not a list of all the works played, nor of the most famous, critically acclaimed, or popular: These pieces helped Royer strike a balance between innovation and tradition. The treatment of repertoire at the Concert Spirituel is especially interesting because the history of the concerts spanned a period in which stability was valued at the beginning and novelty was valued at the end. As a result, the static musical world of Paris gave way to one where change and novelty were expected. The use of repertoire was low in the first season as the entrepreneur tried to distinguish himself from his predecessor with new works, rebounded in the second season as the initial supply of new music ran low, sank in the third season as a new balance between novelty and repertoire was reached, and then increased for the remainder of the administration as the entrepreneur became comfortable, and finally, bored.

Being a Record of his Memorable Trip to Paris in , ed. Ryllis Clair Alexander New York: Blom, , reprinted , 7. One of the few is helpful in the study of the Concert Spirituel: It was a coherent and intentional corpus or group; the members were old and revered, in the sense of being remembered as great even after death; and he put them forward as models, telling the king in his prospectus that the monument would inspire the living to work for the benefit and glory of the state.

Although Daquin listed far more names than Titon, he used certain terms denoting greatness quite sparingly: And despite the fact that more than half of his repertoire works were by composers canonized by Titon and Daquin, the Concert Spirituel played the music of the greatest of them—Lully, Destouches, Campra, and Rameau—only rarely. Clearly, repertoire served needs entirely separate from the mechanisms and purposes of canons, even though there was considerable overlap between these two types of list. Only a few are immanent in music itself; the most important of these is genre, with the choral and 18 William Weber, The Rise of Musical Classics in Eighteenth-Century England: Oxford University Press, , 2.

An important transformation took place: Discourse about music, rather than the quality of the music itself, canonized composers and works. The development of an eighteenth-century Parisian canon of public concert music eventually came to a halt, leaving behind, at most, an incipient canon.

No single person came forward after Titon to turn malleable opinions and beliefs into a fixed text. Only organizations, which survive beyond the lifetimes of their individual members, can sustain and enforce a canon over multiple generations, as the Concert Spirituel did.

Another such canonizing agent did not arrive in Paris until the founding of the Paris Conservatoire in It was regarded as an important part of the history and culture of Paris even in its own era. The first histories to appear were short articles in the theater almanac Spectacles de Paris , , , and They are filled with inaccuracies about the early years, but are better for the s and s.

He mistakenly gave the amount of the annual lease payment redevance as 6, livres, which was the amount in effect at the time of his writing. He included an anecdote about the disruption of concerts when the king inhabited the Tuileries palace for a few days in , a rabbinical explanation of the inscription in the concert hall Sic Davidis aula sonabat , and a roster of performers taken from the Spectacles de Paris. The writer seems particularly well-informed about the Simard years. The sources toward the end of the eighteenth century are all derived from these documents.

Page references use the marginal numbers, which represent the page or folio numbers in the now-lost source of which it is a copy.

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Danican 10, Simard , O1 , Anne Danican March 17, 1,, altered to Simard , s? Filiation of early histories of the Concert Spirituel. Full citations are given in the bibliography. The Amelot manuscript gave 1, livres in one place and 10, in another. In the third, the editor corrected two dates but introduced new errors, becoming the source, along with Durey de Noinville, for later almanacs.

These late reports of early events should not be discounted: The amount of writing about the concerts in journals and other periodicals is staggering: Some are advertisements for concerts in the future, and others, reviews of concerts in the past. Barbou, , ; Amelot ms. Graff, The Modern Researcher, 5th edn. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Publishers, , Only one journal covers the entire history of the Concert Spirituel: Published monthly then later biweekly under a royal privilege, it listed the grand motet titles and named the instrumental and vocal soloists for the smaller pieces, together with comments on audience reactions; after the querelle des bouffons, the editors began to express themselves more freely.

Competing periodicals began to appear in the s. Information in these journals was scanty during periods of entrepreneurial desuetude. Paris was then, as now, a popular destination for tourists. Although the articles on the Concert Spirituel are short, they contain nuggets of information not found anywhere else. Accounts of the Concert Spirituel by the travelers who consulted them are even more valuable, as are those of the Parisians who sat next to them on the benches.

The range of opinion expressed in them is astounding. For example, the French were deeply devoted to their star singers, but Britons abhorred them. The richest sources of information on the Concert Spirituel in the Archives Nationales are found mainly in the records of: In addition to the Concert Spirituel privilege leases, partnership agreements, and music library leases, they document marriage contracts and estate inventories.

