La spada che canta (Bestseller Vol. 168) (Italian Edition)

Bonaventura is author of a longer treatise, the Brevis Collection Artis Musicae, ed. Albert Seay Colorado Springs: Ioannes Petrus de Lomatio, , book I. This seems to be an early reference to terminology that is usually associated with mid sixteenth-century theorists such as Glareanus.

Heredi di Bartol[omeo] Cochi, ; facs. Bartolomeo Magni, , which I have not seen, might make an interesting to comparison with his Cantorino. Essays on Italian Music in the Cinquecento, ed. Frederick May Foundation, , 51— Oxford University Press, , esp. Battista Gargano e Lucretio, In Zacconi published a seconda parte of the Prattica Prattica di musica seconda parte. Alessandro Vicenti, ] , concerned chiefly with new developments in counterpoint.

Both volumes are available in facsimile Bologna: A Pedagogical Style in Words and Deeds. See specifically 10 Is that what Guido intended? Were older methods of learning discarded? Simply put, the syllables, viewed in the context of their self-contained six-note segment, embody all essential pitch principles. In directing his singers to internalize the proprietas or property of every pitch by means of this vehicle, Guido called into play both sensory perception and intellect.

Boethius had defined a musicus as someone who understood the principles of music and who could judge composition and performance, while a performer was a mere practitioner. Because the Church needed performers of chant i. Given his task, Guido had little use for the speculative inquiries of the musicus, for he needed to train boys to sing chant as efficiently as possible. Guido wrote four treatises: The Prologus passage is relevant for this study: Great is the gap between musicians and singers; the latter talk about what music comprises, while the former understand these things.

For he who does what he does not understand is termed a beast. He wanted a singer to be independent of a teacher and, ultimately, to be able to sight-sing any melody. To this end he promoted, in all four of his treatises, notational and pitch-training devices that superseded the rote learning methods on which musicians had hitherto relied.

In his Micrologus, Regule, and Epistola, Guido stated that one must learn the pitch system of seven letters and reinforce this with an understanding of their location on the monochord. The next step was to learn intervals. In the earlier two treatises, Guido said that one should hammer out the intervals on the monochord until they are impressed on the memory. He implied that if one has learned intervals well in the abstract, retaining them in the memory, then the sounding of a new melody at the monochord would be consciously or unconsciously perceived as a succession of intervals rather than of isolated pitches, thus aiding the ear.

Hymn Ut queant laxis, as presented by Guido in the Epistola. Thus, learning a new song would still require memorizing its specific succession of intervals, but now geared to a focal point. In the earlier Micrologus, Guido certainly understood the concept of a focal point when he explained that one could recognize a mode by hearing the tones immediately preceding the final chap. Immediately following Ut queant laxis, he offered a didactic exercise Alme rector see example 2. It allows one to practice intervals in relationship to a given tone, in a systematic order—for example, an ascending second, third, fourth, and fifth from D, and so forth.

A didactic exercise Alme rector, as presented by Guido in the Epistola. At the moment of sight-reading or hearing a new song, the singer perceives and recognizes the property of a tone and thus acts knowingly, although this knowledge is not of the detailed acoustical-theoretical sort that was fostered by Pythagorean writers. Returning to example 2. If someone, thus trained, knows the beginning of every phrase so that he can without hesitation immediately begin any phrase he chooses, he will easily be able to sing the same six pitches according to their properties wherever they appear.

Also, when you hear any neume that has not been written down, consider which of these phrases is better adapted to its ending, so that the final pitch of the neume and the beginning of the phrase may be of the same pitch. Then, given that one knows that phrase of Ut queant laxis well, one can more easily learn the new melody, which would presumably have the same arrangement of intervals around its final pitch.

However, interpreting Guido literally is problematic. The phrase beginning on D lacks an adequate amount of surrounding interval motion to differentiate it from G—both ascend only a second, whereas it takes an ascent of a third to distinguish them. One has to consider D in relationship to the whole six-note segment ut—la in order to understand its tonal property. A possible scenario in practice would be: Sing all of Ut queant laxis, then start over and stop when you get to the first tone of the second phrase.

One can take this discussion a step further and reflect on the degree to which Guido retained traditional associative melodies such as Primum querite as a means of identifying the mode of a chant. After he presents intervals and related tones, Guido takes the phrase Tu Patris sempiternus es Filus from the Te Deum and presents it at four different pitch levels. But he has now linked that concept to mode: If one changes a melody to a different pitch, one changes the proprietas, and therefore, one changes the mode. The next connection is also of interest: So, it ought to be considered carefully regarding every song according to which kind of property it sounds, whether at the beginning or at the end, although we are accustomed to speak only of the end.

Certain neumes have been invented, by whose shape we are accustomed to observe this, as for example: Primum querite regnum Dei. Secundum autem simile est huic. For, when after some chant has ended, you see that this neume agrees well with that ending, you recognize at once that that chant ending is in the first mode. But Guido here links the formulas to the preceding discussion of proprietas: He thus points out a complementary relationship between this associative method of modal identification familiar to singers and his intervallic way of thinking related to proprietas; he encourages using the modal formulas with some recognition of the principles behind them—that is, in an informed way.

