Croce, Gentile, Bergson (Filosofia per tutti Vol. 12) (Italian Edition)

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Amazon Restaurants Food delivery from local restaurants. ComiXology Thousands of Digital Comics. East Dane Designer Men's Fashion. Shopbop Designer Fashion Brands. Withoutabox Submit to Film Festivals. Amazon Renewed Refurbished products with a warranty. They constituted categorical monotonous inventory of their proto-fascist gestae.

Rather, it proceeded imperatives without consistency; their compulsiveness was an index of alongside the identification of the historical limits of their actions. From their imaginary poverty. Roman-ness and modernity thus offered to the the two discursive lines, there gradually arose a fascist historical imagi- historical imaginary of Italians a tautology of reference without dialecti- nary rotating around two popular and complementary images that were cal tension: Rome had been modern in its time as fascism was Roman in diffused through all levels of propaganda: Among fascism's the mids, the fascist intelligentsia was immediately aware that the Risorgimental precursors a crucial place was immediately accorded to development of a fascist vision of national history would be key to the the controversial apostle of republicanism, Giuseppe Mazzini.

Mazzini, construction of mass consensus as well as the fascist state, and to the for- of course, had been the leader of the democratic republican faction mation of the fascist 'new man. Yet his patriotism and moral Catholic doc- itant intellectuals who sought a historical legitimization for fascism's rise trine of the citizen's duty to the state left ample room for a selective to power in the recent 'national past' - that is, in the period between the appropriation of his thought and action by fascism.

Mazzini was thus unification of the Italian nation during the so-called Risorgimento purged of all problematic traits and monumentalized as the prime and the Italian 'victory' in the Great War Fascist his- Risorgimental critic of the liberal state and the ideal point of origin of torical discourse thus immediately assumed a thematic coherence and the highest fascist values, including anti-liberalism, a sense of duty and continuity that had no parallel in other cultural sectors.

It was, in fact, sacrifice, fierce patriotism, spiritualism, and, above all, the subordina- from 'books that situated themselves between historical scholarship and tion of the individual to the national collectivity in the ethical state. Furthermore, in the of fascist precursors. On the first front, formation and organization of fascist intellectual culture. With the rise of fas- fascist Gentile was, but rather how actualist fascism was. While continu- cism, however, their relationship was severed. In addition, Gentile como Matteotti in In , therefore, Gentile and Croce found not only remained faithful to the regime until the very end but, after the themselves on opposite sides of the ideological barricade as authors of, end of his ministerial experience, continued to play a prominent role in respectively, the fascist and antifascist manifestos of tali an intellectu- the fascist political sphere.

Finally, Gentile remained fascism's most als. In fact, although in time several signers of either man- co-owner of four publishing houses. Volpe's militant historians whose direct involvement in the intellectual war front political and intellectual credentials were impeccable. His nationalist entailed the assertion of historiography as a combat weapon for the con- sympathies - already well known before the Great War - had developed struction of the present.

His postwar calls for historians to become civic into active support for the fascist movement, sanctioned by his collabo- leaders of the nation not only resonated with widely held reservations ration with Mussolini's journals I1 Popolo d'ltalia and Gmrchia In the same year, Volpe was nominated to the mythology to be diffused at the mass level ofjournalistic discourse. From this secure as a prime historiographical product of the new fascist Italy. Volpe's his- institutional position he came to exercise a leading and lasting role in tory of Italy from to was concise, directed to the broader, edu- the reorganization of Italian historical studies.

At the same time, however, as a model for a historiography Italian historians from social to political historiography and from of the fascist era, Volpe's book was directed against, rather than in sup- ancient to modern Italian history, thereby making the themes and histo- port of, the historical mythology circulating at all levels of nonprofes- riographical practices of Italian professional historians increasingly sional historical discourse.

Rather, it derived principally from the intellectual leader- the intellectual boundaries of fascism's fellow traveller. This intention ship he had come to exert on war-generation historians as the most was nowhere more evident than in Volpe's presentation of the relation- authoritative and outspoken proponent of a new intellectual habitus ship between the Risorgimento and the liberal era that followed it. In addition, while nation, and abandon their positivist distaste for recent Italian history in emphasizing the political ascendancy of nationalism, Volpe's overall favour of historical syntheses addressed to the general public.

