Hidden Menace (The Dov Shamir Adventures)

Kindle Edition , pages. Published first published November 30th The Dov Shamir Adventures 1. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about Hidden Menace , please sign up. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia.

Dec 02, David rated it it was amazing. This is quite a short thriller, but it packs a big punch. Not quite as philosophical as some of Kessler's other work, this is more of an action thriller. It starts with an Israeli agent killing a suspected terrorist. But his face is caught on the webcam of the computer that the terrorist was using to prepare a statement about another terrorist attack. And the terrorist's friends publicize this on the net, forcing the Israeli agent to go to ground while his paymasters effectively abandon him. But This is quite a short thriller, but it packs a big punch. But he knows that the terrorists are planning a big attack and the fact that he killed one of those involved does not mean the plan has been called off.

If anything, it may have been brought forward. The trouble is no one believes him. They think he has made it up in order to secure some negotiating leverage. So he teams up with a Palestinian professor at the School of Oriental and African Studies, whom he knows from his student days. In some cases, as with Chronicles of Narnia , disagreements about order necessitate the creation of more than one series.

If the series has an order, add a number or other descriptor in parenthesis after the series title eg. By default, it sorts by the number, or alphabetically if there is no number. If you want to force a particular order, use the character to divide the number and the descriptor. So, " 0 prequel " sorts by 0 under the label "prequel. Series was designed to cover groups of books generally understood as such see Wikipedia: Like many concepts in the book world, "series" is a somewhat fluid and contested notion. A good rule of thumb is that series have a conventional name and are intentional creations , on the part of the author or publisher.

The commander of the Haganah, Zvi Ankori, described what happened: It was direct murder. Menachem Begin gloated over the impact throughout Palestine of the Nazi-like operations he commanded at Deir Yasin. A legend of terror spread amongst Arabs who were seized with panic at the mention of our Irgun soldiers.

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It was worth half a dozen battalions to the forces of Israel. Arabs throughout the country This mass flight soon developed into a maddened, uncontrollable stampede.

Of the , Arabs who lived on the present territory of the state of Israel, only some , are still there. The political and economic significance of this development can hardly be overestimated. The implementation of this program was carried out in part by Menachem Begin and in part by his future successor as Prime Minister, Yitzhak Shamir, as military commanders of the Irgun and the Lohamei Herut Israel Lehi , i.

Inhabitants were force marched in blood-soaked clothing through the streets of Jerusalem to jeering on-lookers, before disappearing. The eyewitness accounts of these events foreshadowed the fate of the Palestinian people. It was noon when the battle ended and the shooting stopped. Things had become quiet, but the village had not surrendered. The IZL Irgun and Lehi Stern Gang irregulars left the places in which they had been hiding and started carrying out clean-up operations in the houses.

They fired with all the arms they had, and threw explosives into the buildings. They also shot everyone they saw in the houses, including women and children - indeed the commanders made no attempt to check the disgraceful acts of slaughter. I myself and a number of inhabitants begged the commanders to give orders to their men to stop shooting, but our efforts were unsuccessful. In the meantime, some twenty-five men had been brought out of the houses: The fighters then put the women and children who were still alive on a truck and took them to the Mandelbaum Gate.

The director of the International Red Cross in Palestine, Jacques de Reynier, attempted to intervene as word of the slaughter spread. His personal testimony is as follows: The Commander of the Irgun detachment did not seem willing to receive me. At last he arrived, young, distinguished, and perfectly correct, but there was a peculiar glitter in his eyes, cold and cruel. According to him the Irgun had arrived twenty-four hours earlier and ordered the inhabitants by loudspeaker to evacuate all houses and surrender: Some of these miserable people had come forward and were taken prisoner, to be released later in the direction of the Arab lines.

The rest, not having obeyed the order, had met the fate they deserved. If I found any bodies, I could take them, but there were certainly no wounded. This account made my blood run cold. I went back to the Jerusalem road and got an ambulance and a truck that I had alerted through the Red Shield I reached the village with my convoy, and the firing stopped. The gang Irgun was wearing uniforms with helmets. All of them were young, some even adolescents, men and women, armed to the teeth: A beautiful young girl with criminal eyes showed me hers, still dripping with blood; she displayed it like a trophy.

