Storia dItalia da Mussolini a Berlusconi (Oscar storia Vol. 441) (Italian Edition)

Fogu, Claudio, and Lucia Re. A New Critical Topog- raphy. Per una critica della letteratura postcoloniale e migrante in Italia. Colonial Inertia and Postcolonial Capital in Asmara. University of Washington Press, Regina di fiori e di perle. Tutti i colori del bianco.

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Prospettive teoriche e sguardi storici sulla whiteness. Giuliani, Gaia, and Cristina Lombardi-Diop. Le Monnier, forthcoming Geografia e antologia della letteratura della migrazione in Italia e in Europa. Selections from the Prison Notebooks. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith. The Politics of Recognizing Difference: Guglielmo, Jennifer, and Salvatore Salerno, eds. How Race Is Made in America.

Italians, Race, Color, and Power in Chicago, — Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, Migration and Cultural Encounters in Southern Europe. Liverpool University Press, In marcia verso Adua. A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa. Dinamiche coloniali e postcoloniali.

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Storie in movimento 8 Slavery, the Mediter- ranean, and the Atlantic. Annalisa Oboe and Anna Scacchi. Nineteenth Century Italian Explorers in Africa. African Autobiographies in Italy. Italian Women in Colonial Africa, — New York University, Scienza italiana e razzismo fascista. La Nuova Italia, E se gli altri foste voi? Rub- bettino Editore, Le ragazze di Asmara. Lavoro domestico e migrazione postcoloniale in Italia. Paid Domestic Labour and Postcoloniality: Bridging Continents and Cultures. Matteo, Sante, and Stefano Bellucci. Due continenti si avvicinano. Santarcan- gelo di Romagna: Italiani e stranieri a confronto nella letteratura italiana contemporanea.

Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Context. An Alliance of Women: Immigration and the Politics of Race. Storia e politica nel presente globale. Immagine coordinata per un impero: Gruppo Editoriale Forma, Rapporto sul razzismo in Italia. Memorie di una principessa etiope. Reimagining the Voyage to Italy. Deconstructing African Femininity in Italian Film.

Orton, Marie, and Graziella Parati, eds. Multicultural Literature in Contemporary Italy. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, Il regime e il libro di massa. Editori Riun- iti, A Place in the Sun: Berkeley and Los Angeles: Margins at the Center: Migration Literature in Italy. Univer- sity of Toronto Press, Pezzarossa, Fulvio, and Ilaria Rossini. Leggere il testo e il mondo. Jacqueline Reich and Peter Garofalo. Indiana University Press, Italian Advertising under Fascism. A Historical Companion to Post- colonial Literatures: Edinburgh Univer- sity Press, Sensibili alle foglie, Immigrant Women and Feminism in Italy.

Paradoxes of Postcolonial Culture: State University of New York Press, Ponzanesi, Sandra, and Bolette B. London and New York: Ponzanesi, Sandra, and Daniela Merolla, eds. Ponzanesi, Sandra, and Marguerite Waller, eds. Notes on the Discourse on Race in Italy. Paola Boi and Sabine Broeck. Grillo and Pratt 25— Rapporto italiani nel mondo —Fondazione Migrantes.

Rocco e i suoi fratelli. Anna Frabetti and Walter Zidaric. Sabrina Marchetti, Jamila M. Mascat, and Vincenza Perilli. Gender and Reggae Music inna Babylon. From Futurist Excess to Postmodern Impasse. Orientalism in One Country. A Report from the 41st Parallel. Percorsi confinati di migranti in Europa. Antropologia, discorso giuridico e politiche sessuali interraz- ziali nella colonia Eritrea — Spazi di confinamento e strategie di esistenza.

Srivastava, Neelam, and Baidik Bhattacharya, eds. Italiani in Africa Orientale. Una storia di genere. Storia della letteratura coloniale italiana. La letteratura coloniale italiana dalle avanguardie al fascismo. The Globalization of Prostitution in Italy. Migrations and Multiculturalism in Contemporary Europe. Gerald Pirog and Caterina Romeo. The Colonial Legacy in Somalia: Hybrid Memories of Postcolonial Italy. Studi gramsciani nel mondo. Per una cartografia della scrittura coloniale e postcoloniale italiana.

Wu Ming 2, and Antar Mohamed. Although Italians abroad which often means people of Italian ancestry who do not have a strong relationship with Italy and do not speak the lan- guage have been allowed to vote in Italian political elections since , documented migrants who live, work, and pay taxes in Italy do not have the right to vote, not even in local elections. Nicola Labanca divides Italian migrations to Africa into three groups Oltremare — Labanca points out that in there were Italian civilians in Eritrea and fewer in Somalia Oltremare Libya immediately attracted a larger number of Italians; however, in the early s there were approximately 17, Italian civilians in the country, a small number in comparison with the 80, Italian residents in Tunisia at the turn of the century.

For a fruitful analysis of Italian Orientalism as an important strain of European thought also see Dainotto, Europe In Theory , — For a discussion of colonial migrations, the guest worker system, and permanent migrations to Europe in the postwar period, see Castles and Miller, 68— Migrations between Italy and the Horn of Africa between and , though sparse, took opposite directions.

