Leadership in sozialen Organisationen (German Edition)

Therefore, we conducted the follow-up measurement to assess transfer effects of the training. However, the influences of these limitations are reduced via the homogeneity of good results throughout the different evaluation levels and cohorts. This article analyzed the effect of a simulation-based training approach in the leadership development of final year students. Setting-up training content on critical incidents interviews facilitated a tailor-made and practice-oriented training program, which was evaluated as successful, relevant, satisfying, and effective.

Self-efficacy of participants increased, and concrete behavior changes in clinical situations were reported by most participants. Moreover, the training generated spill-over effects beyond leadership situations for successful and effective interprofessional collaboration.

For future training intentions, we recommend a well-considered selection of experienced and leadership-focused trainer team, tailor-made training content, and a high degree of interactivity e. Further training programs, evaluation studies and subsequent funding are needed to assess the efficacy of this training approach for leadership competency development in medicine. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Published online Aug Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. See license information at http: Abstract Background and objective: Medical Education, Leadership, Clinical Leadership, simulation-based training.

Zusammenfassung Hintergrund und Ziel: Introduction As the complexity and dynamics of the healthcare systems grow, leadership competencies of physicians become increasingly important for the success of healthcare teams [ 1 ], [ 2 ]. The goals of this article are to point out the importance of adding leadership competencies as an integral part of medical education and demonstrate the leadership training program, applied in a German University hospital as a worthwhile expansion of the undergraduate medical education curriculum. Development of the leadership training program We conceptualized the training as a multi-part program, consisting of four sessions, for medical students at a German University hospital e.

Open in a separate window. Method of training evaluation: Evaluation design, questionnaire and data collection We conducted the training evaluations at two different times after completion of the training program see figure 1 Fig. The framework considers the value of any type of training across four levels: Four items to evaluate the perceived competence of the trainers e. Stepwise regressions of training success criteria based upon German Learning Transfer System Inventory. Results The evaluation questionnaire was administered in and Training Evaluation T1 Overall, participants of all three cohorts rated the training as very satisfying, effective and relevant for their jobs as physicians Kirkpatrick level 1: Predictors of training effectiveness To identify which of the assessed evaluation criteria were substantial predictors for training effectiveness satisfaction, reaction, learning, self-efficacy, transfer, and effects on behavior , a stepwise regression was analyzed [ 34 ] see table 2 Tab.

Follow-up evaluation T2 Although mean scores decreased compared to the evaluation scores after the training, the overall result remained satisfactory see table 3 Tab. Discussion This study analyzes one of very few trainings to capture long-term training effects of changes in leadership behavior of final year students. Limitations The study design includes some shortcomings: Conclusion This article analyzed the effect of a simulation-based training approach in the leadership development of final year students.

Competing interests The authors declare that they have no competing interests. Addressing the leadership gap in medicine: Residents' need for systematic leadership development training. Leadership curriculum in undergraduate medical education: A study of student and faculty perspectives. Talent management and physician leadership training is essential for preparing tomorrow's physician leaders. Leadership development for early career doctors.

German undergraduate medical students' attitudes and needs regarding medical errors and patient safety-A national survey in Germany. J Pediatr Hematol Oncol. Training of Leadership Skills in Medical Education. Faculty development initiatives designed to promote leadership in medical education. A BEME systematic review: Physician leadership ia a new mandate in surgical training. Bridging the leadership development gap: Leadership in Health Care for the 21st Century: Paskins Z, Peile E.

Final year medical students' views on simulation-based teaching: Role and challenges of simulation in undergraduate curriculum. A critical review of simulation-based medical education research: Power and Perspective Taking: Analyzing Factors of Hierarchical and Interdisciplinary Cooperation. Personal als Erfolgsfaktor in der Sozialwirtschaft. Peus C, Frey D. Cambridge University Press; Warren OJ, Carnall R. Er konnte sich wahrend des Aufbaus der neuen Einrichtung und naturlich auch danach fortwahrend mit den Aufgaben einer Fuhrungskraft und dessen Hohen und Tiefen, aus eigener Praxis, auseinandersetzen.

Enter your mobile number or email address below and we'll send you a link to download the free Kindle App. Then you can start reading Kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required. Would you like to tell us about a lower price? If you are a seller for this product, would you like to suggest updates through seller support? Servant Leadership - Dienende Fuhrung - ist eine Form der Fuhrung, die das klassische Fuhrungskonzept von oben nach unten auf den Kopf stellt.