But Sec- judgments on both liberalism and socialism were essentially positive in tion P had also been behind the formation and diffusion of the histori- view of their respective contributions to the organization and seculariza- cal myth of the war's Risorgimental origins. This experience gradually tion of the Italian masses, and to the development of the state through led Volpe to redirect his research interests from medieval to modern foreign policy. L'Italia in cammino therefore exalted fascism's social inte- Italian history, and to endorse, in Giovanni Belardelli's words, the 'posi- gration of the Italian masses, but in a state built up by the liberal leader- tive function of historical myths' and the role that the historical imagi- ship.

Where tions of history, the acrimonious debate that pitched Volpe's L'Italia in Gentile insisted on the philosophical continuity between -the Risorgi- cammino against Croce's Stom'a d'ltalia ultimately contributed to the mento and fascism, and between Mazzini and Mussolini, Volpe put the drawing of a boundary between professional historiography and non- relationship between fascism and Risorgimento on the plane of socio- professional historical discourse.

This, however, was exactly the line that historical processes developed during the liberal era and culminating in Mussolini's intervention in the historians' debate sought to cross. As its rapid transformation into motto would soon confirm, rather than L'ltalia in cammino, then, did not perform the anticipated function of settling the question of history, Mussolini's polarization of fascist history historiographical liaison between Gentile's Risorgimentalism and fascist making and liberal history writing reopened the debate on a historical- historical discourse at large.

Notwith- during the last two years of the war as being synonymous with 'bourgeois standing the press campaign orchestrated from above against the traitor,' thereby conflating the political event of Croce's opposition to greater editorial success of Croce's book, the exchange of hostile the Concordat with the historicist imagination sustaining his epochaliza- reviews between the protagonists themselves was received by the major- tion of liberal Italy.

The moral logic of Mussolini's attack implied that ity of Italian professional historians as an invitation to integrate, rather Croce's negative political response was prefigured in his 'shameful' peri- than polarize, their perspectives. Yet the rhetorical vertigo of Mussolini's response neither summa- philosophical ignorance, his explicit attribution of an efficient and prin- rized the positions expressed by Volpe in the debate against Croce nor cipal role to his own philosophy in the formation of liberal elites and supported their common enemy.

Even though Croce was singled out as the liberal state, and his polemical refusal to include the Risorgimento the quintessential representative of the 'creative impotence' of the lib- in his treatment of Italian history - a refusal motivated by an a priori dis- eral imagination in either producing or recognizing history-making tinction between the 'epic' history of the Risorgimento, good only for events, the rhetorical horizon of 'shirker-ness' also included Volpe and 'kids and teenagers,' and the 'real' history of the liberal era, addressed did not entirely exclude even those fascist historians who, unlike Volpe, to the 'cultured classes whose office is to lead.

Historically, in fact, Volpe and all the members of nonfascist or antifascist colleagues halfway by refusing to choose be- the army's Section P had been among the earliest group accused of tween Croce and Volpe. Instead they sought to conciliate their teach- shirking during the Great War, suspected first of having found refuge ings to better fight against both the proponents of a revolutionary dis- from the dangers of combat in the safety of propaganda and then of hav- continuity between the fascist present and the recent national past and ing grossly inflated their own role in the victorious conclusion of the those who asserted the uninterrupted continuity of Italian history from war.

On Roman antiquity to the present. Despite the polar opposition sis in this speech, nor did the 'shirker' passage simply rhetoricize vio- characterizing most interpretational aspects of their books, Volpe's and lence against Croce. To para- War, 1,'ltalia i n cammino had epochalized the integration between Italian phrase Spackman, the rhetorical appeal of Mussolini's juxtaposition of state and society in the pristine chronological space of a century liberal history writing and fascist history making rested on its sudden Second, Croce's comment explicitly acknowledged that the issue stockpiling of 'eventfulness' rather than violence, and it pointed toward raised by Mussolini's speech related to the debates on both art and the popular culture roots of the fascist imaginary rather than the futur- historiography that had impassioned the fascist public sphere between ist rhetorics of virility.

The accusation of 'creative impotence' against Croce's imbosca- ture, in the discursive expressions 'historic event' and 'historic speech. Mussolini's idea of fascist history making 'belonging to the past' and to the latter that of 'forming an important ascribed this power to an immanent conception of epochal agency that part or item of history; noted or celebrated in history. On the contrary, 'rhetorization of violence' intimating that 'words should submit to the we normally define an event historic when we perceive it as belonging law of action and tend toward praxis.