As a consequence of the Italian defeats on the Afri- can front, by the end of the s, more than two hundred thousand Italian refugees arrived in Italy from Libya, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia, while between and , in a countermovement of colonial subjects, those who had been arrested and detained in Italy during the Fascist regime, returned home to Ethiopia. For further details see Del Boca, Nostalgia. Igiaba Scego is one of the most prolific and visible postcolonial writers in contemporary Italy. The partnership between Italy and Somalia continued after the proclamation of the independent Republic of Somalia in During the s and s, Somalia saw rampant corruption among its political leaders and in government administration, as well as violent political instability.

Meanwhile, Italy continued to be one of the main donors of financial aid and, in the course of the s, became one of the main provid- ers of weapons and ammunitions. The news of the killing of fifty-four Italian civilians that occurred in Mogadishu in January reached Italy only three days after the events and without much media exposure. Central to the fostering of the symbolic imaginary of Somali nationalism, this violent retaliation against Italians continues to have little resonance in postcolo- nial Italy Del Boca For the most comprehensive study of this event, see Calchi Novati See Rochat , Del Boca , and Labanca , b.

See von Henneberg and Triulzi for an illuminating reading of the link between colonial monuments and postcolonial memory. For biographical details and extensive interviews with these authors, see Comberiati As stated in the Rapporto italiani nel mondo , it is not entirely possible to determine how many Italians live abroad and how many emigrate each year. The enrollment to AIRE, however, is elective, and therefore the figure is not entirely representative On Italian multiculturalism, see Grillo and Pratt As of December 31, , there were 4,, foreign residents in Italy, constituting 7.

Eritrea occupies the thirty-ninth position 13, , Ethiopia the forty-ninth 8, , Somalia the fiftieth 8, , and Libya the ninety-fourth 1, For the nexus colonialism-nationalism in relation to Italian modernity see Ben-Ghiat Fascist Modernities. On colonial novels written during the Fascist period by both male and female authors, see Lombardi-Diop Writing , Bonavita and, more recently, Venturini.

More recently, publishing houses such as Ombre orte based in Verona and Derive- Approdi based in Rome have produced texts directly related to postcolonialism or linked to postcolonial discourse. The journal Studi culturali has made a significant contribution to the field of postcolonial studies in Italy, publishing new scholarship as well as classic texts with a marked focus on issues of gender, race, ethnicity, and citizen- ship in postcolonial and multicultural contexts.

Rivista di scambi interculturali, a journal published by the Italian department of the University of Bolo- gna, focuses on cultural production associated with migrations, transcultural move- ments, and the postcolonial condition of contemporary Italy. Storie in movimento has published two issues on Italian colonialism and postcolonial- ism: Dinamiche coloniali e post-coloniali and Brava gente. Memoria e rappresentazioni del colonialismo italiano While in the United States these studies were inaugurated as an extension of the field of Italian studies, in Italy they began in comparative literature programs.

This testifies to the reluctance of the field of Italianistica in Italy to consider migration and post- colonial literatures and cultures as part of Italian culture at large and to the continu- ous attempt, still pervasive in numerous Italian departments, to protect the notion of national culture by characterizing this production as non-Italian.

The second volume was published in Italy first and then in the United States Matteo , but it is part of the work done by Italian scholars abroad. For a reading of colonial and postcolonial texts in Italian literature, see also Fracassa. The first issue of the academic online journal California Italian Studies, published in , is entirely dedicated to Italy and the Mediterranean.

See Fogu and Re. The path-breaking volume Nel nome della razza. Young Similarly dispersed, porous, and commingled is private life. What distinguishes Naples from other large cities is something it has in common with the African kraal: To exist—for the Northern European the most private of affairs—is here, as in the kraal, a collective matter.

Just as the living room reappears on the street, with chairs, hearth, and altar, so—only much more loudly—the street migrates into the living room. The different European absorptions of and responses to the postcolonial are an example of the kind of heterogeneity which is often invoked in postcolonial discourse itself. What different, interrelated cultures, the cultures of old imperial Europe after all, have made of the postcolonial is itself a subject of historical inter- est for postcolonial critics. The variety is enormous, but there have, I think, been three main reactions, and none of them has reduplicated the forms of the post- colonial in India, Britain, or the United States which are themselves in turn all distinct.

YOUNG there is currently scant reflection on Spain as an imperial power or of the appall- ing history of the Spanish invasion of the new world. Given that they lost most of their empire successively roughly a hundred and two hundred circa years ago, perhaps it is not surprising that Spain is not riven by postcolonial guilt or melancholia.

France too remains largely in denial of its colonial past. Those for whom those issues were central—Bourdieu, Derrida—have gone. That together with a fierce resistance to interdisciplinarity means that in France the academic area which could be designated as postcolonial studies, whether Fran- cophone or Anglophone, actually involves something more like an old Common- wealth literature approach, focusing narrowly on the work of individual writers around the world. Italy, on the other hand, is developing in a completely different direction, and one which is altogether the most interesting among what is happening in this field anywhere in Europe, Britain included.