I tried to go into a house. A dozen soldiers surrounded me, their machine-guns aimed at my body, and their officer forbade me to move. The dead, if any, would be brought to me, he said. I then flew into one of the most towering rages of my life, telling these criminals what I thought of their conduct, threatening them with everything I could think of, and then pushed them aside and went into the house.

The first room was dark, everything was in disorder, but there was no one. In the second, amid disembowelled furniture and all sorts of debris, I found some bodies, cold. It had been finished off with knives, anyone could see that. The same thing in the next room, but as I was about to leave, I heard something like a sigh. I looked everywhere, turned over all the bodies, and eventually found a little foot, still warm.

It was a little girl of ten, mutilated by a hand grenade, but still alive All the rest had been deliberately massacred in cold blood for, as I observed for myself, this gang was admirably disciplined and only acted under orders. After another visit to Deir Yasin I went back to my office where I was visited by two gentlemen, well-dressed in civilian clothes, who had been waiting for me for more than an hour.

They were the commander of the Irgun detachment and his aide. They had prepared a paper which they wanted me to sign. It was a statement to the effect that I had been very courteously received by them, and obtained all the facilities I had requested, in the accomplishment of my mission, and thanking them for the help I had received.

As I showed signs of hesitation and even started to argue with them, they said that if I valued my life, I had better sign immediately. The only course open to me was to convince them that I did not value my life in the least. If the Deir Yasin massacre was carried out by the "rightist" Revisionist Zionist underground organizations, IZL and Lehi, like massacres occurred on a similar scale throughout the country. The account of the massacre, as described by a soldier who participated in the horror, was published in Davar , the official Hebrew daily newspaper of the Labor-Zionist-run Histadrut General Federation of Workers: They killed between eighty to one hundred Arab men, women and children.

To kill the children they [soldiers] fractured their heads with sticks. There was not one home without corpses. The men and women of the villages were pushed into houses without food or water. Then the saboteurs came to dynamite them. One commander ordered a soldier to bring two women into a building he was about to blow up Another soldier prided himself upon having raped an Arab woman before shooting her to death.

Another Arab woman with her newborn baby was made to clean the place for a couple of days, and then they shot her and the baby. The fewer the Arabs who remain, the better. I have always said that if the deepest and profoundest hope symbolizing redemption is the rebuilding of the [Jewish] Temple Had it not been for Deir Yasin, half a million Arabs would be living in the state of Israel [in ]. The state of Israel would not have existed. We must not disregard this, with full awareness of the responsibility involved.

All wars are cruel. There is no way out of that. This country will either be Eretz Israel with an absolute Jewish majority and a small Arab minority, or Eretz Ishmael, and Jewish emigration will begin again if we do not expel the Arabs one way or another. The program of massacre did not end with the formation of the state. The wide, dry riverbed glitters in the moonlight. We advance, carefully, along the mountain slope.

Several houses can be seen In the distance we can see three lights and hear the sounds of Arab music coming out of the homes immersed in darkness. We split up into three groups of four men each. Two groups make their way to the immense refugee camp Al Burj to the south of our position. The other group marches toward the lonely house in the flat area north of Wadi Gaza.

We march forward, trampling over green fields, wading through water canals as the moon bathes us in its scintillating light. Soon, however, the silence will be shattered by bullets, explosions, and the screams of those who are now sleeping peacefully. We leap towards the voices. Fearing and trembling, two Arabs are standing up against the wall of the building.

They try to escape. An ear-piercing scream fills the air. One man falls to the ground while his friend continues to run. Now we must act - we have no time to lose. We make our way from house to house as the Arabs scramble about in confusion. Machine guns rattle, their noise mixed with a terrible howling.