The preambles generally identify the parties, their addresses and occupations, and sometimes their parents, children, friends, and colleagues. Whenever Paris officials consulted or received orders from Versailles, and whenever the expenditure of money was authorized or paid out, the transactions were documented in its correspondence and registers.

The most precious resource has already been discussed: To find documents that have not previously been cited, the registers for the relevant years of all Parisian notaries must be searched for the names of the parties. Digital images of the handwritten registers are available online at www. Interest in the Concert Spirituel continued to grow in the nineteenth century, not only because of rising interest in the history of music, but also because the tradition of concerts spirituels had continued in Paris and spread to other European cities like Vienna.

Although his article was difficult to use because there was no index, it was nevertheless the first step toward efficient access to the data. Constant Pierre, a bassoonist and administrator at the Conservatoire, sent in a messy, unfinished document focused, after one chapter of general history, on the Concert Spirituel alone.

My Shopping Bag

The article was a transcription of the Amelot manuscript. Pierre lived a further eighteen years, but the Histoire du Concert spirituel languished in manuscript, partly because his research interests lay in the revolutionary era, and partly because of the demands of his position at the Conservatoire. Bloch-Michel documented some of the sources, made an attempt to verify the program listings, and generated the excellent name index that allows the listings to serve as a rudimentary database. Nevertheless, inaccuracies and omissions in the listings, failure to update the statistical tables, and incomplete citation of sources remain significant problems for all researchers.

These two books—Brenet and Pierre—served the needs of musicologists so well that very little new research on the Concert Spirituel occurred. Focusing on the issue of how musical styles change, she concentrated on the programs from onward, and concluded that the Concert Spirituel was a factor in the dissemination of new, cosmopolitan, melody-based music in Paris. The manuscript contains footnote numbers, but the footnotes themselves are not part of the surviving volumes.

Norton, , — Access to eighteenth-century sources is becoming easier with each passing year because of the digital revolution in library science. Amadeus Press, , 36— A Cultural History Berkeley: University of California Press, , 71, Oxford University Press, , 2: Gallica already contains many eighteenth-century periodicals and publications on music; these are mirrored by Google Books and some university libraries. However, in transcriptions of notarial contracts, punctuation is silently emended to help parse extremely long sentences.

I have retained a number of French terms for the sake of clarity and precision. When in roman type and capitalized, this is the name of the organization that forms the subject of this dissertation. Otherwise, concert spirituel or concerts spirituels means a 37Pierre, Histoire, — Georg Olms Verlag, , 1: Das Concert wird ein Concert spirituel und nicht ein Concert spiritueux genannt.

Spiritueux heist geistig; spirituel aber in dieser Verbindung geistlich. This term has no English equivalent; the meaning was introduced above and is elaborated in chapter 4. This was the French term for any type of contractor: These plucky innovators not only selected the music, hired the soloists, rented the hall, generated the publicity, and led the orchestra, they also financed the concerts.

I have chosen to use the simpler terms as English cognates although the French grand carries more of a connotation of size than grandeur , and to skip the fussy agreement of gender and number when using them in the plural. In tabular data, the abbreviations developed by Pierre are used: He was wrong; the plural was used in most of the Concert Spirituel privilege leases and occasionally in the Mercure reviews from the s and s.

In the legal language of French notaries, redevance, in addition to its ordinary meaning of fees or dues, was used specifically for the lease of a royal privilege. A few other conventions have been employed for purposes of brevity and ease of reading: Eighteenth-century periodicals often changed masthead titles during their long publication runs.

Les Spectacles de Paris, for example, had three different names in its first three years. Three different journals were known as the Annonces, affiches, et avis divers, or variations thereof: The first two are referred to here as the Affiches de Paris, and the third as Affiches de province. Rather than following the convention of designating music scribes as Scribe 1, Scribe 2, Scribe 3. I propose here a system to help music scholars recognize connections between projects by naming scribes for some immediately recognizable characteristic of their hand, using two words with an internal capital to create a unique word that can be used in digital searches.

The principal example in this dissertation is CommaClef, a scribe employed during the Royer administration who formed the lower dot of his bass clef in the shape of a comma. Pierre and Bloch-Michel discovered an impressive number of primary source documents relating to the Concert Spirituel and included transcriptions of many of them. To the extent possible, I have included the text of these new sources, making room for them by paraphrasing the ones available in Pierre, the Slatkine and Minkoff reprints, Gallica, and Google Books.

When Lydia Goehr claimed that Bach did not mean to write musical works,40 she set off a long and acrimonious debate. Her full argument is far less controversial: Obviously, if this conclusion is correct—and my research tends to support it, at least as far as the Concert Spirituel is concerned—then musical works had to exist for many years prior to in order for the concept to form and become reified in a particular term.