In the first place, Italy still has a living cul- ture of the socialist and anarchist left and remains haunted by the continued long- term effects of the political turmoil of the s. In the second place, it has been producing some of the most dynamic work in political theory—Giorgio Agamben and Antonio Negri are themselves testimony to that. In the third place, its posi- tion in the front line of the migration flows from Albania, Eastern Europe, North Africa, Latin America, and South Asia—witness the frequent publicity surround- ing the arrival of boatloads of illegal migrants on the tiny island of Lampedusa, just a hundred kilometers from the Tunisian coast—means that the twenty-first century has witnessed the transformation of Italian cities, an explosion of inter- est in issues of migration and multicultural matters, and the production of new writing by African and other migrants to Italy.

The street migrates into the living room. Fourthly, a productive environment exists for the analysis of these develop- ments, given that Italy was the European country perhaps most sympathetic to the anticolonial movements after World War II. This link goes back much further to the fact that the Italian Risorgimento was itself—and seen as such round the world—the first major national anticolonial struggle in modern times.

In the centre of Havana, for example, stands a statue of Garibaldi. This legacy remains evident in the work of Antonio Gramsci and accounts for the fact that he was the only major European Marxist thinker for whom anticolonialism formed a major part of the political struggle. It seems to have been the combination of these factors that has led to an extraordinarily serious, political, and committed response to the postcolonial in Italy by intellectuals such as Sandro Mezzadra, Federico Rahola, Carla Pasquinelli, Iain Chambers, Miguel Mellino, Cristina Lombardi-Diop, and many others.

What is particularly noticeable about this formation in Italy is that this interest in the postcolonial has far more often emerged in departments of anthropology and sociology than in literature, and in a complementary way, it is striking that many of the books in this area in Italian have been published by the remarkable publishing house Meltemi, run by Luisa Capelli, a former Partito Comunista Italiano PCI; Italian Communist Party activist, whose list, centered in anthropology and sociology, has shown itself to be particularly alert to what is going on outside Italy intellectually and politically as well as to the most interest- ing areas that are developing within the country, despite or perhaps because of the ossified institutional state of the Italian academy.

And so it was that I found myself dragging my colleague Emily Apter late one stormy afternoon, down past the Colosseo and the Foro to the charmingly named Via delle Botteghe Oscure, to look at the old headquarters of the PCI. Typical, she said, that of all the sights of Rome, this is the one you want to see.

When we found it, by that time in the middle of a revolutionary thunderstorm, it proved to be a vast building that could not be described as anything other than a pukka palazzo, the staggering size of which made me realize how the PCI could so easily have generously offered the Algerian National Liberation Front FLN a permanent office inside during the war of independence. I wanted to see the communist palazzo not because of the PCI as such, but because it was there, at the FLN office somewhere deep inside that vast building built on a mass of colossal blocks of stone, that Frantz Fanon used to stay on his frequent visits to Rome it was in Rome that the French Secret Service almost succeeded in assassinating Fanon by blowing him up with a car bomb.

And it was to this same building that Jean-Paul Sartre would come on a plane from Paris to visit him for their long, passionate, and intense talks that went on right through the night into the morning. Strange status of place, to all appear- ances now indifferent to its past, and to the invisible haunting memories of those unyielding doors that had seen Fanon and Sartre walking through them.

The Italian postcolonial can be tracked down to such monuments, but rather like the otherwise forgotten island of Lampedusa, you find it also in the most unexpected places. Returning to America, I dropped off my bags in New York and took the train to the capital to participate in a very different professional milieu, the annual conference of the Modern Language Association of America.

When I got to Washington, I took a cab to the hotel. The driver was talking away into an earphone attached to his cell phone—a distinctive feature of all US taxi experi- ences. YOUNG he was talking intrigued me. So, during a break in his conver- sations, I asked him what language he was talking in. I got it on the third go—it was Somali. He had come about 18 years ago, he told me, in the first wave of Somali emigrants at the beginning of the civil war, long before the many more recent refugees from the war.

He asked me what languages I spoke, and when I mentioned Italian, he immediately broke into perfect Italian. Somalia is a former Brit- ish and Italian colony with an unusual history—the British occupied the North, and resistance was so strong that in they abandoned it to the Italians, who had occupied the South. The Italians, who were much more popular with the Somalis, were allowed to stay, and in the British gave up the country a second time, an event which must be unique in British colonial his- tory, handing it over to Italy once more for a ten-year trusteeship.

The history of Somalia since independence in is probably as complicated and troubled as any postcolonial country on earth, and I will not try to rehearse it here. One result has been that Somalia now has probably the largest diasporic population of any country in Africa. What fascinated me though in my conversation with my Somali taxi driver was how he showed the enduring power and porosity of the colonial effect: Notes A previous version of this essay can be found on Robert J.

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The chapter has been expanded and reprinted cour- tesy of the author. Walter Benjamin, Selected Works, Vol. Marcus Bullock and Michael W. Harvard University Press, — Once only a few of us would call Italy our fatherland. Today the majority of us do. Alleanza Nazionale, slogan for the Spring election campaign L et us remember the slogan—quoted above—adopted by Alleanza Nazionale National Alliance , the ideological successor of the neofascist Movimento Sociale Italiano Italian Social Movement during the election campaign of Spring To say that this slogan contained a grain of truth—like any effective ideological statement—is hardly a provocative claim.