Hidden Menace (The Dov Shamir adventures)

We reach the main thoroughfare of the camp. The mob of fleeing Arabs grows larger. The other group attacks from the opposite direction. The thunder of our hand-grenades echoes in the distance. We receive an order to retreat. The attack has come to an end. Prime Minister Moshe Sharett gave the following account of the massacre at the village of Kibya in October 18, Ariel Sharon personally commanded the action in which men, women and children were slaughtered in their homes. I warned that this stain will stick to us and will not be washed away for years to come.

It was decided that a communique on Kibya will be published and Ben Gurion was to write it. It is really a shameful deed. I inquired several times and each time I was solemnly assured that people would not find out how it had been done. Sharett noted in his Diary details of further massacres in Palestinian villages in It must make the state appear in the eyes of the world as a savage state. The massacre at Kafr Qasim followed the Zionist pattern. In October , Israeli Brigadier Shadmi, the commander of a battalion on the Israeli-Jordanian border, ordered a night curfew imposed on the "minority" [Arab] villages under his command.

These villages were inside the Israeli borders; thus, their inhabitants were Israeli citizens. Shadmi told the commander of a Frontier Guard unit, Major Melinki, that the curfew must be "extremely strict" and that "it would not be enough to arrest those who broke it - they must be shot. He [Melinki] informed the assembled officers that Anyone leaving his home, or anyone breaking the curfew should be shot dead. He added that there were to be no arrests and that if a number of people were killed in the night this would facilitate the imposition of the curfew during succeeding nights.

Lieutenant Frankanthal asked him: A section leader, then asked: The genocidal methods needed to impose the colonial settler state within the pre borders of Israel are regarded as the model for dealing ultimately with the Palestinians in the post occupied territories. Aharon Yariv, former military intelligence chief and Minister of Information, stated at a public seminar in the Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem that: There are opinions which advocate that a war situation be utilized in order to exile , to , Arabs.

These opinions are widespread. Statements have been voiced on the matter and also instruments [apparatuses] have been prepared. An Apartheid State , p. Al Hamishmar Israeli newspaper , September 7, Monthly Review Press, Ben Gurion, from a speech cited in his Memoirs. Ben Gurion in a speech. Michael Bar Zohar, Ben Gurion: A Biography New York: Ben Gurion, July , as cited by Bar Zohar.

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Cited by Hirst, pp. Davar , June 9, Davis and Mezvinsky, pp. From the court records: Judgments of the District Court: The Military Prosecutor vs. The Seizure of the Land. It is appropriate to review the pervasiveness of this murderous policy and its consequences. In the territory which came under Israeli occupation after Partition there were approximately , Palestinian Arabs. After less than six months only , people remained.

Figures vary from , to , The great majority of Palestinians were killed, forcibly expelled or fled in panic before slaughtering bands of Israeli army units.

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Having thus eliminated most of the Palestinian inhabitants from the land of Palestine, the Israeli government undertook the systematic destruction of their homes and possessions. Nearly villages and towns were razed to the ground during and More followed in the s. We came here to a country that was populated by Arabs, and we are building here a Hebrew, Jewish state.

Instead of Arab villages, Jewish villages were established. You do not even know the names of these villages and I do not blame you, because these geography books no longer exist. Not only the books, but also the villages do not exist. There is not a single settlement that was not established in the place of a former Arab village. Destruction of Palestinian Arab Villages. Shahak stresses that this documented list is incomplete because it is impossible to find numerous Arab communities and "tribes". Israeli official data characterize, for example, 44 Bedouin villages and towns as "tribes", to reduce, by census contrivance, the number of permanent Palestinian communities.

With the expulsion of the Palestinians and the destruction of their towns and villages, vast amounts of property were seized under the rubric of the "Absentee Property Law" Of the entire area of the state of Israel only about , to , dunums [67,, acres] Almost all the rest [i. Arab League estimates are ten times this amount. In current dollars, this figure would have to be quadrupled. The seizure of Palestinian property was indispensable to make Israel a viable state.