Music was often recognized as a work of art, with a creator and an authorized text. Clarendon Press, , 8 and chapter 7. My research builds upon hers by showing that at the Concert Spirituel, where most music was already divorced from its original setting and purpose and most of the composers were absent or dead, it was easy to think of musical works as objects independent of a particular person, time, or place. The Concert Spirituel and other public concerts played a central role in the development of the work concept, with consequences that are still unfolding today.

The first two were ruined while trying to develop a workable financial structure for public concerts; learning from these mistakes, their successors generally made a profit, and Legros ended his tenure as a rich man. Notarial actes legal contracts and other eighteenth-century sources provide a detailed picture of the relationships between these entrepreneurs and the people they depended on: These relationships defined a field of bricolage see chapter 4 for each. They obtained musical scores and parts from some people and start-up capital from others.

Some relationships brought ideas about new genres or unfamiliar pieces, while others constrained their choices in various ways. By making it easier or more difficult to acquire and perform certain pieces of music, relationships between people shaped what the entrepreneurs actually acquired, and thus shaped their music libraries.

The libraries shaped the Concert Spirituel repertoire, and from that repertoire, a few pieces achieved local canonicity. It is difficult for us to appreciate the way interpersonal relationships affected the selection of music in the eighteenth century. People seldom transacted business with strangers, and spoke to others only after being introduced by someone they already knew. Everyone had a place in a hierarchical social network, and was at the same time constrained and enabled by the relationships that attached them to this place. The borrowing and lending of capital often took place between friends or family members; only occasionally did strangers come together to form a partnership.

Philidor — Anne Danican Philidor, born in , was one of the most famous in a family of illustrious musicians, but he fell into his fame: Many of his decisions were in response to financial difficulties. He was not a heroic individual who fought social constraints to realize his genius; the institution he founded was shaped by his reactions to circumstance.

Noailles was a powerful protector: Anne succeeded his father as an oboist in the royal hunt band in , and by , he had an unusually high salary for a simphoniste and played at the coronation of Louis XV in Papillon, , 20—21, 28— 29, 50, 69—70, 88—91, and Lalande had a longstanding relationship with the Philidor family: Anne was brought into the copying workshop sometime before , when volumes of music were copied for the count of Toulouse.

Makers : à la rencontre de ces artisans nouvelle génération

Although Philidor is usually said to be the founder of the Concert Spirituel, it seems likely that his father and Lalande were also involved and were motivated by financial straits. His father had a net worth of only 4, livres in , and died broke in The crisis precipitated by the bank failure of wiped out the assets of many current and retired Royal Chapel musicians, who were un- or under-employed during the minority of the king.

Political unrest was at an all- time high: France had three different prime ministers in , and if the sickly young king had died without an heir, there would have been war with Spain and Austria. Even after the king was moved to Versailles in , the Royal Chapel was a mere shadow of its former glory. Picard, , 13— In order to succeed, Philidor needed every bit of help he could get from his connections to family and patrons. Philidor obtained music by borrowing or purchasing it from Lalande, his father, and their colleagues, as will be shown in chapter 3.

Of the forty-four identifiable pieces played in the first season, two-thirds were Royal Chapel motets by Lalande, Bernier, Campra, Destouches, and others. Philidor economized by filling the space between the choral motets with smaller works for instrumental soloists. One, the violinist Jean-Baptiste Anet, was well known and held a post at the chapel.

At the time of his own death three years later, the community property was worth only 39, livres. Picard, , and —; see the also the comprehensive salary chart — which shows a drop in earnings from 17, livres in to 11, livres in Fischbacher, , reprinted New York: Da Capo Press, , — The flute soloist Michel Blavet made his debut in the second season and returned for more than a hundred concerts in the next two decades. In the s, these terms were nearly synonymous: Finding a room large enough to contain a stage of this size and seating for the audience posed a nearly insurmountable problem in a world where no purpose-built concert hall had ever existed.

Once again, chance provided an opportunity: Philidor got permission to use the guardroom—the Salle des Cent Suisses—that had protected the royal apartments. It was more than suitable as a concert hall, even though it had never been furnished or decorated. It was one 11 Mercure, April , The rosters between and list 43, 48, 45, and 47 players. The great Parisian cathedrals and churches violated the monopoly with impunity and offered orchestrally accompanied motets, but only on a few feast days.