In recent years, a sense of national belonging has been revived as a fundamental public value not only by the political right in its tense relationship with the secessionist movements in the North, which found a voice and gained political legitimacy through the Lega Nord Northern League. From this point of view, the seven-year presidency of Carlo Azeglio Ciampi — promoted and legitimized a process that was already in full swing. How indeed could one forget the increase in political rhetoric that accompanied the involvement of the Italian armed forces in military interventions during the s?

I believe that the new nationalism—outlined above in a few broad stokes— provides the essential context for a critical assessment of the shifting patterns of contemporary racism, which is the topic of the present chapter. This phenomenon is scarcely unique to Italy: Although it may seem paradoxical, my thesis is that the new nationalism is symptomatic of the crisis and transformations of the nation-state. It is thus important to empha- size that the debate on this topic has already discarded the hypotheses and the rhetoric that had previously characterized it, namely, the idea that globalization corresponds to the gradual phasing out of the nation-state or to a sort of extinc- tion Ohmae.

Taking shape in specific ways that cannot be disregarded either on the global or on the European level, these processes lead to profound changes in the political and juridical space,1 which seem to dispense with the assumption of territorial homogeneity that characterized the modern logic of sovereignty. The same new nationalism that confronts us in both Italy and Europe must be understood in the context of these transformations, that is, by looking at its articu- lation with new assemblages that are emerging outside the national order.

It seems particularly appropriate to consider this new nationalism both as a symptom of the limits of the pathologies of the process of European integration itself and especially as indicative of an emerging European citizenship Melossi; Mezzadra, La condizione. Racisms There are, of course, many points of view from which racism can and should be analyzed, and it is also true that many forms of racism exist.

So let us consider racism in relation to the shifting configurations in the rela- tionship among the state, sovereignty, and citizenship in modern history, and let us keep in mind the essential role that nationalism has played in these configura- tions since the period around the turn of the nineteenth century, when the nation first presented itself as the basic cornerstone of this articulation.

One must also add that evidently not even the nation is a fixed, static form. Its transformations, which are inextricably linked to the history of Euro- pean colonial and imperialist expansion among other things, provide an extremely effective interpretive key for understanding the shifting manifestations of racism. Once again, there are multiple points of view from which the transformations of the nation-form can be examined. It seems to me that the type of relation- ship of domination that the nation establishes and sustains with its own space by marking it as its territory is a useful consideration in this context.

It is helpful to underline the semantic complexity of the terms space and territory by using them at least in more than one way. Thus space is composed of intersections of mobile elements. By and large, one may argue that the labor market is made possible by a mass of political and juridical devices that aim, among other things, to establish a specific mixture of mobility and immobility of labor of working bodies , and that even this mixture is historically mutable: For example, one could apply this insight to the emergence of antisouthern racism in the early decades of the unified Italian state, when the very existence of a national labor market in Italy was a matter of debate Teti.

This concept was adopted and used by the United States census officials to question the white- ness of southern Italians, and thus it became one of the devices that made race and ethnicity dispositifs of citizenship and the labor market in the United States Guglielmo and Salerno. The colonial racism that culminated in the war of extermination conducted by the fascist regime in Ethiopia —36 along with the violent anti-Semitism expressed in the anti-Jewish laws of —two phenomena that a new generation of scholars has begun to study concurrently5—can be interpreted in turn as extreme versions of trends already fully present in Italy under the liberal government, and which became particularly virulent due to the consequences of the crisis.

This phenomenon has precise parallels in other European situations. On the other hand, this turbulence poses radical challenges to the classical models of migration management, in some ways anticipating the con- temporary debates about the necessity of identifying more flexible plans for the management and governance of mobility.

The growing pressure exerted by migrations from the East and the global South thus intersected with the processes of economic and social restructuring that arose in response to the social practices indicated above. Indeed, we must again underline the subjective aspect imprinted on this crisis by the move- ments of the s and s, by the demands for flexibility, framed as a quest for freedom and not as a technique of control over labor,10 and also by the new prac- tices of mobility into which those demands have been translated.

A consideration of the crisis of citizenship from the point of view offered by migrations prompts us to focus on an aspect that is often overlooked: It is worth reiterating all the consequences that flow from this: A new mixture of mobility and immobility of labor had to be produced at this point, and migration policies attempted to confront precisely this problem, in Italy as well as in other European countries. As a result of the growing struggle for prominence on the part of different European organizations and agencies, a completely new European migratory regime simultaneously took shape, at least in its general outline.

We should also add that, in general, this regime constitutes a privileged point of view from which to study the origin and transformations of European institutionalism: It is obvious that this link becomes especially important when a new form of citizenship is in the mak- ing, as is the case in Europe today. In so doing, the EU member states share one of the key competencies in the definition of modern sovereignty, con- firming that, even if the logic of sovereignty is far from the point of disappear- ing in our global present, the subjects, methods, and spaces of its application are undergoing radical transformations Sassen Given these considerations as a whole, it is possible to speak in terms of a progressive deterritorialization of the border.