Accordingly, the logic of Musso- Freud's Nostalgza and Melancholy, or Paul Valery's Europe Today will rec- lini's speech effectively reified the ideological opposition between liber- ognize in these writings unequivocal signs of a modernist sensitivity alism and fascism into an ontological dichotomy between historical and toward the rupture created by the Great War in the transcendental fab- historic conceptions of agency, representation, and consciousness. The ric of historical consciousness.

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Among these signs, one should not hesi- inscription of liberal ideology under the sign of the 'historical' corre- tate to insert the notion of a historic imaginary elicited by Mussolini's sponded to the projection of a fascist historic agency that acted upon speech. By the same token, Naturally, this insertion does not mean that one should equate a slo- Mussolini's speech ascribed to the fascist subject a historic imaginary that gan - 'Fascism makes history' -with sustained philosophical elaboration declinated history in the present tense and inscribed historical meaning or literary experimentation.

Rather, Mussolini's invocation of the fascist under the immanent rubric of presence, and against the transcendental historic imaginary should be regarded as a document that points simul- horizon of historical time. Just as as a mere cipher of the fascist rhetorics of virility, we need to recognize fascism and its rhetoric of virility constituted a consistent political temp- immediately that the immanent conception of history it evoked in- tation for much of the modernist generation of , the modernist scribed itself within the intellectual context of a modernist challenge to ideas of this intellectual generation were expressed in countless Musso- the transcendental notion of historical consciousness.

It is not so much linian speeches and institutionalized in many a fascist motto. In fact, the historic logic of the speech conception of history in twentieth-century literature and philosophy pointed away from the critique of Croce's Storia d'ltalia and the histori- was intimately associated with the widespread experience of the Great ans' debate in the late s and toward the actualist philosophy of his- War as a modernist event.

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In particular, White has pointed out that tory elaborated during the war by Croce's philosophical nemesis and after modernist literature and thought shifted focus from the cul- fascism's prime philosopher, Giovanni Gentile. A Modernist Philosophy of History ulative problem of the circular relationship between philosophy, the his- tory of philosophy, and the philosophy of history, to face the more Any cursory glance at the titles of Gentile's production between analytic question of the relationship between res gestae and historia r m m and reveals immediately that the principal thematic nucleus gestamcm.

By no lar union' of philosophy and history that Gentile had elaborated in the means the final statements from Gentile on the matter, these two texts first decade of the century. In the seventeen texts two books and fifteen nevertheless provided a basic perimeter that enclosed within a coherent essays specifically devoted to the topic, Gentile managed to articulate vision all the other immanent relations i. Most significantly, philosophy to that of philosophy of history and history per se. For Croce, what ception of historical experience in response to Kant's Critique of Practical was dead in Marxism was its philosophy of history, while materialism was Reason.

According to Gentile, Kant had left this concept 'obscure' alive as a useful historical methodology. For Gentile, the opposite was because he had construed experience as the medium that connected true: Pure experience, Gentile argued, could distinctions, Croce pointed his finger at the implicit antithesis Gentile not be transcended, as Kant had erroneously posited, because every- had posited between past and present.

By 'reducing everything to the thing Kant conceived as noumena existed in the very act of thought, sole distinction between past and present,' Croce contended, actualism which therefore was, 'autoctisi,' that is, immanence of subject and ob- resolved itself into a reversed absolute positivism. Everything was in the ject, sense and intellect.

At the same time, Gentile conceded that the present-act, nothing in the past-fact. With this a priori distinction actual- actualist collapse of experience and consciousness in the pure act had ism could not but end by identifying history res gestae 'with the series been anticipated by Kant in his Der Streit DerFakultaten The Contest ofFac- of images of historical facts that have been given at various times, no ulties and, in particular, in the section dedicated to the contest between matter whether generated by historians or poets, by men of intelligence philosophy and law.

The philosopher, however, was not con- on the basis of the a priori polarization of past and present. This enthusiasm was the sign of the Revolution's Sub- that overcomes it, and therefore cannot recognize other value [to the lime. It made historical facts coalesce into a unique event that Kant inferior one] than being an integral part of itself.