But to use it effectively, he would have to understand its core information: We return to the earlier hypothetical scenario: Take a new melody that ends on D. We can extrapolate from what Guido explicitly says to this model of musical understanding. He had integrated them into his theory of pitch property instead of discarding them altogether. He could perhaps be considered conservative for doing so, but I prefer to think of this as a practical pedagogical solution.

By retaining a feature of traditional training, he was able to adapt what his singers already knew, rather than start from scratch with a new method. Undoubtedly Guido encouraged a greater reliance on intervallic hearing and reading in the Epistola than he had in the Micrologus. He may have envisioned an eventual learning state in which the melodic formulas were unnecessary.

In the meantime his preference, as expressed to Brother Michael, was that his singers use his Ut queant laxis melody, which neatly and succinctly embodies all pitch properties in one device. Beginning in the ninth century and with a second wave in the eleventh, thinkers debated how to understand the Eucharist, that is, whether the bread and wine are the body and blood of Christ in veritate in truth or merely in figura symbolically.

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So, in the case of the Eucharist, the bread and wine are apprehended as such exteriorly by the senses; but they assume spiritual significance as the body and blood of Christ only interiorly, that is, the mind interprets them as symbols. Boethius, who was known throughout the Middle Ages, comments on the interrelationship of language with sense, imagination, and understanding. For intellections rest on the foundation of sense and imagination, like a fully colored painting on the backdrop of a pencil sketch. When a thing is seized by the sense or imagination, the mind first creates a mental image of it; later, a fuller understanding emerges as the hitherto confused pictures are sifted and coordinated.

But these very products of the mind generate intellections in their wake: For instance, if one sees a sphere or a square, one grasps its shape in the mind. But one also reflects on the likeness while it is in the mind, and, having experienced this mental process, readily recognizes the object when it reappears. Every image mediated by the senses is capable of generating a likeness of this type.

The mind, when it engages in understanding, reasons through such forms. Ut queant laxis and Alme rector. See Oxford Music Online: Teubner, , —25; trans. Bower, in Fundamentals of Music New Haven: Norton, , — Institute of Mediaeval Music, , Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade, ed. Francke, , ; see also pp. Three Medieval Treatises, ed.

Warren Babb New Haven: Yale University Press, , 57— The Micrologus usage is less relevant to the present discussion: In omni enim arte valde plura sunt que nostro sensu cognoscimus, quam ea que a magistro didicimus. Lewis, A Latin Dictionary Oxford: Clarendon Press, , — Verlagsanstalt, defines sensus as intellectus, while intellectus, in turn, includes sensory perception and mental understanding, as well as moral consciousness.

Nam qui facit quod non sapit, diffinitur bestia. The original here is: The hymn Ut queant laxis as Guido described it now appears in chant-books for the Nativity of St. The text was associated with eight different liturgical melodies through the twelfth century, but none matches the Guidonian profile. Although there is no conclusive evidence, scholars infer that Guido composed the melodic version of the hymn as we know it. The rubrics found next to each phrase inform us whether or not the intervallic configuration of that particular phrase can be found at more than one starting pitch.

See discussion of related tones in ibid. The Pythagorean number information could add another level of meaning for some people and Guido acknowledged the utility of learning it, but not in the context of singing. Si quis itaque uniuscuiusque particule caput ita exercitatus noverit, ut confestim quamcumque particulam voluerit, indubitanter incipiat, easdem sex voces ubicumque viderit secundum suas proprietates facile pronuntiare poterit.

Audiens quoque aliquam neumam sine descriptione, perpende que harum particularum eius fini melius aptetur, ita ut finalis vox neume et principalis particule equisone sint. Model antiphons beginning Primum querite provided another way to identify mode; of unknown origin, they were introduced with the intonation formulas and ultimately displaced them. Quedam enim neume reperte sunt, quarum aptitudine hoc solemus advertere, utpote: Cum enim finito aliquo cantu hanc neumam in eius fine bene videris convenire, statim cognoscis quia cantus ille finitus sit in primo modo.

Thorbecke, , — Princeton University Press, Brower and Kevin Guilfoy Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , discusses how a mnemonic structure can have heuristic value as an elementary device for retaining and recollecting materials, yet not necessarily hermeneutic value as an interpretation of their meaning. It remains unclear, however, whether Guido required the written component at an early stage of learning, or whether he may have considered the oral use of Ut queant laxis and Alme rector to be sufficient.

Moreover, many of the primary sources we work with—especially if our research is oriented toward intellectual history—have some didactic purpose. One might therefore assume that an examination of music pedagogy in a well-researched period such as the Carolingian era would be a relatively easy task. That proves to be an incorrect assumption. The mere fact that one occupies oneself with music as a part of the intellectual history of the Middle Ages does not mean that one actually knows what was taught on that subject in monastic and cathedral schools in the eighth and ninth centuries.

We can know what was recommended to be taught, and we can gain some idea of what teaching materials were available—but finding out what was actually taught about music in Carolingian schools is no easy matter. The present study will briefly address each of these issues in order to gain some insight into the nature and character of music instruction during the Carolingian era. Atkinson attached to the founding of schools and give us information as to their functions. The first of these is the Admonitio generalis issued by Charlemagne to the Frankish clergy in see text I. Et ut scolae legentium puerorum fiant.