Third, the external frontiers of Europe today are essential junctures in the articu- lation as well as in the process of external and internal projection of governmen- tal tactics directed specifically at immigrants, quite distinct from the techniques that we customarily associate with a de jure state and citizenship. Far from functioning like the wall of a hypothetical fortress, the border explicitly reveals its nature as a government device in the Aegean, as deterrent and obstacle to mobility.

More and more often, a stay in a camp in the Aegean is an entrance ticket to the space of Europe rather than the prelude to expulsion Panagiotidis and Tsianos A constituent of the colonial experience, the temporal border thus comes to be redrawn within the space of Europe, as it serves to determine the figure of its postcolonial heterogeneity. De Certeau defines the latter term as follows: A place is thus an instanta- neous configuration of positions.

On the other, the new European migratory regime ends up reinscribing the boundary within the same space as citizenship, promot- ing a process of selective and differential inclusion of immigrants and of migrant labor in that space. What results is the production of a number of juridical posi- tions and a new hierarchical stratification around which citizenship and the labor market are currently being reorganized. One could continue analyzing the new European migratory regime at greater length. One might also mention, for example, a tendency that has become increasingly obvious in recent years to treat the external frontiers to the east and south of the EU in contrasting ways, favoring processes of selective openness with respect to the east, and of closure with respect to the south Gambino; Sacchetto In Europe that is, within the space of European citizen- ship , the contrasting positions occupied by immigrants from the two frontiers clearly reflects this tendency, the motivations of which, though certainly complex, have the effect of privileging white migrations over those of color.

This observation allows us to return, in conclusion, to a consideration of the shifting forms of racism. It seems evident that this topic must be approached in the context of the processes I have briefly described above. As a result of these pro- cesses, the color line is being inscribed—for the first time in Italian history, though the situation is otherwise in countries like Great Britain and France—within Ital- ian and European society.

This is certainly not the only perspec- tive from which one might analyze contemporary racism in Europe. It also allows us to materially anchor our analysis of both the devices of stigmatization and repre- sentation in which racism finds expression and the forms in which it is articulated, which are certainly not exclusively institutional popular.

It also offers important insights on how racism might be combated. They are prepar- ing the way so that the citizenship crisis—against the backdrop of which the new racism is being enacted—can become an opportunity for a profound reconsidera- tion of the forms and norms of societal life, starting with a radical reinvention of the synthesis of liberty and egalitarianism. Far from presenting itself as a desired objective that would offer a solution to the problems of migrant men and women, European citizenship appears more like a battleground on which an antiracist policy appropriate to our times must take up position, articulating itself on multiple levels.

Inside and against the designated space of European migratory politics, a new antiracist policy can be a decisive element in the invention of a new European space, a space traversed by practices of protest and cooperation capable of keeping the constant critique of the institu- tional boundaries of European citizenship structurally open. Ursula Biemann and Brian Holmes. Movements of Life Across North Africa. Bojadzijev, Manuela, and Alex Demoviric, eds. Boltanski, Luc, and Eve Chiapello.

Le nouvel esprit du capitalisme. Le forme della razzializzazione nei romanzi colo- niali e nella letteratura esotica. International Population Move- ments in the Modern World. The Politics of the Governed: Reflections on Popular Politics in Most of the World. Columbia University Press, Dal Lago, Alessandro, and Emilio Quadrelli. The Practice of Everyday Life. Un mito duro a morire. Inventiva giuridica e spazi nel mondo globale. Avvistamenti per il nuovo millennio. Gambino, Ferruccio, and Devi Sacchetto.

Migranti e imprenditori tra Italia e Romania. How Race is Made in America. Fantasies of White Supremacy in a Multicultural Society. Pluto Press Australia, Goldsmiths College, University of London. Media Education Foundation, Hardt, Michael, and Antonio Negri. Harvard University Press, Karakayali, Serhat, and Vassilis Tsianos.

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Undoku- mentierte Arbeit und Autonomie der Migration. General Theory of Law and State. Har- vard University Press, Mezzadra, Sandro, and Maurizio Ricciardi. Sul rapporto tra costituzione, cittadinanza e amministrazione nella crisi dello Stato sociale. Stato nazionale, lavoro e moneta nel sistema mondiale integrato. Italiani del nord e del sud. The End of the Nation State: The Rise of Regional Economics.

Mutations in Citizenship and Sovereignty. Panagiotidis, Efthimia, and Vassilis Tsianos. Neue Perspektiven auf Migration an den Grenzen Europas. The Turbolence of Migration. New Transnational Social Spaces. Per una genealogia dei luoghi di transito e di interna- mento del presente. Ricciardi, Maurizio, and Fabio Raimondi, eds. Il Nordest e il suo Oriente. Migranti, capitali e azioni umanitarie.

From Medieval to Global Assemblages. Princeton University Press, Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, The Invention of Free Labor: Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, Origini del pregiudizio antimeridionale. For an effective synthesis, see Siebert. Among the vast literature on the topic, see Bojadzijev and Demoviric. If the reality of Italian colonial racism has ceased to be a taboo topic today, it is due in large part to the remarkable work by Angelo Del Boca.

His volume Italiani, brava gente? For the case of Germany, see the accurate study by Bojadzijev. See the accurate analysis by Gambino. Ricciardi and Raimondi, as well as Sacchetto, also offer abundant sources of information. The analysis of Boltanski and Chiapello is important in this regard.