With the French Revolution, history had To think about, read, or write history means to 'devalue all old experi- spoken its transcendental language to the consciousness of its readers ences on the basis of new experiences,' according to the same principle rather than its protagonists, because, for Kant, the readers of his present by which we may interpret a dream by 'reconnecting it to the whole his- time represented the readers of yesterday and those of tomorrow.

The tory of our individuality' only within the experience of being awake. All revolutionary event had thus proven the eternal law of progress through the distinctions we make between real and fictional facts, past and the impression it had left on their consciousness, and, in so doing, had present, are concretely born in the experience of reading 'and come to signified the contemporaneity of all temporal dimensions - past signum the surface of consciousness according to the rhythm of its develop- rememorativum , present signum demonstrativum , and future signum ment.

And, quite consciously, Gentile consid- her] culture and individual experience. For Gentile, it historical signs, rather than writing history, all distinctions between real- was the immanent condition of every individual act of reading that dis- ity and representation, past and present, evaporated immediately. The solved the medium of representation between thinking and writing into progress of history revealed itself as immanent in the movement of a historical self-generation.

From the point of view of actualism, Situating the subject of history both res gestae and historia r m m ges- reading a history book, a historical document, or a historic event were tarum in the experience of reading, 'L'Esperienza pura e la realtii stor- all activities belonging to the transtemporal presence of experience. Abstracted from that past attuale actual by thinking its content within 'our present the historical context of the French Revolution, Gentile's notion of his- awareness of thinking ourselves thinking the object. In so doing, actualist philosophy of history.

Actualism, he argued, did nothing more however, Gentile clearly went much further than completing as he had than unify the two meanings of the word 'according to which history is wished Kant's unfinished critique of history. What concep- omy between spirit and nature by means of the very 'idea of a concrete tion of representation and agency did the identification of historical Italy Historical materialism had sign of a momentous re-orientation of historical consciousness itself.

For Gentile, the historical importance of Marx's philos- ophy of history rested on its having become 'the critical consciousness According to most accounts, including Gentile's own, 'Politica e filoso- of the communist movement that refers itself to Marx. For the first time, Gentile presented the identity of token, Gentile's most recent biographer, Giovanni Turi, has identified politics and philosophy as the consequence of a preliminary choice be- 'Politica e filosofia' as the founding text of that Risorgimentalist inter- tween two opposite orientations of the historical imagination.

These positivist conception of the historical fact determined in past-time and readings 'in hindsight' have certainly rendered justice to the crucial past-space, and it corresponded to a 'representation of ourselves to our- role that this text played in the ideological encounter of actualism with selves beyond the heat of passion and action, since the fact is given as fascism, yet they have also obscured a much deeper level of conjunctural accomplished.

And, since actualism had correctly historical sign of a collective reorientation of the historical imagination anticipated this reorientation of the historical imagination, Gentile con- toward history belonging to the present. In the first place this victory cluded his essay by claiming that actualism had overcome Marxist histor- was the result of a successful reaction of the Italian war front to the dou- ical materialism with a more 'realistic' philosophy of history.

I4 ble event-sign that in October had come to endanger not only the Appearing as it did at the end of Gentile's most influential political- Italian war effort but also Gentile's whole philosophical enterprise: By ignored by scholars of actualism, who have concentrated their attention all accounts, the prolonged retreat that followed this defeat had pro- solely on the central place of 'Politica e filosofia' in the Risorgimentalist duced a collective shock of unprecedented proportions throughout the turn of Gentile's mind and the ideological evolution of actualism toward Italian military war front, but its effects on the intellectual war front had fascism.

From the perspective of this study, however, Gentile's claim been equally momentous. Clearly, Gentile's polar- feeding the spectre of an internal enemy undetected by other commen- ization of 'history belonging to the present' and 'history belonging to tators. The traumatic defeat at Caporetto had temporarily helped to the past' theorized, anticipated, and sustained philosophically the ideo- transform the victory of the Bolshevik Revolution into a new historical logical opposition of fascist history making and liberal history writing sign of transcendental history.

After Caporetto, therefore, the internal enunciated by Mussolini in But, as we have seen above, this polar- enemy that the Italians had confronted, fought, and successfully ization had nothing to do with the Risorgimentalist interpretation of fas- defeated was not the revolutionary appeal of the October Revolution, cism developed by fascist historians in the s.