Psalmos, notas, cantus, compotum, grammaticam per singula monasteria vel episcopia et libros catholicos bene emendate [thus in three mss; emendent in one, emendatos in ten others]; quia saepe, dum bene aliqui [aliquid in three mss] Deum rogare cupiunt, sed per inemendatos libros male rogant. Et pueros vestros non sinite eos legendo vel scribendo corrumpere; et si opus est euangelium, psalterium et missale scribere, perfectae aetatis homines scribant cum omni diligentia.

Capitularia Regum Francorum, no. Karoli epistola de litteris colendis: Notum igitur sit Deo placitae devotioni vestrae, quia nos una cum fidelibus nostris consideravimus utile esse, ut episcopia et monasteria nobis Christo propitio ad gubernandum commissa praeter regularis vitae ordinem atque sanctae religionis conversationem etiam in litterarum meditationibus eis qui donante Domino discere possunt secundum uniuscuiusque capacitatem docendi studium debeant impendere. Quamvis enim melius sit bene facere quam nosse, prius tamen est nosse quam facere.

Doubtless good works are better than great knowledge, but without knowledge it is impossible to do good. Here, the door is opened to virtually all of ancient learning, with a more complete understanding of the Bible as the primary goal see text III: Hortamur vos litterarum studia non solum non negligere, verum etiam humillima et Deo placita intentione ad hoc certatim discere, ut facilius et rectius divinarum scripturarum mysteria valeatis penetrare. Cum autem in sacris paginis schemata, tropi et cetera his similia inserta inveniantur, nulli dubium est quod ea unusquisque legens tanto citius spiritualiter intellegit, quanto prius in litterarum magisterio plenius instructus fuerit.

We urge you not only not to neglect the study of [ancient] literature, but indeed to learn it eagerly, with humble and devout attention to God, so that you may be able to penetrate more easily and correctly the mysteries of the divine scriptures. Since figures of speech, tropes and the like may be found within the sacred pages, there can be no doubt that anyone reading them can more quickly understand them spiritually to the extent to which he has first been fully instructed in the mastery of [non-spiritual] literature.

But first their students had to learn the basics, and the most basic discipline of all was learning to read and write according to the rules of grammar. An early medieval tract on education, De commendatione cleri, which is preserved in the Vatican Library Pal. To mispronounce a word in the liturgy or to use the wrong case ending, as Gunzo of Novara learned, was to reveal oneself as uneducated. Fortunately, we are not without resources here. We know from ninth-century library catalogues, such as those at Reichenau and St. Our two best sources of information here are first, the manuscripts that were scored for reading aloud, as Leonard Boyle has pointed out,14 and second—and perhaps most important—those texts that received glosses or commentaries by Carolingian schoolmasters.

Hactenus de iuncturis; nunc de fastigio videamus. Dialogus de musica of Pseudo-Odo, that present the fundamentals of music progressively ordered in dialogue form. I have chosen to present them in this order, in keeping with the chronology presented by Marie Elizabeth Duchez. In a series of articles published during the s and s, Duchez posited three stages in the reception of ancient texts and their assimilation into musical discourse by scholars in the Carolingian era.

As some assert, accent is the soul of utterance and the seedbed of music seminarium musices , because every melody is composed of elevation or depression of the voice. Thus accentus is called ad-cantus, so to speak [i. Its musical implications are underscored particularly forcefully by a passage from Leiden F. In the glosses here: The text itself reads as in gloss II. IX, 3rd quarter ; fol.

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Ergo si libet tibi, ut ex gravioribus tropis alterum formes, praeparandum est opus aut fistula aut fidibus et caetera, aut etiam voce, similiter fide acutis. Thus, if you wish to form another melody? What the glossator seems to say in this reading is that if one adapts a melody to instruments or composes a new melody, one must employ both low and high pitches. Constat autem omnis modulatio ex grauitate soni uel acumine. These, therefore, are the sounds with which melody [modulatio] is aptly and rationally composed.

Every melody consists of depth or height of sound. That which is called depth soothes by a certain relaxation of the mode; height is that which is projected in the sharp compression of a high, thin melody. Atkinson This reading is supported, or at least not contradicted, by the glosses of both John Scottus and Remigius on section Commentary of Remigius of Auxerre from Lutz, ed.

Constat autem omnis modulatio ex grauitate soni id est ex inaequalibus, uel acumine. Omnis modulatio ex inaequalibus constat. Si enim aliter fuerit, iam non erit modulatio. Grauitas dicitur quae modi id est soni quadam emissione id est descensione, remissione vel productione mollescit dulcescit, remittitur. Every melody consists of depth or height of sound that is, of unequal [varying] sounds.

Depth soothes sweetens, lowers, by a certain relaxation i. But there is yet another passage in Martianus with which this gloss can be associated. It is section of De nuptiis, in which Martianus sets out the fifteen tropes or transposition scales for the first time. This section appears in text V b. Tropi vero sunt XV, sed principales quinque, quibus bini tropi cohaerent.