Jombert, ; reprint Paris: Throughout its history, this compact, festival-like period, supplemented by single dates during the rest of the year, kept the Concert Spirituel in the public view. The money was to be taken directly from the till, and if there were not enough income from ticket sales, Philidor was personally responsible for paying the difference. The 1, livres to Francine, the first 1, livres to Bontemps, the money to remodel the Cent Suisses, and the money to pay the performers were all due within the first five months of How did Philidor fund for his startup expenses?

An oboist in the Musique du Roi could scarcely have afforded so much, even with assistance from his family. Philidor signed an open- ended contract with Michel De Launoy, a huissier bailiff in the household of the duc de Bourbon, and later of the new queen. They agreed to divide income and expenses equally, 20 Mercure, March , — Note that the Concert Spirituel did not perform during the entire Lenten season forty days before Easter, not counting Sundays.

For the first year, the payment schedule was 1, livres on Pentecost May 20 and the rest the following Easter Sunday. Philidor immediately cancelled the next three concerts under various pretexts: The real reason for the cancellations soon became clear. While it is possible that Philidor had been compensating Lalande for the use of his motets from the outset, the cancelled concerts and the retroactivity of the contract to July 1, costing Philidor livres for just two concerts make it likely that the widow demanded more money than Philidor had been paying, and that it took him five months to get it.

The following month, on January 16, , Philidor was condemned to prison for a debt of 1, livres to a marchand bonnetier merchant of hats, gloves, and hosiery , perhaps a private loan used to pay Concert Spirituel expenses. We do not know when he actually went to prison, but he 23 F-Pan M. VI, , new source. The September 8 concert was announced in the August issue but no review appeared, implying a cancellation.

Maurepas advised him to follow the terms of the contract for the time being, but offered him some hope by inviting him to pay a visit at Versailles. On April 24 perhaps after some intervention by Maurepas , he and De Launoy renegotiated their partnership, shifting the entrepreneurial risk entirely to Philidor. Instead of splitting income and expense equally, they agreed that, retroactive to the beginning of , Philidor would bear all expense, pay De Launoy 2, livres per year in installments of livres per concert , and keep whatever net income remained.

Philidor agreed to pay back an extra 4, livres De Launoy had either lent him or paid in excess of his half-share, and De Launoy agreed to help Philidor with the approaching renewal of the concert privilege and to defer payment of the 4, livres until Easter and His new partner was Pierre Simard, a former artillery lieutenant. It begins with section on ticketing and cash 28 F-Pan M. Pierre, Histoire, 17 quotes the letter in full but misattributes it to the Lieutenant General de Police.

XXX, , new source. The lease has not been found, but is cited in M. La Recette des deniers sera faitte Journellement par un Receveur qui sera estably et choisy par les parties auxquelles il donnera Caution. Les Marques ou Billets seront recus a la porte de la salle du concert par une personne.

Pouront chacun des Sieurs Philidor et Simard faire entrer auxdits concerts gratis six personnes auxquelles ils donneront leurs Billets. The contract gave a forecast of annual expenses, summarized in table 1. Somehow, the payment to Bontemps was reduced to 2, livres. The redevance ballooned from 1, livres to 12, livres as a result of removing the prohibition on singing music with French words and the limitation to religious feast days. No amount was specified for the variable expenses as candles. Simard agreed to cover the first quarterly installment of the redevance and advance Philidor 6, livres to settle his affairs, to be repaid out of the profits of the concert.

Simard also gave Philidor 1, livres in cash as compensation for converting his own furniture and decorations into partnership assets; the partners agreed to share all other income and expense equally. They remodeled the hall and re-opened on December 20, Nor was remodeling an extravagance: Was he substituting because Philidor was ill or in jail?

Or was Simard evaluating him as a replacement for Philidor, an addition to the partnership, or as a replacement for Simard himself? It seems likely that this unusual event was somehow connected to a looming crisis.

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He had not the skills to carry it off himself, and so he left the practical problems for his successors. Simard — During the first Concert Spirituel partnership, De Launoy was a fermier, a passive investor who put up capital and expected a good rate of return. When the return did not materialize, he promptly cut his losses, transferring all risk to Philidor and setting up an installment-payment 36 Mercure, February , ; March , —; June , Philidor violated the agreement by finding a new backer, but De Launoy did not object because this made it more likely that he would get his money back.

Pierre Simard, like De Launoy, lacked a prior connection to the world of professional music- making. Simard does not appear to have been as important a personage as De Launoy, and his actions show that he had a genuine interest in the Concert Spirituel. When Philidor resigned, Simard recruited a new music director; later on, he filed two lawsuits to protect the organization. At the beginning and end of his enterprise, he was the sole proprietor. Perhaps he also expanded the field of bricolage through his friends and acquaintances.