Rather, it anticipated but the very transcendental conception of the historical sign articulated the more philosophical proposition made by Gentile in several s by Kant in the face of the revolution of his times. I3 Their subsequent writings that fascism constituted a 'risorgimento' resurgence in act, military reaction and victory represented the defeat of all forms of tran- that is, the idealist-religiousresponse to the materialist doctrine of 'revo- scendentalism Catholic, Kantian, and Marxist by a historic form of lution.

At last, on the Italian battlefields, the histo- 'antimaterialist revision of Marxism,' in Italy this humus had been fertil- riographical and historical acts had come to coincide in the conscious- ized by actualism. I6 Gentile had not only been the principal Italian pro- ness of political leaders, intellectuals, and the masses. Thus, the Italian tagonist in the 'reinterpretation of the ideological corpus associated experience in the Great War had acquired for Gentile a universal value.

Therefore, if - as Del Noce prognostikon that superseded both the French Revolution and the Italian claims - there was a 'pre-established harmony' between actualism and Kisorgimento, but also, specifically, the historical sign that the Kantian fascism before their ideological encounter in , this harmony had distinction between onlookers and actors had been definitively over- developed on the terrain of the historic imagination that Gentile theo- come. On the Italian war front, intellectuals, political leaders, and a rized in 1 9 1 8.

For Gentile, the stage was set for the birth of a new polit- cist history making. The actualist phi- rapidly throughout the home front and survived well after the victory, losophy of history and the fascist historic imaginary were indeed joined 'traversing the entire aftermath of the Great War.

From this perspective, the mistransla- ing with the military counterattack, this image had provoked an ambiva- tion of Mussolini's speech into the popular motto 'Fascism makes lent reaction in both soldiers and civilians. The perceived death of the history' may be the best confirmation of the enduring connections fatherland had been feared because it represented tlie 'loss of the among the formation of the fascist historic imaginary, the war trauma, supreme value for which all Italians had fought,' but it had also been and the actualist philosophy of history elaborated by Gentile in its after- desired, 'or even accomplished, in the imagination of some, in so far as math.

By the same token, throughout Gentile's fascist writings and par- the fatherland had been the cause and origin of the colossal and useless ticularly in his essay, 'The Transcendence of Time in History,' one pains they had suffered during the conflict. At the same time, this enduring connection also suggests a managed to achieve so much support among war veterans. The mass appeal of the actual- Seen from the ethno-psychological perspective developed by Fachi- ist-fascist annulment of time was neither as archaic as Fachinelli posits it nelli, Gentile's theory of the historic imagination may be seen as respond- to be nor anchored solely to obsessive denial.

Rather it was rooted in the ing to the same ambivalent imaginary from which the fascist mentality cultural resonance between Gentile's modernist philosophy of history arose and doing so with a catastrophic conflation of historical agency, and the Latin Catholic roots of Italian popular culture. Between Cultural Modernism and Historic Semantics entirely unknown until then. What new values did actualism introduce regime transposed the fatherland under the mythic sky of its Roman or support?

And what role did Gentile play in the modernist intellectual origins, while colonizing the collective time of Italians with 'omnipresent field? While on the spiritual an act of thought and every act of thought was pure because it was an act side the essay offered the vociani a Risorgimental religion that they of spiritual self-consciousness. But on Gentile's Catholic religious side, would soon embrace on their path toward the political endorsement of autoctisi was fundamentally related to the affirmation of only one version fascism, on the secular side it articulated a modernist philosophy of his- of the Christian God: It thus meant 'self-creation,' tory that celebrated the 'funeral of the passatista past-lover philoso- and it summarized in one concept Gentile's claim to have definitively pher' Croce in much the same way as the futurists had done in While Gentile's prewar texts had belaboured the speculative the distance that continued to separate Gentile's philosophy of art from tradition of Kant, Hegel, and Marx, seeking to purge from it its tran- futurist aesthetics.

Actualism, therefore, did not re- medium representation from all discursive, aesthetic, political prac- sume the tropological course of nineteenth-century philosophy of his- tices. We could equally summarize Gentile's notion of history belonging to the present theorized a collapse actualism as the syntactical subjectification of objects, or the semantic of res gestae and histovia rerum gestarum that may be best conceptualized as contamination of philosophical and religious language, or the transla- a catastrophe of the histori ographi cal act - in the original Greek sense tion of rhetorical analogy into catastrophe, or the grammatical activa- of 'catastrophe' from the verb katastropheo , meaning to unify two dis- tion of select nouns into predicates: And with this catastrophe actualism fit all 'philosophy' to filosofare to do philosophy.