There is the Lydian, with which the hypolydian and the hyperlydian are conjoined; the Ionian, with which the hypoionian and the hyperionian are conjoined; the Aeolian, and with it the hypoaeolian and the hyperaeolian; the Phrygian, and with it the hypophrygian and the hyperphrygian; and the Dorian, with the hypodorian and the hyperdorian.

In her book Harmony and the Music of the Spheres, Mariken Teeuwen relates gloss II to the theory of the fifteen tropes, translating the commentary as follows: First [you compose] the melodic material in your mind, at the same time for both the high region and the low region. Thus, if it pleases you to form a different melody out of the lower modes—the work has to be adapted for a flute or stringed instrument et cetera, or even for the human voice—then [you can make] the same melody for a high string. Moreover, nothing like it appears in the commentaries of John Scottus and Remigius of Auxerre for either section or The case of gloss II is one in which our own knowledge does not extend as far as that of the students to whom this passage was taught.

Inasmuch as their teacher the glossator would have presented it to them as he intended, for them the proper referent of the gloss in question was undoubtedly not a mystery. And if it was, in fact, being used as a note of instruction on the composition of two-part organum, it shows us that in certain instances the glosses could go beyond explicating the classical text and into the realm of contemporaneous practice. Atkinson De institutione musica, book IV. This is a gloss appearing in the ninth-century manuscript clm of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, a source from the monastery of St.

Emmeram, reproduced as gloss IV. Commentary in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm. Diagram in Friedlein, ed. Fundamentals of Music [New Haven: Yale University Press], Autenti proti primitus incipit in parhypate meson genere diatoni diapente proportione. Deinde in hypate meson descendit transito semitonio. Deinde in lychanos hypaton tono transit, post hoc iterum redit tono in hypate meson. Deinde remigrat iterum in lychanos hypaton per tonum et inde se deflectit in proslambanomenos duobus tonis et dimidio. Plagis proti incipit ubi autenti desinit, i.

Ex hinc iterum surgit in proslambanomenos et vadit inde in lychanos hypaton chromatico genere. Post hoc transit in proximum hemitonium ad hypate meson a lychanos hypaton eiusdem generis, i. Translated into pitches but ignoring the chromatic genus , this becomes: It moves back to the lychanos hypaton by tone, and then descends to the proslambanomenos by two tones and a semitone. Clearly, this gloss has nothing to do with the ancient Greek tonoi as described in Boethius.

It is important nevertheless: Both are important components of a new theory of tonus in the Carolingian era, that of the so-called church tones or modes. The theory and practice of these would become one of the most important preoccupations of Carolingian schoolmasters and choirmasters in the years to come. What I hope to have shown in this essay is that both grammatical and musical texts of antiquity, as exemplified here in the works of Martianus Capella and Boethius, did indeed become objects of study in Carolingian schools. Starting with manuscripts from the first part of the ninth century, we see that Carolingian schoolmasters such as Martin of Laon and Remigius of Auxerre, made concentrated attempts to understand and explain concepts such as accentus, seminarium musices, sonus, tropus, etc.

At the same time, their commentaries could not help but reflect—and in turn influence—the milieu in which they were written and the directions in which musical thought was heading. As these glosses show, I believe, the study of grammar and the study of music in Carolingian schools were closely intertwined.

Both informed each other and both were to prove important ingredients in the musical ferment of the Carolingian period and beyond. Notes This chapter is based on my presentation at the Baltimore conference, Reading and Writing the Pedagogies of the Renaissance: It is expanded in my book, The Critical Nexus: Oxford University Press, Laaber Verlag, , — Strictly translated, the beginning of the second sentence of the text should read: Cambridge University Press, , —57, makes a tacit emendation of his own, combining the first two sentences see In his translation, the first part reads: David Hiley, Western Plainchant: Unless otherwise indicated, all translations in this essay are my own.

The Latin text, with my emphasis, is from R. Mynors, Cassiodori Senatoris Institutiones Oxford: Clarendon, , 4, 42; the translation is by James W. Liverpool University Press, Cornell University Press, , 28—40, here Leopold Wallach, Alcuin and Charlemagne: Cornell University Press, , — Wallach thinks that it was written ca. The document was initially addressed to Baugulf, Abbot of Fulda, but was later issued as a circular letter under the title De litteris colendis. Oxford University Press, , — The passage is on pages and respectively. Glauche feels that this passage is a call not just for the study of literature litterae , but of the liberal arts altogether.

Lebenswerk und Nachleben, vol. Das geistige Leben, ed. Schwann, , 28—41, see esp. In a letter to Charlemagne from late or early Alc. Gunzo made a visit to St. Gall in in the company of Otto I. He was derided by a young monk possibly Ekkehard II for using the accusative instead of the ablative case at one point in his conversation.

He took his revenge in a letter to the monks at Reichenau, belittling his St. Gall critic and demonstrating his own learnedness. Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, vol. Beck, , vol. Brepols, , 8— Brill, , — Walter De Gruyter, Brill, ], —83, esp. Mediaeval and Renaissance Latin Translations and Commentaries. Annotated Lists and Guides, ed. Paul Oskar Kristeller, F. Both Contreni and Teeuwen express strong reservations as to the putative authorship of Martin.