See the literature discussed in Mezzadra Diritto di fuga, part II, chapter 4. See more specifically part III, chapter 5. For a theoretical placement of the prob- lems of the camps, see Rahola. For valuable information on this issue, see Sassen, chapter 6, and Rigo. As Ruth Ben-Ghiat and Mia Fuller write, it was not until recently that Italian colonialism was accounted for in Italian national history.

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This positions historical studies on Italian colonialism in a double marginalization, with respect to its role in modern Europe, and with respect to its construction of the Italian national consciousness. However, though more limited in time and geographically restricted than that of the French and British empires, Italian colo- nialism had a significant impact on the development of metropolitan conceptions of race, national identity, and imagination Ben-Ghiat and Fuller.

This does not mean that Italian postcolonialism is less urgent, cogent, or vital, but simply that it is, not surprisingly, somewhat belated compared with other European postcolonialisms. This refers to the discarding, discrediting, and generally repressing of the his- tory of colonial expansion. This questionable colonial history had brought Italy to its imperial peak under Fascism with Mussolini and his infamous Ethiopian war, and to its downfall with the shame of defeat and the handing over of the majority of the colonies to the British in The absence of an independence struggle and the unfinished colonial business Burton between Italy and the African colonies have relegated the Italian colonial chapter not only to historical oblivion but also to the unstable legacies of instrumentalized and nostalgic memorizing.

Therefore, it is the relationship between a complex politics of memory and a distorted form of historiography writing after World War II that needs to be taken into account for the Italian case, together with a rather slow or indifferent response to the develop- ment of cultural studies as a field that focuses on connecting different contexts and methodological approaches, which have somewhat confined Italian postcolonial- ism to the investigations, studies, and publications by academic scholars operat- ing abroad, mainly in North American and North European academia.

Such reading would con- nect Italy to the rest of Europe and allow for the establishment of transnational connections on the history of empires and their aftermath. For this purpose, this chapter first attempts to place Italian colonialism, and the development of postcolonial criticism, within a European framework, accounting for some comparison and differences. As I will briefly discuss, postcolonial critique has had different fortunes and genealogies within various European countries: I conclude by making a number of suggestions for further develop- ment, indicating how Italian postcolonial studies could be further improved and strengthened, avoiding prescriptive or totalizing narratives.

Said as initiator4, and postcolonial theory in general, has been accused of having misread French poststructuralist thought and of having made a melting pot of Foucault and Gramsci without seri- ously engaging with French theory. As Jean-Marc Moura has written, the characteristics of postcolonialism as a critical school con- centrates on studying all strategies of writing that confound colonial codes, impe- rial codes, and national boundaries. However, this notion of the postcolonial is resisted by French academia, which tends to study postcolonial texts as an expan- sion, or ghetto, of the so-called official canon: People simply think that it is in French, and so should be spoken about it as if it were French lit- erature.

Postcolonial criticism does the opposite: He complains, therefore, that the field is simply a catch- all term that is not only ambiguous and ambivalent but also fragmented. Bayart acknowledges, however, that postcolonial studies is now also flourishing in France, but he rejects the virulent claim that the country has resisted or is resisting this par- adigm out of provincialism, conservatism, and above all, the impulse not to face its own colonial past.

However, it also reconfirms the blindness, or intellectual resistance, toward the transformation that these notions or inspiration from French theorists and intellectuals underwent by traveling elsewhere and com- ing back in the form of postcolonial theory. The latter is rejected as imported and colonizing, reaffirming a natural resistance toward theories traveling back to France from other contexts. Bayart concludes that it is because of empire and colonialism that we can discuss common principles and that therefore even a disagreement on the notion of the postcolonial is possible.

I would also like to extend this attention to Germany and the Netherlands, as very few studies have been conducted in these countries from a postcolonial perspective.

In the case of Germany, as also for Italy, colonialism was short lived in nature and archived in the national memory until recently; in the case of the Netherlands, a country that can boast a long and prestigious colonial past, post- colonialism has barely found inroads into academia, if not within the realm of English studies, whereas its societal relevance for immigration and the current problems with Dutch multiculturalism and its backlash are more than evident.

Like Italy in , Germany achieved national unification very late However German colonial past is not acknowledged in Germany and less known outside of Germany than other European empires. As in the case of Italy — , the relatively short-lived colonial history stimulated neither immigration from former colonies nor the development of an African literature in German. Therefore some critics affirm that it is no exaggeration to say that German Studies is going postcolonial Lubrich and Clark.

Recent studies have also explored blackness in Europe and specifically in Ger- many and blackness in German national identity. Examples include the project on Black Europe http: When talking of new postcolonial engagement with German culture, the work of Claudia Breger and Tina Campt should be mentioned. Unlike Germany, the Netherlands has a voluminous history of colonial expan- sion to the East and West Indies, and what it has in common with Italy is a very belated acknowledgment of its postcolonial status.

Without its immense and lucra- tive empire in Southeast Asia Indonesia and the Caribbean Suriname and the Dutch Antilles , the Dutch nation would, in the modern era, be little more than a small, insignificant European democracy Boehmer and Gouda Annexed to this colonial history and its legacy, the Netherlands also has a stratified history of immigration and diaspora, which does not relate directly to the colonial ter- ritories but today includes immigrants from Turkey, Morocco, Eastern Europe, and Ghana, and asylum seekers from Somalia, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, and other regions.