Between and , Jewish towns and settlements were established. Three hundred fifty were on "absentee" property. Ten thousand businesses and retail stores were handed over to Jewish settlers. From to - the period of greatest immigration - the economic importance to Israel of seized Arab property was decisive. The amount of cultivatable land seized from Palestinians driven from their country by massacre was two and one half times the total area of land granted the Zionists with the end of the mandate.

Virtually all citrus groves of Palestinians were seized - consisting of more than , dunums [53, acres]. One third of all stone production came from 52 seized Palestinian quarries. Zionist mythology includes the claim that Zionist industry, dedication and skill transformed an otherwise barren desert land, neglected by its primitive nomadic Arab custodians, into a garden - making the desert bloom.

Palestinian orchards, industry, rolling stock, factories, houses and possessions were pillaged after slaughtering conquest - the Ship of State a vessel of pirates, its proper flag a skull and crossbones. The Jewish National Fund secured its first land in Its objectives were defined as the acquisition of land "for the purpose of settling Jews on such lands. In November , the J.

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It established the Israel Lands Administration. The Jewish National Fund is explicit on this point. It declared in J. Following an agreement between the government of Israel and the J. Israel-Lands whjch gives legal effect to the ancient tradition of ownership of the land in perpetuity by the Jewish people - the principle on which the J.

Any relationship to this land was governed by the following condition spelled out in all leases pertaining to property: The lessee must be Jewish and must agree to execute all works connected with the cultivation of the holding only with Jewish labor. The consequence is that land cannot be leased to a non-Jew, nor can the lease be subleased, sold, mortgaged, given or bequeathed to a non-Jew. Non-Jews cannot be employed on the land nor in any work connected with cultivation.

If these conditions are violated both fines and the abrogation of the lease, without any compensation, ensue. What is particularly instructive is that these regulations are enforced not just by the J. They apply to J. In Israel these state lands are categorized as "national land". It means Jewish, not "Israeli" land. Employment of non-Jews is treated as illegal and an infraction of law. Because of a shortage of Jewish farm workers, and since Palestinians are paid a fraction of the wages allowed Jewish workers, some Jewish farmers like former Defense Minister Ariel Sharon employ Arabs.

This practice is illegal! In , the Minister of Agriculture denounced the practice as "a cancer". Settlements which sublease some land in sharecropping arrangements with Arabs are denounced. The spread of the practice, given the super-profits derived from cheap Palestinian labor, has been labelled "a plague" by the Ministry of Agriculture. The Settlement Department of the Jewish Agency has warned that such practices violate the law, the regulations of the Jewish Agency and of the Covenant between the Israeli State and the J.

The employment of non-Jews has been punished by fines and "a donation to a Special Fund". Israel Shahak has described this process as "a disgusting mixture of racial discrimination and financial corruption. What all this reveals, however, is that the state of Israel employs all normal usage in a racist sense. The "people" means only Jews.

An "immigrant" or a "settler" can only be a Jew. A settlement means a settlement for Jews alone. National land means Jewish land - not Israeli land. Thus, law and rights, protections and the entitlement to employment or property pertain to Jews only. Since the definition of a Jew is entirely based upon orthodox religious dictate, "generations of maternal Jewish descent" is the prerequisite to enjoy the right to property, employment or protection under the law.

There is no more pristine example of racist laws and procedures. A half million Palestinians are confined in crowded camps and slums. Thus, the practices universally decried in the post occupied territories are but the continuation of the very process wherein the Israeli state itself was established. The use of force, seizure of the land and exclusion of non-Jewish workers is central to Zionist theory and practice.

Theodor Herzl promulgated this program on June 12, Ironically, the Israeli institution about which the greatest illusions are entertained is the Kibbutz - a presumptive example of socialist cooperation. The Israeli organization which practices the greatest degree of racist exclusion is The majority of Israelis have been aware of the racist character of the Kibbutz as displayed not only against Palestinians but against all human beings who are not Jews, for quite a time.

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The Kibbutzim exist predominantly on seized Palestinian land. Non-Jews may not be members. Should "temporary workers" who are Christians become involved with Jewish women, they are forced to convert to Judaism in order to be members of a Kibbutz. Christian candidates for Kibbutz membership through conversion have to promise to spit in the future when passing before a church or a cross.