Servant Leadership betont die Ubernahme von Verantwortung, Dienstbarkeit und Engagement fur das eigene Wachstum und das von anderen, ganzheitliche Betrachtungsweisen der Qualitaten von Mensch, Arbeit und Umwelt sowie eine ethische und moralische Anwendung von Macht und Empowerment. Dass die Begrifflichkeiten Dienen und Fuhren sich nicht ausschliessen mussen, soll anhand dieser Arbeit dargestellt werden. Er gilt als Initiator und Promoter des Servant Leadership. Des Weiteren werden folgende Punkte naher betrachtet: Was ist eigentlich Leadership und wo besteht der Unterschied zum Management?

Was ist insbesondere Servant Leadership und aus welchen Wurzeln speist sich der Begriff? The revolutionaries disagreed among themselves about the future economic and political system. The left wings of both parties and the Revolutionary Stewards wanted to go beyond that and establish a "direct democracy" in the production sector, with elected delegates controlling the political power. It was not only in the interest of the SPD to prevent a Council Democracy; even the unions would have been rendered superfluous by the councils.

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To prevent this development, the union leaders under Carl Legien and the representatives of big industry under Hugo Stinnes and Carl Friedrich von Siemens met in Berlin from 9 to 12 November. On 15 November, they signed an agreement with advantages for both sides: For their part, the employers guaranteed to introduce the eight-hour day , which the workers had demanded in vain for years. The employers agreed to the union claim of sole representation and to the lasting recognition of the unions instead of the councils. An "Arbitration Committee" Schlichtungsausschuss was to mediate future conflicts between employers and unions.

From now on, committees together with the management were to monitor the wage settlements in every factory with more than 50 employees. With this arrangement, the unions had achieved one of their longtime demands, but undermined all efforts for nationalising means of production and largely eliminated the councils. The Reichstag had not been summoned since 9 November. The Council of the People's Deputies and the Executive Council had replaced the old government, but the previous administrative machinery remained unchanged.

On 12 November, the Council of People's Representatives published its democratic and social government programme. It lifted the state of siege and censorship, abolished the "Gesindeordnung" "servant rules" that governed relations between servant and master and introduced universal suffrage from 20 years up, for the first time for women.

There was an amnesty for all political prisoners. Regulations for the freedom of association, assembly and press were enacted. The eight-hour day became statutory on the basis of the Stinnes—Legien Agreement, and benefits for unemployment, social insurance, and workers' compensation were expanded.

This committee was to examine which industries were "fit" for nationalisation and to prepare the nationalisation of the coal and steel industry. It sat until 7 April , without any tangible result. From these bodies emerged the modern German Works or Factory Committees. Socialist expropriations were not initiated. The SPD leadership worked with the old administration rather than with the new Workers' and Soldiers' Councils, because it considered them incapable of properly supplying the needs of the population. As of mid-November, this caused continuing strife with the Executive Council.

As the Council continuously changed its position following whoever it just happened to represent, Ebert withdrew more and more responsibilities planning to end the "meddling and interfering" of the Councils in Germany for good. In Hamburg and Bremen, "Red Guards" were formed that were to protect the revolution.

The councils deposed the management of the Leuna works , a giant chemical factory near Merseburg. The new councils were often appointed spontaneously and arbitrarily and had no management experience whatsoever. But a majority of councils came to arrangements with the old administrations and saw to it that law and order were quickly restored.

For example, Max Weber was part of the workers' council of Heidelberg , and was pleasantly surprised that most members were moderate German liberals. The councils took over the distribution of food, the police force, and the accommodation and provisions of the front-line soldiers that were gradually returning home. Former imperial administrators and the councils depended on each other: In most cases, SPD members had been elected into the councils who regarded their job as an interim solution.

For them, as well as for the majority of the German population in —19, the introduction of a Council Republic was never an issue, but they were not even given a chance to think about it. Many wanted to support the new government and expected it to abolish militarism and the authoritarian state. Being weary of the war and hoping for a peaceful solution, they partially overestimated the revolutionary achievements. On 15 December, Ebert and General Groener had troops ordered to Berlin to prevent this convention and to regain control of the capital. On 16 December, one of the regiments intended for this plan advanced too early.