Teeuwen Harmony, —, and Apud Ludovicus Elzevirium, , II: I use Meibom here because his text for this section of the treatise is the same as that found in the two manuscripts. Related to this and the following discussion, consider the gloss on Boethius, De institutione musica I,8, which presents the definition of sonus, as it appears in the eleventh-century manuscript Paris, BNF lat. Sonus casus vocis dicitur, i. Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, —], I: A low pitch has a soothing effect because of the slackening of its sound; a high pitch, on the other hand, is due to the tightening and raising of the music to a thin and shrill sound.

Medieval Academy of America, , Chailley, Alia musica, — For the most part, however, these texts do not offer much insight into the social context and institutional setting of practical musical training, the roles and responsibilities of teachers, the practical organization of instruction or the times and places in which it took place. For such pragmatic aspects of medieval musical education one must often turn to materials outside the corpus of music theory, such as customaries and glossed hymnaries, that offer insight into our pedagogical past.

Monastic customaries constitute the single most important source for reconstructing the process by which students in the central Middle Ages learned to read and sing. Varied in length and scope, these texts contain a wealth of information on all aspects of life in a monastery, including innumerable details on the performance of the liturgy.

Nevertheless, the account of monastic communities in many customaries is so detailed as to appear to be descriptive as well as prescriptive. For the present purpose of studying medieval musical education, customaries reflect teaching methods that seem to have been common to a great number of different institutions, as is suggested by a comparison with didactic texts of the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

Monastic customaries show that the musical education of child oblates was an integral part of their larger monastic formation, which consisted of learning appropriate behavior by imitating the older monks. The divine office, which occupied most of the hours of each day, afforded oblates and novices the opportunity to learn not only how to sing and to read, but also how to hold themselves, as well as how to bow and to process.

Another aspect of the liturgy that had to be learned was the order in which monks sang and read, which was based on a hierarchy determined by the date of entry into the monastery. Teachers worked closely with the child oblates in several daily sessions during which the chant was learned by ear, first by listening and then by repeating after their teachers, as is stated in a Cluniac customary written by Ulrich of Zell in the late s: The armarius corrected the liturgical books, looked after the library, and was ultimately responsible for the education of oblates as well as for the organization of the liturgy.

However, the armarius was too busy to administer all of the requisite teaching, so child oblates were trained first by an assistant before the armarius listened to their chants and readings. For assistance [the precentor] is given a brother of demonstrable talent who is called the succentor. For the master of the school is the guardian of the children. Careful in every study of chants and in daily practice, he arranges the definitions of the tones and differentiae of the psalms, and is accustomed to propel to the chapter those who treat the divine office negligently.

Manuscript sigla of eleventh-century continental hymnaries with Latin glosses. Thereafter, as far as one can tell from customaries, the duties of the armarius and cantor appear to have been combined. Elementary education consisted of learning to read and sing the psalms and hymns. An early prescription for this first phase of training appears in the Murbach Statutes of , preliminary acts to the synod of Aachen that described the school reforms of Abbot Atto of Reichenau. These statutes stipulated that students should begin with the psalms, hymns, and canticles, proceed to the Benedictine rule, and from there to the scriptures and patristic writings.

The glosses in the twelve manuscripts listed here can be grouped into several general categories pertaining to lexicon, grammar, syntax, encyclopedic knowledge, scriptural references, meter, textual criticism, style, doctrine, and liturgical theology. The two hymnaries of Iberian provenance H and Si are distinct from the other manuscripts, each containing a unique set of lexical and grammatical glosses.

The two hymnaries from Moissac M1 and M2 transmit essentially the same lexical and grammatical glosses as well as a few longer encyclopedic glosses. DGC contain the most complex tradition, including all gloss types and some categories not found in the other manuscripts. Glosses on Primo dierum omnium. A synoptic transcription of glosses on just the first two strophes of Primo dierum omnium, the hymn for the office of Matins on Sundays in winter, furnishes examples of almost all the types of commentary used to explain hymn texts in eleventh-century manuscripts.

The glosses on primo and quo are all grammatical in nature, identifying the use of the ablative and the implied superlative in the word primus. Lexical glosses provide more common equivalents for relatively unusual words. Here, the lexical glosses on words such as extat, conditus, conditor, pulsis, procul, torporibus, and otius constitute a basic vocabulary lesson and also manifest the tendency to exploit common words for the purpose of introducing synonyms.

For instance, the word pulsis is glossed variously with fugatis, eiectis, preiectis, abiectis, and expulsis, in some cases with two different terms in the same gloss. For such is its sense, but the order of words is: On the first of all days on which the world was made, or on which Christ arose, and liberated us from death, let us all rise, having driven torpors far away, that is, having repelled laziness and sleepiness from us. Another type of commentary found only in these three manuscripts is the theological gloss, which includes interpretations of the kind applied to biblical exegesis.

The subsequent gloss, found only in C, refers both to the allegorical association of Sunday with the Resurrection and to its eschatological sense as a weekly prefiguration of the Last Judgment. While glossed manuscripts of Latin school texts have traditionally been considered direct witnesses to medieval teaching methods,15 their pedagogical function has been called into question.