His choice of Jean-Joseph Mouret — to direct the concerts was opportunistic: Simard announced the appointment by the end of July and signed a partnership agreement with Mouret on August 9. Simard, with the experiences of the Philidor era fresh in his mind, drew up a kinder contract than De Launoy. He knew that it was as useless to expect a musician with no steady income to pay into the partnership as it was to expect a retired soldier to sing a motet.

Simard took responsibility for all expenses, including payment of wages, remodeling and maintaining the concert hall, candles and heating, the redevance, and the payments to Bontemps. The contract made Mouret more than an employee, but less than an entrepreneur. If there was a profit, he would receive half the net not half the gross, as Philidor had , but he had no responsibility for losses.

In effect, this meant that they would meet and talk after every concert. They agreed to share out their profits on November first of each year. Mouret contributed one more element to the partnership not mentioned in the contract: He had been surintendant of the music of the duchesse de Maine, whose husband was the eldest son of Louis XIV and the marquise de Montespan, and indeed, had directed and composed music for her legendary grands nuits at Sceaux — It is believed that many of his cantatas and cantatilles, and all of his solo motets, were written for the Concert Spirituel.

He began with the cantatas and cantatilles, then added excerpts from his ballets and 44 Mercure, August , Mouret was an active and dedicated director; the terms faire chanter or faire executer in the concert reviews confirm that he personally beat time, as called for by the contract. Unlike Philidor, who recruited local performers, he brought in famous foreigners: They took place regularly from to the first part of , but went on hiatus after the Easter season ended, despite the specific permission in the lease. This distinctive title, two other stage works, and eight solo motets by Mouret appear on the Concert Spirituel music library inventory.

Pierre Mortier, ; reprint Geneva: Minkoff, , 42, Simard and Mouret tried to resume their weekly schedule, but gave up at the end of January The behind-the-scenes story is told in a complaint filed by Simard in Spread over the 89 concerts given in , the 12, livres would have represented only livres per concert, which could be covered by selling about 50 tickets.

But there were only 24 concerts spirituels per year, raising the per-concert cost of the lease considerably. With the additional costs of salaries, lighting, music copying, and the payment to Bontemps, the hall would have had to sell out on every concert to produce any net income. In July , an older problem resurfaced: She claimed Simard and Mouret should pay her what Philidor had owed to her husband: She gave the judges the only document she had in her possession—the June lease—and they promptly rendered judgment in her favor for 10, livres.

Simard and Mouret filed an opposition that was apparently successful, because the concerts continued even after the seizure went into effect on January 19, XXXI, , new source. They took statements from all the parties and overturned the earlier decision in July of Reading the Philidor-De Launoy partnership of June by itself, one gains the impression that Simard joined a pre-existing partnership, making him responsible for the previous debts. Pierre thought so, saying: De Launoy] was not alienated from his part of the privilege, he simply substituted parties. The missing document was cited the following year in the partnership agreement between Simard and Mouret: It merely required Simard to pay the widow a lump sum of 2, livres.

Alternatively, the court may have reasoned that if De Launoy paid 4, livres more than Philidor while they were splitting income and expenses equally, then Philidor should have reimbursed him only 2, In any case, Simard thought 12, livres was feasible because, even after three seasons under the new lease, he fought to keep it in force when he could have simply abandoned it. The new lease did, however, include something that was to have serious consequences: Previously Mouret had been protected from loss by his agreement with Simard, but he lost this protection when he signed the new contract, which read: The crisis came a year and a half later, when Mouret asked to be released from the partnership.

See the analysis in chapter 1 of the conflicts between early histories of the Concert Spirituel. XLII, new source contains an unsigned draft. Pierre does not specify the period for which payments were overdue. Thuret fasse saisir les effets qui sont dans la Salle des Thuilleries apartenants audit Sr. Simard timely paid the 3, livres due for the next three months May 15 to August 15, Barbou, , 2: Duchesne], , The two titles, however, belonged to two different 65 F-Pan O1 , , new source. Michel Brenet and Constant Pierre, writing in the prize competition, came to opposite conclusions.

Brenet thought it was the father, and Pierre, the son. The Concert Spirituel was no plum for an old man at the end of a long career. The job required a bricoleur seeking fame and fortune who would put forward new music and new performers: Young Rebel was on just such a career trajectory in A survivancier was someone who purchased or was given the right to succeed a royal officer upon his retirement or death. See chapter 1 regarding the prize competition.