These immigration patterns range therefore from direct postcolonial flows from Indonesia and the Dutch Caribbean, to guest workers in the s, and to recent refugees and asylum seekers in the s. History departments have widely acknowledged the impact of colonialism as a history of expansion and con- quest, yet barely at all from a postcolonial perspective, thereby relegating postcolo- nial studies to the fields of English, gender studies, and cultural studies rather than to the study of Dutch literature and history.

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They write, So the status of the Netherlands as an ex-colonial power remains unproblematized, and consequently the manner in which the history of colonialism might link up with the formation of national and migrant identities today is left insufficiently exam- ined. Debates—about race, racism and identity in university forums for example— are not seen to link up in any direct way with conditions in the country at large.

Accordingly, as is the case for Italy, the development—or the belat- edness—of a postcolonial critical thought seems to be linked to some disciplin- ary entrenchment. Italian postcolonial- ism should be seen as an integral part of the development of postcolonial stud- ies; however, it has until now operated along the margins of dominant structures and hegemonizing discourses, including other dominant discourses on postco- lonialism such as the French and the British ones. The geopolitical and cultural specificity of Italian postcolonialism helps readdress and requalify the precepts and principles of postcolonial theorizing by including the history of a different European south.

This refers to Italy and its ambivalent relationship with Europe and Africa, alias the Mediterranean, as a new trope of ambivalence and subaltern histories Chambers, Mediterranean Crossings; Fuller; Fogu and Re. Understand- ing this minority position within postcolonial studies helps to prevent postcolo- nial theory from becoming a new master discourse which privileges the English linguistic hegemony and the chronological ordering of responses over European colonialism along former colonial divides Britain, France, Netherlands, Italy, etc.

It is therefore also important to study the incongruence within, and the way in which postcolonial theorizing does not fit all European contexts in the same way and needs not only be appropriated and modified but also transformed in order for the Anglophone paradigm to remain effective and alert to an internal rehegemonizing tendency Ponzanesi, Paradoxes of Postcolonial Culture. Europe is a contested topic. In light of current multicultural debates that reen- act the clash of civilizations and fear of the other, not unlike the racial taxonomies of the colonial era, it is of the utmost importance to locate the origin, develop- ment, and impact of specific debates and to establish how academia can respond to the pressure of rising populism in the public arena, a populism that severely undermines notions of hospitality and human rights.

These critics analyze how, under the banner of Europe as a unifying concept, colo- nial operations of inclusion and exclusion are still at work. These are resurrected in reemergent racism, xenophobia, Islamophobia, and asylophobia at comparative and intranational levels Ponzanesi and Blaagaard. Therefore, as Gilroy writes, Europe is not innocent and does not reside outside the disruptive forces of coloni- zation: These analyses would be based upon their obvious difficulties in acknowledging the pain and the gains that were involved in imperial adventures and upon the problems that have arisen from their inability to disentangle the disruptive results supposedly produced by an immi- grant presence from the residual but potent effects of lingering but usually unspoken colonial relationships and imperial fantasies.

Italy cannot therefore be understood outside the European perspective, and even though it has a different history, as far as colonialism and multiculturalism are concerned, this history, however, reflects and informs other European con- texts. We could state that, as far as Italy is concerned, multi- culturalism has been a missed opportunity, whereas in the rest of Europe, and particularly in northern countries such as the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and France, a multicultural policy has been implemented at government level for several decades.

Italy, for example, moved some of its detention centers to Libya in , a coun- try that does not recognize the Geneva Convention and therefore does not apply the protocol on refugees rights. Nonetheless, this episode exemplifies the relationship that Italy has had throughout its postwar period with former colonies, privileging the managerial and opportu- nistic approach above an ethical relationship, thereby rendering farcical colonial ties and postcolonial responsibilities. From this point of view, the Italian presence in Libya, and in the colonies at large, has had a surprising influ- ence on the people, culture, and politics of Italy.

Recent controversies reminded ex- colonial powers of their past crimes and make it clear that decolonization is never accomplished, particularly on cultural and ideological levels. It is therefore high time Italy confronted its prolonged amne- sia and politics of remembering along European lines in order to learn how to transform the present starting from the past.

This would lead to a more integrated understanding of what it means to live in a postcolonial European polity. The Postcolonial Turn in Italian Studies Postcolonialism, though belated and controversial, can no longer be thought of as external or marginal to Italian studies. On the contrary, it is experiencing a moment of explosion and expansion, again at a time when postcolonial studies in other countries are on the wane in favor of more all-encompassing categories such as global or transnationalism studies or even world literature.

In order to assess the state of the art of Italian postcolonial studies, it would be useful to define exactly what postcolonialism is and does see Lombardi-Diop and Romeo in this volume , in short, to define postcolonialism as a critical tool and not as a catch-all term.