Some scholars, particularly specialists in the glossed manuscripts of Anglo-Saxon England such as Michael Lapidge, have challenged the assumption of a close connection between glossed manuscripts and the actual practice of teaching. Glossed hymnaries could have been used by students for individual study as well. Prescriptions for liturgical training in monastic customaries from the eleventh and early twelfth centuries indicate some use of hymnaries and other books in private study.

A Cluniac customary from the s, and an early twelfth-century one from Fruttuaria, both provide for silent reading practice, or the memorization of psalms and hymns, during the celebration of Mass. The Fruttuaria customary notes that novices were lent a psalter and hymnary which they could keep for up to a year, presumably to facilitate their memorization of the psalms and hymns. Primo dierum omnium quo mundus extat conditus uel quo resurgens conditor nos morte uicta liberat [1 [2 [3 [4 On the first of all days on which the created world exists and on which the creator, rising again, liberates us, death having been vanquished, pulsis procul torporibus surgamus omnes ocius et nocte queramus pium sicut prophetam nouimus.

In hoc hymno quem sanctus Ambrosius pulchra satis serie composuit, in prima sui In this hymn, which St. Est autem de die resurrectionis Domini compositus, quem diem dominicum uocamus, quia in ipso Dominus diabolum destructa morte triumphauit, atque suum releuauit atro de funere corpus. And it is composed about the Resurrection, which we call the day of the Lord, since on that very day the Lord triumphed over the Devil, death having been destroyed, and unveiled his body from black death.

And he exhorts us on this day of the Resurrection of the Lord to hasten with cheerful minds and ready steps and rise to the praise of God. That is, day; Primus is a superlative and therefore here it is joined to the genitive 2] QUO: Est enim talis sensus, sed uerborum ordinatio: On the first of all days on which the world was made, or on which Christ arose, and liberated us from death, let us all rise, having driven torpors far away, that is, having repelled laziness and sleepiness from us CREATED: Qui ad celebrandum diuinum offitium uel obsequium festinat, necesse est ut a se omnem somnolentiam et torporem repellat.

Octauum enim est in ordine dierum in quo Christus a mortuis significat autem illius diei gaudium qui non habet finem in quo omnes resurgemus. Domine ne, quia totus de illa ultima generali resurrectione cantatur. Qui ad celebrandum diuinum obsequium surgere festinat necesse est ut a se omnem somnolentiam et torporem repellat.

One who hastens to the Divine Office about to be celebrated or to obedience, must cast out all somnolence and slowness from himself. Otherwise the Lord whom he seeks, he will not be able to find; Sunday is full of sacraments, for it is in the foundation of things, the first of all days, since it is on that day that the world was made, and similarly the learned say that the world will end on that same [day].

For [the fact that] it is the eighth in the order of days on which Christ [rose] from the dead signifies the joy of that day which has no end, on which we shall all rise again. Whence the sixth psalm is written in place of the eighth: One who hastens to the Divine Office about to be celebrated must cast out all somnolence and slowness from himself.

Memor fui in nocte nominis tui, et item Media nocte surgebam, et inuocat Extollite manus uestras in sanctam, et item Memor fui tui super stratum meum, unde et beati Gregorii de quodam legimus qui postquam aliquantulo sopore corpus reficisset circa mediam pene noctem surgebat, et uigilans orabat. Gregory about a certain person who, after he had refreshed his body with sleep for a little while, arose around the middle of the night and, keeping vigil, was praying.

The Medieval Cluniac Customs, ed. Susan Boynton and Isabelle Cochelin Turnhout: Brepols, , 29— Wesleyan University Press, , 3— Carolyn Muessig and George Ferzoco Leicester: Leicester University Press, , 7— Schmitt, , Nam scole magister est acceptor infantum.

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In omni studio cantilenarum et cotidiana cura tonorum diffinitiones et psalmorum distinctiones providus disponit et divinum officium negligenter tractantes propellare in capitulo solet. Schmitt, , — Postquam uero in istis probabiliter educati fuerint, ad artem litteraturae et spirituales se transferant flores. Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, , 16— Attridge and Margot E.

Society of Biblical Literature, , 61— Most Christian commentators on the Psalms also associated the figure of David with the entire book of Psalms, an assumption that is attested in the third century, when the psalms were taking on increased importance in Christian worship, a role that was greatly enhanced by the influence of desert monasticism. Nancy van Deusen Albany: State University of New York Press, , 43— Leicester University Press, , 99— Classbook or Library Book? Osmont, , Reformation ideals had been circulating in parts of the kingdom since the fifteenth century, but heretics were dealt with swiftly.

In the midst of political turmoil, his fiery preaching at Perth and St.

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Andrews led to rioting and, within months, the Scottish Reformation was concluded. The effects of the Reformation were immediate and, for music and music education, disastrous: Of an estimated fifty-eight pre-Reformation song schools, only two continued functioning in the aftermath of the Act of Indeed, Reformed attitudes toward music were ambivalent. James Melville, nephew of the leading Reformer Andrew Melville, enjoyed taking part in musical activities at St.