Delagrave, — , If this was the case, then there is no conflict between the two titles given by the Mercure: The same document also lists a livre gratification for the Concert Spirituel, purpose unspecified. The answer to the question can be found in the Amelot manuscript: A cause des frais du Concert Sp[iritu]el Et Serenades. Rebel pour ses apoint. La succession Berger [September - October ] Daquin adds a delicious bit of partisan gossip: Je conviendrai pourtant que M. Rebel fils may have held the title and collected the salary, but delegated the work of running the Concert Spirituel to someone else.

Rebel ne pourra faire. There was no mention of Rebel in any concert review after the second season. There are two candidates for such an assistant conductor position. The abundance of his compositions and violin performances on the programs, starting in , implies that he was making the programming choices.

He was paid 1, livres per year for these services,81 more than Rebel earned as the nominal leader of the Concert Spirituel. He might have been expected to conduct his own motets. Since there was little else that required the services of a conductor, Rebel need not have been present at the concerts. Although newspaper announcements and contracts generally said that he took over the Concert Spirituel in , the author of the Amelot manuscript, who was clearly acquainted with him, insists that he took over in This is no mere slip of the pen, or a matter of an illegible date: En Le S.

Royer un nouveau Bail. Royer qui associa avec lui le S. Royer a fait homologuer son Bail au Conseil. The payments started sometime between and , since they were not mentioned in CO- see below but were in AJ13 8, IV. The two men were not always on friendly terms: Charpentier, , April 24, Christmas Day was the best-attended concert, but the August concert was also surprisingly well attended. In doing so, it should be noted that the records from the s give only the net profit; those from the s list gross income and expense, from which net profit can be calculated.

AJ13 8, folder V. Net profit for the Concert Spirituel, — Amounts are rounded down to the nearest livre. Figures that are not stated in the records but can be calculated mathematically have been marked with an asterisk. They show fairly regular payments to the ensemble musicians in , then delays of six months or more. The payments to the copyist, guards, and poster hangers were made with greater 89 F-Po CO, chapters 5 and 19, new source. Rebel, Blavet, and Lallemand were paid quarterly; their annual rates were , , and livres respectively. Mlle Eeremans, who sang in Latin perfectly and was paid 40 livres per concert.

Workers 0 Carpenters, machinists: The amounts are rounded down to the nearest livre. The Concert Spirituel component of these figures was 22, income and 14, expense for 17 concerts, a profit of about livres per concert. Arnoult, Soubra who did odd jobs and kept the keys to the concert hall , the frotteurs, and the tradesmen were probably the commis assistants listed in the income-and-expense reports.

The August and September concerts were cancelled in , and then again in , , and Perhaps the reason was not because of the summer heat, nor fear that the concerts would be unprofitable, but rather the growing problem of the unpaid salaries owed to the staff soloists, chorus and orchestra. His concerts occasionally included music with French words,96 but the number of concerts never increased. He sought the path of least resistance by choosing music that had been composed, copied, rehearsed, and performed elsewhere, and could be repeated at the Concert Spirituel at little extra cost or effort.

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When Rebel took over in , there was no hint of his eventual lassitude. He began energetically enough: Rebel also enlisted such unusual performers as women instrumentalists Mlles Taillart, flute; Hotteterre, violin; Levi, viol and child prodigies. His salaried status gave him better protection than Philidor and Mouret, so he could afford to experiment.

Unlike Mouret, he did not compose for the Concert Spirituel. Firmin Didot, — , 1: Once the Mondonville motets began to dominate the programs in , other composers were squeezed out: A process of repertorialization began: The new performers and works could have resulted from an informal agreement between Rebel and Royer that the latter would take over the concerts the following year. This would explain the appearance of a most uncharacteristic composition on June 2, Rebel would have had no reason to bring in new composers or repertoire at the very end of his tenure, but Royer would have wanted to test the waters before he signed the sort of contract that had proved the undoing of two previous entrepreneurs.

In , the Concert Spirituel had been the only public concert in Paris for at least a decade. The Agenda du voyageur had reported, in , that: De Laulne, , The Concert Spirituel programs grew more repetitious while attendance waned. Tickets cost between 2 and 6 livres, so at an average of 4 livres per ticket, a concert which drew only listeners generated only 1, livres in gross income. Champ Vallon, , 75— The duc de Luynes estimated that the costs for were more than 10, livres and the income was 20, livres 2: The Royers and Mondonville — By , the Concert Spirituel was no longer new; it had become one of the traditional amusements on the days the theaters were closed.

After awhile, the monopoly on public music making was no longer sufficient to fill the seats. The need to provide some kind of novelty—new decor, new performers, or new music— would soon make opportunism, creativity, and bricolage into some of the mainstays of programming. Born in Turin on May 12, , he was the son of a French hydraulic engineer who, after working on the garden projects at Versailles, was posted to the court of Savoy by Louis XIV. The family moved to back to Paris when Royer was an infant, but his connection to Savoyard and Italian culture would nevertheless become evident at a later date.