In an attempt to arrest the Executive Council, the soldiers opened fire on a demonstration of unarmed "Red Guards", representatives of Soldiers' Councils affiliated with the Spartacists; 16 people were killed. With this, the potential for violence and the danger of a coup from the right became visible. In response to the incident, Rosa Luxemburg demanded the peaceful disarmament of the homecoming military units by the Berlin workforce in the daily newspaper of the Spartacist League Red Flag Rote Fahne of 12 December.

She wanted the Soldiers' Councils to be subordinated to the Revolutionary Parliament and the soldiers to become "re-educated".

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On 10 December, Ebert welcomed ten divisions returning from the front hoping to use them against the councils. As it turned out, these troops also were not willing to go on fighting. The war was over, Christmas was at the door and most of the soldiers just wanted to go home to their families. Shortly after their arrival in Berlin, they dispersed. The blow against the Convention of Councils did not take place. This blow would have been unnecessary anyway, because the convention that took up its work 16 December in the Prussian House of Representatives consisted mainly of SPD followers.

Not even Karl Liebknecht had managed to get a seat. The Spartacist League was not granted any influence. On 19 December, the councils voted to 98 against the creation of a council system as a basis for a new constitution. Instead, they supported the government's decision to call for elections for a constituent national assembly as soon as possible. This assembly was to decide upon the state system. The convention disagreed with Ebert only on the issue of control of the army.

The convention was demanding a say for the Central Council that it would elect, in the supreme command of the army, the free election of officers and the disciplinary powers for the Soldiers' Councils. That would have been contrary to the agreement between Ebert and General Groener. They both spared no effort to undo this decision. The Supreme Command which in the meantime had moved from Spa to Kassel , began to raise loyal volunteer corps the Freikorps against the supposed Bolshevik menace. Unlike the revolutionary soldiers of November, these troops were monarchist-minded officers and men who feared the return into civil life.

The division was considered absolutely loyal and had indeed refused to participate in the coup attempt of 6 December. The sailors even deposed their commander because they saw him as involved in the affair. It was this loyalty that now gave them the reputation of being in favor of the Spartacists. Ebert demanded their disbanding and Otto Wels, as of 9 November the Commander of Berlin and in line with Ebert, refused the sailors' pay. The dispute escalated on 23 December.

After having been put off for days, the sailors occupied the Imperial Chancellery itself, cut the phone lines, put the Council of People's Representatives under house arrest and captured Otto Wels. The sailors did not exploit the situation to eliminate the Ebert government, as would have been expected from Spartacist revolutionaries. Instead, they just insisted on their pay.

Nevertheless, Ebert, who was in touch with the Supreme Command in Kassel via a secret phone line, gave orders to attack the Residence with troops loyal to the government on the morning of 24 December. The sailors repelled the attack under their commander Heinrich Dorrenbach, losing about 30 men and civilians in the fight. The government troops had to withdraw from the center of Berlin.

They themselves were now disbanded and integrated into the newly formed Freikorps. To make up for their humiliating withdrawal, they temporarily occupied the editor's offices of the Red Flag. But military power in Berlin once more was in the hands of the People's Navy Division. Again, the sailors did not take advantage of the situation. On one side, this restraint demonstrates that the sailors were not Spartacists, on the other that the revolution had no guidance. Even if Liebknecht had been a revolutionary leader like Lenin, to which legend later made him, the sailors as well as the councils would not have accepted him as such.

They could not have done Ebert a bigger favor, since he had let them participate only under the pressure of revolutionary events. Within a few days, the military defeat of the Ebert government had turned into a political victory. Rosa Luxemburg drew up her founding programme and presented it on 31 December In this programme, she pointed out that the communists could never take power without the clear will of the people in the majority.

On 1 January, she demanded that the KPD participate in the planned nationwide German elections, but was outvoted. The majority still hoped to gain power by continued agitation in the factories and from "pressure from the streets". This was a first defeat. The decisive defeat of the left occurred in the first days of the new year in The wave was started on 4 January, when the government dismissed the chief constable of Berlin, Emil Eichhorn.

To the surprise [ according to whom? On Sunday, 5 January, as on 9 November , hundreds of thousands of people poured into the centre of Berlin, many of them armed. Some of the middle-class papers in the previous days had called not only for the raising of more Freikorps, but also for the murder of the Spartacists. The demonstrators were mainly the same ones who participated in the disturbances two months previously.