In order to be entitled to live on land, to lease land, or to work on land one must prove at least four generations of maternal Jewish descent. If, in the United States, in order to live on land, lease it, rent it, or work it in any way, you had to prove that you did not have at least four generations of maternal Jewish descent, who would doubt the racist nature of such legislation?

Northwestern University Press, , pp. Davis and Mezvinski, p. Baruch Kimmerling, Zionism and Economy , p. Cited in Davis, p. In their books, Davis and Kimmerling speak of " billion Pounds Sterling. The figure should be millions of Pounds Sterling - not billions. Dan Peretz, Israel and the Palestinian Arabs , pp. South African diamonds are cut and refined in Israel, in a revealing partnership, before they are distributed to the world market. Cited in Zionism and Racism , London: Hebrew University professor Uzzi Ornan identifies the area "to which the principles of the J.

Kegan Paul International Ltd. If the colonization of Palestine has been characterized by a series of depredations, we should take a moment to examine the attitude of the Zionist movement not only toward its Palestinian victims to which we shall return , but toward the Jews themselves.

Herzl himself wrote of the Jews in the following fashion: As an individual in society he revolts and throws off the harness of social obligations, knows no order nor discipline. Step by step, they assimilated the values of Jew-hatred and anti-Semitism, as the Zionist movement came to regard the anti-Semites themselves as their most reliable sponsors and protectors. Theodor Herzl approached none other than Count Von Plehve, the author of the worst pogroms in Russia - the pogroms of Kishinev with the following proposition: He was later to complain to Herzl: We were sympathetic to your Zionist movement as long as it worked toward emigration.

You are preaching to a convert. As we have noted, the same appeal was made by the Zionists to the Sultan of Turkey, the Kaiser in Germany, to French imperialism and to the British Raj. The history of Zionism - largely suppressed - is sordid. Mussolini set up squadrons of the Revisionist Zionist youth movement, Betar, in black shirts in emulation of his own Fascist bands. When Menachem Begin became chief of Betar, he preferred the brown shirts of the Hitler gangs, a uniform Begin and Betar members wore to all meetings and rallies - at which they greeted each other and opened and closed meetings with the fascist salute.

Simon Petilura was a Ukrainian fascist who personally directed pogroms which killed 28, Jews in separate pogroms. In it the Federation noted: On the foundation of the new [Nazi] state which has established the principle of race, we wish so to fit our community into the total structure so that for us, too, in the sphere assigned to us, fruitful activity for the Fatherland is possible Far from repudiating this policy, the World Zionist Organization Congress in defeated a resolution calling for action against Hitler by a vote of to It was the height of the Depression and people were wheeling barrels full of worthless German Marks.

Security Service to Palestine for a six-month visit in support of Zionism. Goebbels ordered a medallion struck with the Swastika on one side, and on the other, the Zionist Star of David. In May , Reinhardt Heydrich, the chief of the S. Security Service, wrote an article in which he separated Jews into "two categories.

Security Service in exchange for the release of Jewish wealth for Zionist colonization. Adolf Eichmann was invited to Palestine as the guest of the Haganah. Jewish nationalist circles were very pleased with the radical German policy, since the strength of the Jewish population in Palestine would be so far increased thereby that in the foreseeable future the Jews could reckon upon numerical superiority over the Arabs.

The list of acts of Zionist collaboration with the Nazis goes on and on. What can account for this incredible willingness of Zionist leaders to betray the Jews of Europe? The entire rationale for the state of Israel offered by its apologists has been that it was intended to be the refuge of Jews facing persecution.

From to , the WZO turned down two-thirds of all the German Jews who applied for immigration certificates. Worse than this, the WZO not merely failed to seek any alternative for the Jews facing the Holocaust, the Zionist leadership opposed belligerently all efforts to find refuge for fleeing Jews. As late as , while the Jews of Europe were being exterminated in their millions, the U. Congress proposed to set up a commission to "study" the problem. Rabbi Stephen Wise, who was the principal American spokesperson for Zionism, came to Washington to testify against the rescue bill because it would divert attention from the colonization of Palestine.