Postcolonialism should be understood here not as a chron- ological transition from a colonial to a postcolonial status, but as a theoretical tool that aims to critically assess the operations of empires and their lasting legacies and effects in present day society. As such, the postcolonial framework is not only very welcome in the Italian arena but also much needed in order to correct forms of amnesia or suspect projects of historical revisionism. However, we should ask ourselves: And how exactly are postcolonial theory and practice related to Italian studies?

For the sake of clar- ity, I will distinguish here three main areas for the application of a postcolonial critique and offer an analysis of how they operate in the Italian cultural context: We could argue that Italian studies are truly flourishing as far as the first aspects are concerned, with numerous scholars—ranging from historians to anthropologists and cultural theorists—who have carried out pioneering work in recent decades, opening up not only an obscure chapter of Italian history but also transforming the way of dealing with the colonial archive and reinterpreting knowledge produc- tion from a postcolonial perspective Del Boca; Labanca Oltremare; Sorgoni.

The tension is whether to define migrant writing as postcolonial or not, but the issue here should be on the understanding of postco- lonialism as a critical tool that aims to account for the operations of dominations by emphasizing and voicing resistance and more inclusive patterns of thinking about nation, language, and identity. As such, the field is catching up with its Euro- pean counterparts, though it is still a fragmented field in need of more cohesive and coordinated approaches, as this volume highlights. The last field—developing a home-grown postcolonial theorizing—is where most of the work still needs to be done.

This should not only account for the adap- tations of existing critical tools to the specificity of Italy and its culture but also make sure that new postcolonial tools are developed from the reality and material- ity of Italian culture itself to then travel further. This is an invitation to consider that postcolonialism is not just a framework imported from American academia, but that postcolonialism and postcoloniality are inherent to every culture and society and that, as such, they are everywhere and at work in the most unexpected locations.

It is therefore useful to establish how and when postcolonial theory is meaning- ful in analyzing the Italian context, while drawing larger conclusions from a Euro- pean perspective. Postcolonial critique borrows heavily from the poststructuralist theories of the holy trinity in postcolonial studies—Said, Bhabha, and Spivak—in addressing traditional postcolonial issues connected to the act of writing back, the appropriation and abrogation of language, the patterns of hyphenation and hybridization of cultural identity, and the question of race and ethnicity as con- nected to citizenship and belonging.

See, for example, what we could define as the new wave in Italian postcolonial writings, which include authors such as Igiaba Scego, Cristina Ali Farah, and Gabriella Ghermandi to name a few, all postcolonial in the technical but also in the intellectual sense of the word. Postcolonial because they have one or both parents who come from Ethiopia, Eritrea, or Somalia, while at the same time being full Italian citizens and juggling different cultures and mother tongues such as Italian, Amharic, and Somali.

They are also highly educated writers who have graduated in Italy and some with PhDs. They choose to address their complex origins, identity, and language use in a postcolonial way, emphasizing issues of resistance, in-betweenness, writing back, and embracing a poetics of relations, multiplicity, ambivalence, and subversion. It is a counter-hegemonic stance that addresses issues of institutionalization, canonization, and governmentality from different subject positions, in which not just a position of marginality or subalter- nity is articulated, but a field of tension and translation is also created.

Postcolo- nialism does not stand for binary opposition or for the reversion of simple power relationships. It is more than a simple talking back, but it implies the operation of transformation and contamination that affects the different agents, organiza- tions, and ideas involved. As such, postcolonialism is a never-ending process that requires renewal and critical alertness in order not to become another dogma or empty tool.

Future Directions By way of conclusion, I would like to reflect on some possible future directions for Italian postcolonial studies that would pave the way to a truly European postcol- ony. The first suggestion would be to intensify the field of comparative postcolo- nial studies in order to account for multiple alliances and divergences.

In this way Italian studies would free itself from its own national ghetto and acquire visibility and credibility by engaging with other traditions. Secondly, intensify and expand the role of cultural studies. It has been proven to be a very fruitful tool to study culture not only in its multidisciplinary dimen- sion but also to break down the old divide of high and low culture, which is rather persistent in the Italian context.

Thirdly, analyze texts in their double-layered form of representation, both aes- thetic and political. This would imply that postcolonial artifacts, and culture in general, should be ana- lyzed both in their political aspect and here is where postcolonialism differs from postmodernism and in their aesthetic specificity. Postcolonialism is not just a discourse but is conveyed through specific media, genres, and voices.

The fourth and final suggestion would be to capitalize on the scholarship already available and disseminate it. As Italo Calvino once wrote, in transforming the unbridgeable delay of the Ital- ian novel as a genre with respect to the French genre into an advantage, the Italian novel had a greater capacity to adapt to new situations because it became less spe- cialized To close, the belatedness of the Italian postcolonial tradition can then be trans- formed into an advantage, meaning that its innovative and experimental character can be seen as a renewal of both postcolonial studies in general and of the Italian cultural field in particular.

Though belated, the postcolonial turn in Italian studies can no longer be ignored. Along with exciting new generations of postcolonial scholars emerging from various Italian universities, such as Naples, Turin, Venice, Bologna, Bari, Lecce, Palermo, Rome, and Verona to name a few, the field of Italian postcolonial studies abroad United States, Australia, United Kingdom, Northern Europe is continuing to flourish and create important synergies. It is only the beginning of the postcolonial turn in Ital- ian studies across borders.

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