They now demanded the fulfillment of the hopes expressed in November. The Spartacists by no means had a leading position. The demands came straight from the workforce supported by various groups left of the SPD. KPD members were even a minority among the insurgents. The initiators assembled at the Police Headquarters elected a member "Interim Revolutionary Committee" Provisorischer Revolutionsausschuss that failed to make use of its power and was unable to give any clear direction.

Liebknecht demanded the overthrow of the government and agreed with the majority of the committee that propagated the armed struggle. Rosa Luxemburg as well as the majority of KPD leaders thought a revolt at this moment to be a catastrophe and spoke out against it. On the following day, 6 January, the Revolutionary Committee again called for a mass demonstration.

This time, even more people heeded the call. Again they carried placards and banners that proclaimed, "Brothers, don't shoot! A part of the Revolutionary Stewards armed themselves and called for the overthrow of the Ebert government. But the KPD activists mostly failed in their endeavour to win over the troops. It turned out that even units such as the People's Navy Division were not willing to support the armed revolt and declared themselves neutral. The other regiments stationed in Berlin mostly remained loyal to the government.

After the advance of the troops into the city became known, an SPD leaflet appeared saying, "The hour of reckoning is nigh". With this, the Committee broke off further negotiations on 8 January. That was opportunity enough for Ebert to use the troops stationed in Berlin against the occupiers. Beginning 9 January, they violently quelled an improvised revolt.

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In addition to that, on 12 January, the anti-republican Freikorps, which had been raised more or less as death squads since the beginning of December, moved into Berlin. Gustav Noske , who had been People's Representative for Army and Navy for a few days, accepted the premium command of these troops by saying, "If you like, someone has to be the bloodhound. I won't shy away from the responsibility.

The Freikorps brutally cleared several buildings and executed the occupiers on the spot. Others soon surrendered, but some of them were still shot. The January revolt claimed lives in Berlin. The alleged ringleaders of the January Revolt had to go into hiding. In spite of the urgings of their allies, they refused to leave Berlin. On the evening of 15 January , Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht were discovered in an apartment of the Wilmersdorf district of Berlin. Their commander, Captain Waldemar Pabst , had them questioned. That same night both prisoners were beaten unconscious with rifle butts and shot in the head.

Rosa Luxemburg's body was thrown into the Landwehr Canal that ran through Berlin, where it was found only on 1 July. Karl Liebknecht's body, without a name, was delivered to a morgue. The perpetrators for the most part went unpunished. The Nazi Party later compensated the few that had been tried or even jailed, and they merged the Gardekavallerie into the SA Sturmabteilung.

In an interview given to " Der Spiegel " in and in his memoirs, Pabst maintained that he had talked on the phone with Noske in the Chancellery, [19] and that Noske and Ebert had approved of his actions. Pabst's statement was never confirmed, especially since neither the Reichstag nor the courts ever examined the case. In the following years, both parties were unable to agree on joint action against the Nazi Party, which dramatically grew in strength as of In the first months of , there were further armed revolts all over Germany.

In some states, Councils Republics were proclaimed, most prominently in Bavaria the Munich Soviet Republic , even if only temporarily. These revolts were triggered by Noske's decision at the end of February to take armed action against the Bremen Soviet Republic. In spite of an offer to negotiate, he ordered his Freikorps units to invade the city.

Approximately people were killed in the ensuing fights. This caused an eruption of mass strikes in the Ruhr District, the Rhineland and in Saxony. Against the will of the strike leadership, the strikes escalated into street fighting in Berlin. The Prussian state government, which in the meantime had declared a state of siege, called the imperial government for help. By the end of the fighting on 16 March, they had killed approximately 1, people, many of them unarmed and uninvolved. Among others, 29 members of the Peoples Navy Division, who had surrendered, were summarily executed, since Noske had ordered that anybody found armed should be shot on the spot.

The situation in Hamburg and Thuringia also was very much like a civil war. The council government to hold out the longest was the Munich Soviet Republic. According to the predominant opinion of modern historians, [20] the establishment of a Bolshevik-style council government in Germany on 9—10 November was impossible.

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Yet the Ebert government felt threatened by a coup from the left, and was certainly undermined by the Spartakus movement; thus it co-operated with the Supreme Command and the Freikorps. The brutal actions of the Freikorps during the various revolts estranged many left democrats from the SPD. They regarded the behavior of Ebert, Noske and the other SPD leaders during the revolution as an outright betrayal of their own followers. The USPD received only 7. On the one hand, the Weimar Constitution offered more possibilities for a direct democracy than the present Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany , for example by setting up a mechanism for referenda.