This is the same Rabbi Wise who, in , in his capacity as leader of the American Jewish Congress, wrote a letter in which he opposed any change in U. It may interest you to know that some weeks ago the representatives of all the leading Jewish organizations met in conference It was decided that no Jewish organization would, at this time, sponsor a bill which would in any way alter the immigration laws. The entire Zionist establishment made its position unmistakable in its response to a motion by British members of Parliament calling on the government to provide asylum in British territories for persecuted Jews.

The meager undertaking which was prepared was as follows: But even this token measure was opposed by the Zionist leaders. At a Parliamentary meeting on January 27, , when the next steps were being pursued by over one hundred members of Parliament, a spokesperson for the Zionists announced that they opposed this motion because it did not contain preparations for the colonization of Palestine.

This was a consistent stance. Chaim Weizmann, the Zionist leader who had arranged the Balfour Declaration and was to become the first president of Israel, made this Zionist policy very explicit: From the depths of the tragedy I want to save The old ones will pass. They will bear their fate or they will not. They are dust, economic and moral dust in a cruel world Only the branch of the young shall survive.

They have to accept it. Yitzhak Gruenbaum, the chairperson of the committee set up by the Zionists, nominally to investigate the condition of European Jews, said: When they come to us with two plans - the rescue of the masses of Jews in Europe or the redemption of the land - I vote, without a second thought, for the redemption of the land. The more said about the slaughter of our people, the greater the minimization of our efforts to strengthen and promote the Hebraisation of the land.

If there would be a possibility today of buying packages of food with the money of the Karen Hayesod [United Jewish Appeal] to send it through Lisbon, would we do such a thing? And once again no! In July , the Slovakian Jewish leader Rabbi Dov Michael Weissmandel in a letter to Zionist officials charged with these "rescue organizations," proposed a series of measures to save the Jews scheduled for liquidation at Auschwitz.

He offered exact mappings of the railways and urged the bombing of the tracks on which the Hungarian Jews were being transported to the crematoria. He appealed for the bombing of the furnaces at Auschwitz, for the parachuting of ammunition to 80, prisoners, for the parachuting of saboteurs to blow up all the means of annihilation and thus end the cremation of 13, Jews every day. Should the Allies refuse the organized and public demand by the "rescue organizations", Weissmandel proposed that the Zionists, who had funds and organization, obtain airplanes, recruit Jewish volunteers and carry out the sabotage.

Weissmandel was not alone. Throughout the late thirties and forties, Jewish spokespersons in Europe cried out for help, for public campaigns, for organized resistance, for demonstrations to force the hand of allied Govemments - only to be met not merely by Zionist silence but by active Zionist sabotage of the meager efforts which were proposed or prepared in Great Britain and the United States. Here is the cri-de-coeur of Rabbi Weissmandel.

Writing to the Zionists in July he asked incredulously. Why have you done nothing until now? Who is guilty of this frightful negligence? Are you not guilty, our Jewish brothers: We send you — Rabbi Weissmandel wrote again — this special message: The deported ones go to Auschwitz to be put to death by cyanide gas. This is the schedule, of Auschwitz from yesterday to the end: Twelve thousand Jews - men, women and children, old men, infants, healthy and sick ones, are to be suffocated daily. And you, our brothers in Palestine, in all the countries of freedom, and you ministers of all the Kingdoms, how do you keep silent in the face of this great murder?

Silent while thousands upon thousands, reaching now to six million Jews, are murdered? And silent now, while tens of thousands are still being murdered and waiting to be murdered? Their destroyed hearts cry out to you for help as they bewail your cruelty. Brutal, you are and murderers, too, you are, because of the coldbloodedness of the silence in which you watch, because you sit with folded arms and do nothing, although you could stop or delay the murder of Jews at this very hour. You, our brothers, sons of Israel, are you insane? For whom are you saving your money?