His father died when he was fourteen years old. CNRS, , 94— XLVII, , new source. He probably heard the first concerts spirituels and knew Philidor, Simard, and Mouret. He was a gifted voice teacher: Royer started out destitute; he could scarcely have earned enough from two operas to purchase court appointments and invest in the Concert Spirituel. LIX, and Jean-Marc Nattier, pastels of M. Carmontelle painted a portrait of their daughters.

This was the first time professional musicians financed the Concert Spirituel. The Royers had time to arrange it: He leased the Concert Spirituel to Royer on June 14, ; the liberal terms imply that he wanted to get rid of responsibility for it. Royer obtained a privilege for six years at 6, livres—half the former price—for each of the first three years and 7, for the others. If Royer built new furniture, he would receive credit for it when the lease ended.

Two undated paragraphs were appended, creating a partnership between Royer and Gabriel Capperan. XXXV, , a new source signed one month before the lease cited by Pierre. He was in poor health and had no discernable role in the performances. Perhaps Royer originally intended to finance the concerts himself, but offered Capperan a share to raise capital as the scope of the renovations grew.

This document revised the lease portion of the earlier agreement, but did not affect the appended partnership. Both documents were silent about performing music with French words; while Royer rarely took advantage of this omission, Mondonville used it when he introduced French oratorios in Upon his return, he offered Royer new incentives: Capperan was born in or F-Pan M. Simard had built loges along the walls in Royer proposed a multi-level structure that would triple the seating capacity along the perimeter of the hall.

The Salle des Cents Suisses was certainly big enough to accommodate such a tall structure, rising unimpeded for two stories within the central pavilion of the Tuileries. The November 1 concert was cancelled Spectacles de Paris, , 3. Royer rejected the strategy adopted by his predecessors for making the Concert Spirituel profitable. Instead of adding more concerts, he increased the seating capacity, generating more income per concert. He then took steps to fill these new seats by presenting new music and new performers. New performers had always commanded a crowd, but using new music for this purpose was a daring innovation see the final sections of chapter 5.

In , music was still the servant of words; it was not the main attraction at the opera, in church, or anywhere else. The focus on the grand motet was preserved, but in a unique way. Royer presented only two extra concerts Mercure, February , and December , 1: The program was a blend of old and new: The Adolfati motet and Tartini concerto were in the Italian galant style, but the contrast with French music was softened: He arranged his harpsichord pieces as concert symphonies—a new genre.

Symphonies soon displaced motets as the standard program openers, an innovation that influenced concerts all over Europe. Royer quickly put together a repertoire of French, German, and Italian symphonies, many of which were probably detached opera overtures. He also brought Italian arias back into the programs after a nine-year absence; not the baroque ones presented by Philidor, Simard, and Rebel, but galant showpieces composed by Hasse in Dresden and Jommelli in Stuttgart. Royer accumulated a library of motets, Italian arias, and symphonies in seven years that was nearly as large as what Rebel had collected in twice that time.

He installed an organ with a showy buffet at center stage fig. Daquin felt it necessary to explain the idea of making music the main attraction: Garnier, , 2: Angela Scholar New York: Cornell University Press, , —; updated in James R. Mercure de France, , 2: She formed a partnership with Capperan and Mondonville in time for the February 2 concert and strengthened her connection with Capperan by naming him guardian of her minor children.

Recherches Torrent9

He resigned from the Royal Chapel after a dispute over publishing his Spectacles de Paris, There was a partnership agreement dated January 31, , between Mme Royer, Mondonville, and perhaps Capperan. These works succeeded because of French interest in mimesis; although textual images were depicted musically in motets with Latin words, these touches were easier to appreciate in the vernacular. Royer premiered 40 choral motets in seven seasons; Mondonville, in a similar period, did only half as many. Despite this lack of resolve, the concerts continued their success.

There was always enough of an audience to enable the partners to pay the 9,livre redevance, thanks to the increased capacity of the concert hall. For the first time, there was competition for control of the Concert Spirituel. On February 10, , Dauvergne signed a lease, eighteen months before the expiration of the current lease.

Arthur Machen New York: Boni, , 2: Lambert, , —;. Mme Royer was more pragmatic: Her knowledge of the history of the concerts is evident: Philidor, Simard, Royer, and Mondonville may have been well-connected, but their Concert Spirituel leases were arms-length transactions. Naturally, they had long and untroubled tenures. Son of the first violin of the Concert de Clermont, Dauvergne came to Paris in and studied violin with Leclair. John Adamson, — , 1: It took effect on July 1, , at the end of the Royer lease, and ran for nine years.