The new Protestant regime required for its music nothing more than simple metrical psalm tunes, and the obligatory participation of a largely illiterate congregation necessitated a precentor to lead the singing. In those few towns with song schools, the precentor and master of the school were one and the same, and always male. Some even acted as bailiffs, collecting fines imposed by the kirk session on local sinners, including thieves and fornicators.

Masters might be censured by either civic or kirk authority if the need arose. Kirk sessions were naturally concerned that masters should live godly lives; burgh councils were more interested in their talents as musicians and teachers. The two qualities did not always go hand in hand: Andrews, and Stirling; other large towns very likely followed suit. To erect and sett vp ane sang scuill with ane maister sufficient and able for instructioun of the yowth in the said science of musik. Most, if not all, burghs without a song school made provision for music education in their grammar schools.

King James continued his policy of promoting music by making sizeable gifts toward the maintenance of song schools in Elgin and Musselburgh; and his consort, Queen Anne, supported the music school in Dunfermline, an ancient seat of royal residence. No information is extant before To aid comparison, sums of merks have been converted into pounds, shillings, and pence.

Fergusson, , David Douglas; and Dundee: William Kidd, , Alexander Gardner, , Carnegie Dunfermline Trust, , Publications of the Scottish Burgh Records Society, , Publications of the New Spalding Club, , 1: From the Manuscripts of Professor C. Sanford Terry edited with an introduction by Harry M. Publications of the Third Spalding Club, , 2: Publications of the New Spalding Club, , 2: Smart, History of Perth Academy Perth: Reading was probably taught in all Scottish schools, even if not specifically listed in indentures—the promotion of literacy with, of course, the ultimate goal of reading the scriptures was the single greatest educational advance of the post-Reformation era.

The school day lasted eight or nine hours, beginning at 6 or 7 am and ending at 6 pm with breaks of one hour in the morning 9—10 am and two hours at lunchtime 12—2 pm. Stipulated daily activities included the saying of prayers and the catechism, Bible reading, and the singing of psalms. Simple four-part psalm and canticle harmonizations by David Peebles fl. They would certainly have used their own psalm-settings in the churches where they precented, and in the schools where they taught.

I lerned of him the gam, plean-song, and monie of the treables of the Psalmes [i. This is not an isolated reference to an apparently anachronistic subject. Thair enfants sang and barnelie brudis, Quho had bot new begun the mudis. All sorts of instruments wer thair, As sindry can the same declair. And sum on lutis did play and sing, Of Instruments the onely King. O Pan amang sick pleasant plais, Thy rustik pipe can haue na prais.

These subjects, along with figuration and countering, were taught to preReformation choristers in both England and Scotland.

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All of them require the singing and study of plainchant—clearly, this was not anathema in the new Calvinist Scotland, provided the chants were sung outside church and, presumably, without their Latin texts. Davidson succeeded Andrew Melville his brother-in-law as master of the music school in New Aberdeen —ca. Tuition on organ, viol, and possibly shawm and flute, is likely to have been available in those towns with prestigious music schools including Aberdeen, Glasgow, and Edinburgh from the mid to late sixteenth century onwards.

The contents of his music book—keyboard pieces by William Kinloch fl. Under the terms of the act, it became incumbent upon burghs to secure the services of well-qualified music teachers and, on at least two occasions in and , musicians of the Chapel Royal were employed to examine potential music school masters. The best of them are therefore found moving from one town to another on the promise of better terms of employment. Schools in Aberdeen were visited quarterly. School pupils then as now were capable of gross indiscipline and even violence.

Income from additional work such as wakes and civic entertainments varied considerably from town to town, and this may have been another factor contributing to the propensity of music school masters to move from one area to another. In addition to their wages and outside income, some school masters also received perquisites, including free house rent and victual.

By now, most music school masters were earning a basic salary at least equal to that of a skilled craftsman,67 and these earnings would have been substantially augmented by schollage and other additional income. The chart shows that basic wages continued to rise dramatically in some cases during the first thirty to forty years of the seventeenth century, but tailed off during the s, the period of civil war.

Each of these three events is likely to have caused civic and ecclesiastical authorities to review the remuneration rates of their musician employees, with the intention of improving the quality of local musical activity. Thus, the history of Scottish music education during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is closely bound up with that of church and state. After a period of great instability following the Reformation, song schools were reopened and effectively secularized by being brought under burgh control.

But the schools retained some ecclesiastical connections: The masters of music schools as they began to be called more widely attained professional status. By the middle of the seventeenth century, music school masters were well-paid and highly regarded individuals within their communities.

They were well educated: Between and , twenty-one Scots Lutheran martyrs were burned at the stake and many more were exiled; Michael Lynch, Scotland: A New History London: Pimlico, , McNeill and Hector L. The Burgh Accounts Edinburgh: Publications of the Scottish History Society, , Andrew Kemp was master of the song school in St. Publications of the Wodrow Society, , Oliver and Boyd, , , Oxford University Press, , General Register House, , 3: Here and elsewhere in this essay, italicized letters within words in quotations from manuscript indicate letters which are to be supplied by contraction signs in the original document.