On the other hand, Article 48 granted the president the authority to rule against the majority in the Reichstag, with the help of the army if need be. In —33, Article 48 was instrumental in destroying German democracy. From to , nationalist forces continued fighting against the Weimar Republic and left-wing political opponents. In , the German government was briefly overthrown in a coup organized by Wolfgang Kapp the Kapp Putsch , and a nationalist government was briefly in power.

Mass public demonstrations soon forced this regime out of power. In and , Matthias Erzberger and Walter Rathenau were shot by members of the ultra-nationalist Organisation Consul. The newly formed Nazi Party , under the leadership of Adolf Hitler and supported by former German army chief Erich Ludendorff , engaged in political violence against the government and left-wing political forces as well. In , in what is now known as the Beer Hall Putsch , the Nazis took control of parts of Munich , arrested the president of Bavaria, the chief of police, and others and forced them to sign an agreement in which they endorsed the Nazi takeover and its objective to overthrow the German government.

The putsch came to an end when the German army and police were called in to put it down, resulting in an armed confrontation in which a number of Nazis and some police were killed. The Weimar Republic was always under great pressure from both left-wing and right-wing extremists. The left-wing extremists accused the ruling Social Democrats of having betrayed the ideals of the workers' movement by preventing a communist revolution and unleashing the Freikorps upon the workers. Right-wing extremists were opposed to any democratic system, preferring instead an authoritarian state similar to the Empire founded in Both sides were determined to bring down the Weimar Republic.

In the end, the right-wing extremists were successful, and the Weimar Republic came to an end with the ascent of Hitler and the National Socialist Party. The failure of the Weimar Republic that this revolution brought into being and the Nazi era that followed it obstructed the view of these events for a long time.

German Revolution of –19 - Wikipedia

To this very day, the interpretation of these events has been determined more by legends than by facts. Both the radical right and the radical left — under different circumstances — nurtured the idea that a Communist uprising was aiming to establish a Soviet Republic following the Russian example. The democratic centre parties, especially the SPD, were also barely interested in assessing the events which turned Germany into a Republic fairly.

At closer look, these events turned out to be a revolution supported by the Social Democrats and stopped by their party leadership. These processes helped to weaken the Weimar Republic from its very beginning. After the imperial government and the Supreme Command shirked their responsibilities for the war and the defeat at an early stage, the majority parties of the Reichstag were left to cope with the resulting burdens.

In his autobiography, Ludendorff's successor Groener states, "It suited me just fine, when the army and the Supreme Command remained as guiltless as possible in these wretched truce negotiations, from which nothing good could be expected". Thus, the " Myth of the Stab in the Back " was born, according to which the revolutionaries stabbed the army, "undefeated on the field", in the back and only then turned the almost secure victory into a defeat.

It was mainly Ludendorff who contributed to the spread of this falsification of history to conceal his own role in the defeat. In nationalistic and national minded circles, the myth fell on fertile ground. They soon defamed the revolutionaries and even politicians like Ebert, who never wanted the revolution and had done everything to channel and contain it, as "November Criminals" Novemberverbrecher.

In , Hitler and Ludendorff deliberately chose symbolic 9 November as the date of their attempted " Beer Hall Putsch ". From its very beginning, the Weimar Republic was afflicted with the stigma of the military defeat. A large part of the bourgeoisie and the old elites from big industry, landowners, military, judiciary and administration never accepted the democratic republic and hoped to get rid of it at the first opportunity.

On the left, the actions of the SPD Leadership during the revolution drove many of its former adherents to the Communists. The contained revolution gave birth to a "democracy without democrats". Depending on their political standpoint of view, contemporaries had greatly differing opinions about the revolution. Ernst Troeltsch , a Protestant theologian and philosopher, rather calmly remarked how the majority of Berlin citizens perceived 10 November:.

On Sunday morning after a frightful night the morning newspapers gave a clear picture: No man dead for Kaiser and Empire! The continuation of duties ensured and no run on the banks! Trams and subways ran as usual which is a pledge that basic needs are cared for. On all faces it could be read: Wages will continue to be paid. The liberal publicist Theodor Wolff wrote on the very day of 10 November in the newspaper Berliner Tageblatt , lending himself to far too optimistic illusions, which the SPD leadership also might have had:.