At the root of the actualist the historical theoretical parameters of a quintessentially modernist phi- imaginary we thus find the quintessentially modernist utopia of a self- losophy of history.

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The actualist catastrophe of the histori ographi cal act in modern historiography. Often, Greek historians achieved enargeia by connected the fascist rejection of political representation and the futur- using what later grammarians called the historic present, but this syntac- ist theory of aesthetic self-generation with the elimination of the tical operation referred to a much more complex rhetorical scene.

At the same time, the modernist thrust of a unified representational effect of reality and truth achievable by both actualism did not simply interrupt the transcendental course of modern visual and literary means painting and sculpture as well as prose and historical semantics but gave theoretical form to an immanent paradigm historiography.

In short, enargeia referred the very idea of truth to the of historic semantics that had both predated and survived it.

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The discursive link between enargeia and the signifi- Gentile's philosophy of history and the ancient signification of vividness cation of historical truth was translated in Latin rhetoric by the was inscribed in the very etymology of the term actualism. Actualism sequence evidentia in narratione narrative vividness , illustratio descrip- derived from the Latin actus and its later synonyms and derivatives, tion , and demostratio to point at an invisible object.

Io4 Yet, as Ginzburg argues, Latin Catholic popular culture was determinant for the discursive con- whereas the Greek kolossos conferred to its referent the attribute of inter- struction of the modern idea of historicness and its deflection in the mediary between presence life and absence death , Latin attributed actualist philosophy of history. Actualism and the discursive notion of to the imperial imago 'a properly metonymic role, being considered as historic eventfulness found their cultural premises in the rhetorical part of an identity.

It was this signification of 'real presence, in the strong - of a submerged paradigm of historic imagination that emerged with the the strongest possible - sense of the word,' that came to constitute the Great War - not the Risorgimento. If the ideological drifting of Gentile rhetorical foundation of the Catholic conception of representation. It was, in fact, at the Via the dogma of transubstantiation and ritual practices such as that of level of the visual representation of history during fascism that the actu- the 'King's two bodies,' the Latin notion of imago was appropriated by alist philosophy of history came to play a key if often indirect role in the Catholic Church and codified in the powerful motto that sustained the institutionalization of the fascist historic imaginary.

As the following its massive production of religious imagery: Io7For centuries, ideological subordination of writing history to making history present throughout the Catholic world, the production of, and response to, ever with the consolidation of a historic mode of representation at all levels more affective forms of verisimilitude from high art to ex-votos, icons, of fascist mass culture. The web of connections anticipated in this chap- and religious waxworks were dominated by a mixture of fear of and ter found prominent expression in those public sites of historical repre- attraction to the ontological fusion between the image and its proto- sentation where image- and ritual-politics, Mussolini and the masses, type.

It was in his- of high art production, is apparent in the longevity of the Latin motto ut tory museums, monuments, exhibitions, and anniversary commemora- pictura poesis poetry must follow painting in modern culture. However, tions that the actualist catastrophe of the histor iograph ical act was the endurance and consequences of this subordination in popular cul- implemented and the fascist historic imaginary made visually present. The rhetorical line that connects historic semantics to the ancient scene of enargeia passes through the formation of a visual paradigm of historical consciousness: Far from dissolving under the weight of historical semantics, the Latin Cath- olic rhetorical tradition found its most stable recoding ever in the mod- ern notions of historic speech and event, which fused the epic and the didactic elements of historia magistra vitae in the association of immanent meaning and epochal eventfulness.

And it was this Latin Catholic yearn- ing to make history visually present that the actualist philosophy of his- tory at one and the same time theorized, sustained, and politicized. Just like the philosophy of history it announced, then, 'Politica e filosofia' opened two parallel but distinct paths for the contemporary reception of Gentile's Risorgimentalism. On the one hand, the essay proposed actualism as the elaboration of the Risorgimental political philosophy of Mazzini and the philosophical anticipation of a second Risorgimento that Gentile himself would soon identify with fascism.