Dauvergne gained minor improvements concerning indemnity if the king occupied the Tuileries: Neither he nor Capperan took an active role in the concerts; they merely invested capital and collected shares of the profits. Dauvergne provided himself with a 1,livre bonus in years when those profits exceeded 3, in recognition of his role as the sole active partner. Clearly, the Concert Spirituel had matured: Dauvergne claimed that Mondonville said: While much was made both in the eighteenth century and today of this shift from a floor- thumping batteur de mesure to a violinist conductor, a caveat is in order: Since the fire occurred at the end of the Easter fortnight, there was little effect on the Mercure, October , —; the reviewer had previously noted that the change gave the orchestra a better sound September , Mlle Schencker en mai ," Musique, images, instruments 1 , — He himself composed seven choral motets and an equal number of solo and duo motets for the Concert Spirituel, primarily in his second and third seasons.

These scores have not survived, so we cannot know whether his sacred style incorporated the Italianisms that had made his reputation in Les Troqueurs. The review of his first grand motet, a Te Deum, was positive: Dauvergne was the epigone of the ancient Lalande motet tradition. Dauvergne was not entirely bereft of ambition: In his first season, he replaced about half its members, and in the second, he eliminated the male sopranos. The traditional French five-voice chorus, dating back to Lalande, consisted of F-Pan O1 , pcs. The income for the first nine concerts was published in the Mercure, July , 1: Some of the programs were published in the Mercure and Avantcoureur.

Collin, , 2: The process began with an anonymous Miserere from the Royer library which bears names on the chorus parts that match the roster. In the years that followed, an increasing number of four-part choral works by Mathieu and Giroust were programmed alongside the traditional five-part repertoire. Like Royer, Dauvergne spent some of his creative energies on the development of young singers. His creative energies, such as they were, remained fully committed to the Concert Spirituel until at least , when he sponsored a competition in the tradition of the royal and provincial academies.

His announcement is a veritable definition of the ancient grand motet tradition: Les Juges seront M. On propose pour sujet du Motet, le Pseaume The names reflect the roster after the mass firings of the first season, but before the male dessus were sent away in the second season. The rosters in the Spectacles de Paris were retrospective: Berger- Levrault, , His citation should be corrected to read F-Pan O1 , The French scholarly prize tradition was still going strong years later when Constant Pierre wrote his Histoire du Concert spirituel for the prix Bordin competition.

Here was a test for vrai connoisseurs: There were more than two dozen entries. The judges selected three and gave each two performances in the opening week of the Easter concerts. This was pure persiflage: The mysterious donor offered a medal for setting the psalm Deus noster refugium, and a new donor offered medals worth and livres for setting J. The judges found only two motets and two odes worthy of performance. Reviewers Concours were a time-honored tradition in France.

Sorbonne, , — Jacob, an 9 , 7—8. The requirement for a choral fugue in the ode was objected to and eliminated a month later Avantcoureur, August 22, He had good reason: His conservative programming at the Concert Spirituel must have been a factor in their decision: The Maison du Roi naturally approved the decision, since it kept the old repertoire, representing the former glory of the monarchy, on the boards.

At the last minute, Pierre Montan Berton — and Jean-Claude Trial — snatched the plum from his hands, thanks to their patrons, the prince de Conti and the duc de Choiseul. Perdre little by little son cultural influence est normal for un pays qui becomes de plus en plus weak and decline depuis 40 years. Il y a de tout et pas simplement les 3 exemples que vous citez. Votre commentaire est on ne peut plus faux. Mais les e-books, pdf, DjVu, png sont devenus la principale source de lecture des comics et mangas. Si les mangas et les comics sont principalement lus au format PDF en France, c'est parce qu'il n'y a pratiquement pas d'import.

C'est ma faute, au temps pour moi, effectivement les QR codes datent de plus de 10 ans c'est vrai. Prenons l'exemple du guide touristique de Berlin: C'est beaucoup plus pratique. Et puis, on arrive devant le panneau: Dans ce cas, heureusement que "Monsieur Michelin" publie toujours ses cartes et guides avec plans de villes.

Manque de chance, boulevard impraticable because travaux sur la ligne de tramways! Auteur - Sa biographie. Charles Dudule Pourquoi "non marchant"? G 16 ans de retard sur les Etats-Unis? Oui c'est dans l'ordre des choses Paul Paulo Avant, on disait des bricoleurs.