I am indebted to the late Dr.

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MacLure and MacDonald, , The Fifeshire Advertiser Office, , 71— Publications of the Spalding Club, , John Rae Smith, , xxxvi; John Stuart, ed. Only one copy of the Quintus partbook has come to light: Music in the Scottish Church up to , ed. Universities of Glasgow and Aberdeen, Kenneth Elliott and Gordon Munro. Publications of the Grampian Club, , lxxxiii, lxxxv.

Musica Scotica, and MB 15, nos. Publications of the Bannatyne Club, , vol. I am indebted to Dr. MacDonald, and Sally L. Musical Terms from British Sources, — Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Macmillan, , Cambridge University Press, , Scottish Text Society, ; 2nd edition, The Palice of Honour was reprinted in Edinburgh in Edinburgh: John Ross —Burel may have worked from this edition.

The sole surviving copy of the edition is housed in US-SM. General Register House, , 4: Oxford University Press, , 5: Forbes Gray and James H. Jamieson, A Short History of Haddington facs. Andrew Elliot, , Eneas MacKay, , Ballantyne Press, and Aberdeen: This comparison is based on the findings of Alex J. Gordon Munro et al. Musica Scotica, , Guthrie Wright, Gideon Guthrie: A Monograph Written to Edinburgh and London: Archival and literary evidence, iconographic depictions, and extant musical sources enhance our view of the music young women were encouraged to study, what music they liked to perform, and the level of achievement they could meet.

In addition to solo music for voice, keyboard, and strings for entertainment— largely secular genres—devotional songs figured prominently in the musical training of northern girls, for whom some musical ability was generally expected. Although Neoplatonic thought praised music along with feminine beauty as valued attributes for young women, contradictions do arise. Two instructional manuals for young women can be particularly associated with Antwerp. The first is De institutione feminae christianae Antwerp, by the Spanish-born humanist Juan Luis Vives, who settled in Bruges after teaching in England.

Vives believed that the sexes were fundamentally equal in their ability to learn and that an education was the key to avoiding lust and evil pleasures. He followed earlier conservative writers, however, in warning that dancing and music inflamed the passions; therefore, women should not make a public display of either.

We shall return shortly to the issue of what the young girl might be playing. Some young girls from well-to-do merchant families had the benefit of private tutoring. The Antwerp archives preserve several such contracts. Andrews Church, to instruct his two daughters, Cornelia and Marie, in music, presumably on the spinet and lute.

Forney document 2 in appendix A, confirms that schoolmaster Jan van den Bossche was hired in by the Milanese merchant Gian Battista Compostin to tutor his daughter in reading, writing, rhetoric, arithmetic, and in playing the harpsichord. This contract further specifies that young Franchoise was to learn a repertoire of dances including allemandes, galliards, passemezzi, rondes, and branles. These basic skills enabled a merchant-class girl to assist her future husband in the daily workings of his business and to entertain his clients with her musical talents see appendix A, document 2.

In , with the Reform quickly taking hold across northern Europe, the Antwerp school teachers—men and women alike—formed the guild of St. Ambrose, which was carefully governed by local church authorities. Lucas guild of harpsichord builders in ;16 Hans van den Bossche, the harpsichord tutor previously mentioned who also authored an arithmetic book;17 and Jacomyna van Aerde, a schoolmistress who taught Dutch, reading, writing, and singing. Ambrose confirm that its members regularly held elaborate musical services at its altar in the Church of Our Lady; the guild generally employed the choir master, organist, bell ringer, carilloneur, choirboys, and between eleven and sixteen singers for performance of a polyphonic mass on the feasts of St.

Ambrose 4 April and St. Pay record — , Rekenboeck van de gulde de schoolmeesters, Guild of St. Ambrose, Antwerp Antwerp, Kathedraalarchief. Payments are noted as well for festivities on St. Ambrose day and for St. From at least on, the guild celebrated a yearly requiem on the feast of St. Thomas of Canterbury 29 December with at least sixteen singers, and also adopted a new patron, St. Cassionus, whose feast day 13 August was celebrated with the city wind band and a bass instrument.

There was apparently a harpsichord at their altar, which was repaired and tuned on several occasions, and organ was used regularly as well. Throughout northern Europe, the strengthening Reform movement gave rise to new forms of devotional music. A booklet issued in by Franciscus Sonnius, Bishop of Antwerp, reflects a Counter-Reformation attempt to compete with the widely disseminated teachings of Calvin and Luther. Sonnius had been a participant at the Council of Trent from to , and worked zealously to combat Calvinism through a number of pedagogical publications.

Concerti per violino Vol. Antonio Vivaldi Composer. Show full biography Today Vivaldi is once more known as a varied and prolific composer, with numerous operas, concertos, chamber and choral works to his name. Browse all further reading about Vivaldi. Largo 47 Trio Sonata, Op. Assumpta est Maria in coelo 2 Antiphon: Benedicta dilia tua Domino 2 Antiphon: In adorem unguentorum 2 Antiphon: Maria virgo assumpta est 2 Antiphon: Se in campo armato 5 Catone in Utica: Domine Deus 12 Gloria in D: