For the Unwise

He could discern the hearts of men. He was a shrewd judge of character and uttering of wise-sayings. It also includes the ability to study the behaviour of nature in order to gain insight into appropriate human behaviour. The case of the two harlots claiming the same child illustrates this special Wisdom of Solomon. Politically, he was a flop and his harsh rule created a feeling of hatred, and resentment against his reign, and this exploded after his death, leading to the division of the kingdom.

It seems the biblical writers have embellished his wisdom because they saw that type of wisdom as the best qualification that princes, kings and rulers should possess. God would always punish anyone who disobeys Him, no matter who he or she is. We should learn to obey the voice of God in everything we do. We must eschew arrogance and pride when we come into sudden wealth and prominence. We should listen to the people we lead when we want to impose certain policies.

In position of leadership, we should try to listen to the people we lead. How did he misuse this wisdom? What were the outstanding achievements of Solomon's reign? In which three ways did Solomon destroy his own achievements? Which factors show that Solomon was a successful king?

In which three ways do you agree or disagree with the statement Solomon was successful? Give an account of the division of the kingdom. Which four unwise policies of Solomon contributed to the division? Share to Twitter Share to Facebook.

In the decisions he made at Tehran and Yalta, he exercised the ample powers that resided in his office as commander in chief. Although professional advisers, and diplomats like Bohlen, were assigned to accompany the president to Yalta, there is no evidence that they ever greatly influenced him. Indeed, the most extraordinary thing about these war years is how much their successes and failures can be ascribed to Roosevelt alone. Truman never believed that his years in the Senate gave him any special competence in foreign affairs, and ultimately he turned to Marshall, one of his great World War II military heroes.

With Marshall, he introduced the Point Four program that gave economic aid to Greece and Turkey, both seemingly threatened by Communist takeovers, and, more importantly, developed the economic aid program for struggling Western European democracies that came to bear his name. When Marshall retired, Truman appointed Dean Acheson, his loyal deputy, to succeed him.

That loyalty was severely tested by the charges brought by Senator Joseph McCarthy, always searching for Communists in the government, but Truman never succumbed to the pressure the senator from Wisconsin persistently applied on the Senate floor and in the media. The Truman years were a time of venturesome American diplomacy.

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The country came to have a new appreciation of the qualities of its defeated enemies—Germany, Japan, and Italy—but also of its European allies, especially the United Kingdom. Neither before World War I nor during the inter-war years had the United States been so imaginatively preoccupied with the world abroad as in the Truman era. This was truly the golden age of American diplomacy. He also guaranteed that Japan would remain a loyal ally of the United States. The Truman years were a time of major diplomatic negotiations of a kind not previously attempted, and never so systematically and successfully pursued in later administrations.

Eisenhower cannot be credited with comparable accomplishments. Though he succeeded in bringing the Korean War to an end, as promised, it was one of his few early successes. The Cold War persisted during his time in office, and in when the United Kingdom, France, and Israel moved against Egypt, Eisenhower showed hostility toward his allies that reflected in substantial measure his pique with their independence.

For him, the United States was the supreme power, holding back the Russian hordes, and its allies were expected to show their allegiance to that power.

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In his second term, as in his first, with Dulles ailing and incapable of recognizing the new conditions that existed in Europe, stagnation seemed to substitute for policy. There were no political accomplishments comparable to those of the Roosevelt and Truman eras. Eisenhower never understood why the kind of world hegemony that the United States enjoyed early in the post-war period could not be maintained.

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Though many Americans exaggerated the extent of Soviet progress, making too much of its success with the Sputnik launch, there can be no question that Eisenhower and Dulles, by the late s, seemed exhausted both politically and intellectually. These were old men fighting battles that scarcely reflected new realities in Europe and Asia. Their diplomatic and political legacy was negligible, though Eisenhower came in time to be prized for having avoided the kinds of war that became increasingly common in the s and s.

In theory, Kennedy came into office to move the nation away from the lethargy that had become its most commonly criticized attribute. Kennedy, more than Truman or Eisenhower, depended on professors to help him frame a foreign policy that they expected would be both innovative and effective. With men like Rusk as secretary of state, McNamara as secretary of defense, Bundy as national security adviser, and Walt Rostow as his deputy, not to speak of the ever-present presidential brother, Robert, who imagined himself a foreign policy expert, the president began with a bold gesture, the decision to invade Cuba and unseat Castro.

The invasion ended in disaster. How does one account for the paucity of foreign policy achievements in these supposedly heroic thousand days? Kennedy was perhaps the most overrated of the post-war presidents. The contributions that both Arthur Schlesinger Jr. His thousand days were not a time of great achievements, but of greater debacles narrowly averted. He failed to understand the character of that war, so different from any America had ever fought, and failed to see that it led him to become even further estranged from his European allies who had been the mainstay of earlier important political and economic collaborations.

Johnson never replaced the Kennedy crew until his military policies had already failed, having expanded the war in ways bound to be disastrous. Neither Bundy nor McNamara ought to have been retained in office for as long as Johnson, beguiled by their intelligence, chose to keep them. Ill-served by men who genuinely feared him and knew that they had consented to the policies he had adopted, they worked indefatigably for ends they knew he approved of.

When Johnson finally realized that the war could not be won, and sought to disengage, there were few in his government able to help him to do so expeditiously. His mistakes contributed to the defeat of his would-be successor, Hubert Humphrey, and brought into office the individual whom many had once considered a political casualty unlikely ever to redeem himself.

The Unwise Men: The Decline of a Caste

The Nixon administration was as different from the Eisenhower administration as the Kennedy administration had been from that of Harry Truman. The most significant appointment Nixon made was certainly that of Henry Kissinger as his national security adviser. While those who scarcely knew the German-born Jewish intellectual imagined he resembled his Harvard predecessor, Bundy, the two could not have been less alike. Bundy, vastly impressed by the office of the president, respectful of its traditions and its recent incumbents, lacked the intellectual acuteness of Kissinger. Putting the matter perhaps too bluntly, Bundy was a superb servant of others; Kissinger aspired to appear to be that, but in fact had a higher ambition, which was to shape the foreign policy of the country.

His published works showed an originality that had no equivalent in the relatively insignificant articles Bundy had written. Bundy had heroes, including Stimson and other renowned American public servants, and never saw himself as their superior intellectually or politically.

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Kissinger showed no comparable respect or reticence. He owed much to his experience in the military occupation of Germany and even more to his superb undergraduate and graduate education at Harvard. Alas, those he brought with him into government, though often gifted, were in no sense his intellectual equals. Our Word of the Year justice , plus 10 more. How we chose 'justice'.

And is one way more correct than the others? How to use a word that literally drives some people nuts. The awkward case of 'his or her'. Identify the word pairs with a common ancestor. Test your knowledge - and maybe learn something along the way. Other Words from unwise unwisely adverb. Examples of unwise in a Sentence It would be unwise to buy a house now. First Known Use of unwise before the 12th century, in the meaning defined above. Learn More about unwise. Resources for unwise Time Traveler! Explore the year a word first appeared.