In many respects, then, the Italian veteran's plea for museums of suf- fering was much closer to that 'older set of languages about suffering On 20 April , an anonymous Italian Great War veteran published and loss' that characterized the memorialization of the Great War in an article in the Milanese journal Rifomna sociale entitled 'I musei del France and England than to the avant-garde language of the German dolore' 'The museums of suffering'. These museums would document 'the of bereavement in the victorious countries either. Rather, it opens a sufferings of the recent war' and the 'devastating effects of all wars on unique window onto the interaction between the Italian exorcism of the man's physical body, his intelligence and moral faculties, the natural war trauma and the formation and institutionalization of the fascist his- environment, places and things.

Its author, however, did statistics, illustrative graphics, and plaster casts reproducing the most not remain anonymous, nor did he abandon the project. Behind the horrifying wounds and mutilations in vivid colours. In this text Monti recycled the episode of the disfig- Museum there was no trace of the pedagogical piety found in the words ured veteran but dramatically transfigured the circumstances of this rec- of the Italian veteran, and its realization rejected altogether the Italian's ollection.

No longer the source of bourgeois uneasiness, the scarred call for the hyper-realist aesthetics of illustrative graphics and plaster veteran was presented in as the recipient of Benito Mussolini's 'lov- casts. The creator of the Anti-Ibiegs, Ernst Friedrich, was a militant ing caress' during his first official visit to Milan, as prime minister, in anarchist, an aspiring artist, and, since , a well-known member of October In addition, the image of a trace of a more collective phenomenon.

While the exhaustive chronicles of this transfiguration of memory cannot be separated from the fact that he visit mention neither Mussolini's visit to the Sforza castle, nor the had neither been a front line soldier, nor remained an anonymous vet- encounter with the disfigured veteran, the reason for this first official eran. During the last fourteen months of the war, Captain Monti had visit of Mussolini as prime minister to Milan is well known.

It was a served with the official commission that had judged the moral and mili- highly symbolic occasion: After 'March on Rome,' 27 October Quite plausibly, Monti's original proposal came to represent the fascist seizure of power as a mental historic site for the constitution of museums of suffering was born of his prolonged rather than a mere site of memory. It translated into ritual form the his- exposure to the symbolic deathbed of the fatherland Caporetto , not toric imaginary elicited by Mussolini's speech: The epoch it announced was incommensurable with event than with public indifference to the pious intentions of Monti's any earlier one because fascism presented itself as making history rather anonymous plea.

Pointing a finger toward the incommensurability be- than seeking legitimization from history. The imagi- rather than covered this ambivalence. Fascism offered instead the nary link established by Monti between the thaumaturgic Duce, the cel- appropriate exorcism of the war trauma, and Monti's museum could ebration of the March on Rome, and the origin of his war archive gives thus reemerge as a patriotic archive under the obsessive framework of us a clue to the crucial role that fascist ritual culture played in the con- fascist denial.

As a textual image the Duce At a symptomatic level of analysis, then, the belated transfiguration of Taumaturgo pointed explicitly to the founding interaction between the the war cripple from a victim of bourgeois hypocrisy to the recipient of formation of fascist historic imaginary and the popular cult of Mussolini Mussolini's thaumaturgic touch suggests that -just as for many intellec- mussolinismo.

The cultural construction of this cult had begun well tuals of his generation - Monti's endorsement of fascism was sustained before his ascendance to the leadership of the fascist movement, but by collective expectations of a historical pharmacon that would heal the had assumed during the ventennio the collective proportions of a proper psychological wounds of the Great War.

For Passerini, in this cru- MRM , in , the museum did not even have a catalogue and was cial phase of mutual exaltation between masses and leader, Mussolini's arranged in 'picturesque and chaotic disorder. In immortal primacy of the Italian spirit. By the early s, all of his peers Monti's textual image elicited and deflected the thaumaturgic tenure credited Monti with having transformed completely this old institution of Monti's own history-making activities. The very act of transfiguration founded in into the first 'modern' institute of contemporary his- underscored how Monti's war archive sought to be 'thaumaturgic' by tory in Italy.

Unlike similar institutions established in Italy and Monti undisputed leadership in the modernization of historical repre- abroad, the Milanese War Archive was not meant to be 'an assortment of sentation under fascism and that established his 'Great War-Risorgi- weapons or a reconstruction of battle scenes' but rather a collection of mento' museum complex as the model to which all others should unofficial documents illustrating how, in Monti's words, 'Italy had been gradually conform.