Who is it that gives charity: No Zionist leader supported his request, nor did the Western capitalist regimes bomb a single concentration camp. This took place in The pact sealed the fate of , Jews. It was to be revealed later that Kastner was under the direction of the Zionist leaders abroad when he made his agreement with Eichmann. The agreement entailed the saving of six hundred prominent Jews on the condition that silence was maintained about the fate of Hungarian Jewry.

When a survivor, Malchiel Greenwald, exposed the pact and denounced Kastner as a Nazi collaborator whose "deeds in Budapest cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of Jews", [91] Greenwald was sued by the Israeli government, whose leaders had drawn up the terms of the Kastner pact. The Israeli Court came to the following conclusion: The sacrifice of the majority of the Jews, in order to rescue the prominents was the basic element in the agreement between Kastner and the Nazis.

This agreement fixed the division of the nation into two unequal camps, a small fragment of prominents, whom the Nazis promised Kastner to save, on the one hand, and the great majority of Hungarian Jews whom the Nazis designated for death, on the other hand. The court declared that the imperative condition of this pact was that neither Kastner nor the Zionist leaders would interfere in the action of the Nazis against the Jews.

These leaders undertook not only to eschew interference, but they agreed they would not, in the words of the Israeli court, "hamper them in the extermination. It is not surprising that it was to be revealed that Kastner intervened to save S. General Kurt Becher from being tried for war crimes. Becher was one of the leading negotiators of the deal with the Zionists in He was also an S. Major in Poland, a member of the Death Corps "that worked around the clock killing Jews. What happened to him? He became president of many corporations and headed up the sale of wheat to Israel.

His corporation, the Cologne-Handel Gesellschaft, did extensive business with the Israeli government. This proposal became known as the Ankara document, having been discovered after the war in the files of the German Embassy in Turkey. It states the following: The evacuation of the Jewish masses from Europe is a precondition for solving the Jewish question; but this can only be made possible and complete through the settlement of these masses in the home of the Jewish people, Palestine, and through the establishment of a Jewish state in its historical boundaries The NMO, which is well-acquainted with the goodwill of the German Reich government and its authorities towards Zionist activity inside Germany and towards Zionist emigration plans, is of the opinion that: Common interests could exist between the establishment of a New Order in Europe in conformity with the German concept, and the true national aspirations of the Jewish people as they are embodied by the NMO.

Cooperation between the new Germany and renewed folkish-national Hebraium would be possible and. The establishment of the historical Jewish state on a national and totalitarian basis, and bound by a treaty with the German Reich, would be in the interest of a maintained and strengthened future German position of power in the Near East. Today, the Zionists join their state to the enforcement arm of U. This sordid history is rooted in the demoralization of the founders of Zionism, who rejected the possibility of overcoming anti-Semitism through popular struggle and social revolution.

Moses Hess, Theodor Herzl and Chaim Weizmann chose the wrong side of the barricades - that of state power, class domination and exploitative rule. They propounded a putative disjunction between emancipation from persecution and the necessity of social change. They fully understood that the cultivation of anti-Semitism and the persecution of the Jews were the work of the very ruling class from whom they curried favor. In seeking the sponsorship of the anti-Semites themselves, they revealed several motives: This sensibility was a short step to assimilating the values and ideas of the Jew-haters themselves.

The Jews, the Zionists wrote, were indeed an undisciplined, subversive, dissident people, worthy of the scorn they had earned. The Zionists catered shamelessly to racist Jew-hatred. Worshipping power, they appealed to the anti-Semitic desire of the von Plehves and the Himmlers to be rid of a victim people long radicalized by persecution, a people who filled the ranks of revolutionary movements and whose suffering drew their best minds to intellectual ferment offensive to established values.

The dirty secret of Zionist history is that Zionism was threatened by the Jews themselves. Defending the Jewish people from persecution meant organizing resistance to the regimes which menaced them. But these regimes embodied the imperial order which comprised the only social force willing or able to impose a settler colony on the Palestinian people.