Excluded, how- Monti had conjured up four years before. In fact, it highlighted the ever, were relics and 'objects of any kind,' because they did not fit with thaumaturgic tenor of his whole enterprise. On the one hand, the cho- the specific goal of the archive, which was, in Monti's own words, 'to sen mode of collection had been designed to heal the children of the document the grafomania [compulsive letter-writing] of Italian soldiers, war generation.

On the other hand, the archive's catalogues were in- [which was] one of the chief characteristics of a war marked by long and tended to give access to the psychological history of the war in order to enervating pauses. For its proud creator, then, the sub- memorating the tenth anniversary of its constitution, Monti could refer ject catalogue represented a scientific achievement not simply because to the original process by which the archive had been constituted as fix- it gave coherence to a chaotic mass of documents but, more im- ing 'definitively and without possible equivocation its unique nature portantly, because it directed scholarly attention toward the war as a and goals.

Still, the question remains: On what episte- flict as a 'gigantic psychological fact' that continued to affect the lives of mological basis could Monti claim the scientific status of this highly the men who fought, just as much as those of their sons and daugh- selective subject catalogue? Marginalized by the professionalization of histo- dier's cult of the Virgin Mary. The group photographs and 'the trusting humility of their requests. Hence the scholar was freed from the anxiety of constructing museum complex.

In a memorandum written in , shortly after his a narrative, since the archive director had already prefigured one for appointment as director, Monti announced his plan to transform the him. Instead, scholars could let themselves be taken in by the singular Milanese Museum of Risorgimento from a 'patriotic museum' into a flavour and expressivity of each item.

• MINHA VIDA, MINHA FÉ I (Portuguese Edition).
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The secret of a thaumaturgic 'historical documentary of political and civic occurrences in Italy from chain of effects, which Monti's own analysis of the ex-votos iconically the end of the eighteenth century to our days. At the same time, however, Monti's insistence on never developed in print his reform project, nor did he go much further the archive's documentation of the Great War as a gigantic 'psychologi- than cryptic or sarcastic remarks concerning his predecessors, but a cal fact' also revealed a desire to merge a romantic sensitivity to the sen- brief look at the prewar arrangement of these museums helps clarify his sory experience of the past with a specifically actualist approach to the statement.

Risorgimento museums have a precise origin - the Risorgimento As a young historian, Monti grew up in the cultural atmosphere of Pavilion set up at the National Fair in Turin - but an uneven devel- neo-idealism. An avid reader of and subscriber to L a Critica, he also opment both geographically and chronologically. The Turin Pavilion exchanged a few letters with Croce and probably met him on several established the interpretative model for the first museums and local pol- occasions before the war. Long before his documentary value. In the total absence of technical training and dispo- anonymous call for a museum of war sufferings, Monti was among the sition, the first curators displayed the selected items with no regard for first Italian historians to support explicitly Gentile's thesis that the Ital- chronology but with an evident obsession to induce a process of physical ian victory in the Great War 'completed the historical cycle of our Risorg- identification with the protagonists of the Risorgimento.

The selective stress None of the newly founded museums could match Milan's in bring- Monti laid on the activities of wartime intellectuals makes clear that the ing this model of synecdochic representation to late-romantic per- 'gigantic psychological fact' the archive was supposed to document, and fection. One of its most prestigious founders, Cesare Correnti, was the sustain, was the very orientation of fascist historical consciousness toward most outspoken fin-de-siecle sponsor of a type of display aimed at 'history belonging to the present' theorized by Gentile. The negative connotation given by Monti to the highest The Actualist Museum fascist virtue, patriotism, cannot be taken literally or simply metaphori- cally.

It does not indicate a political aversion to patriotic sentiment; it is If the integration of romantic aesthetics and actualist philosophy of his- not simply a synonym for 'romantic. As the generation of historical actors dis- plified in the work and words of the second curator of the Milanese appeared, museum directors sought to displace an anxiety concerning museum, Ludovico Corio 1. Indeed, the symbolic economy of value inscribed at the heart the root of the patriotic paradigm at the First Congress of Risorgimento of the Risorgimento museum adhered to Jean Baudrillard's classic defi- Historians in These museums reified a supposedly original form accept that other one?

Beginning with a discussion of 'the limits to be imposed on museum, but also a clue to the anomalous status of Risorgimento muse- the exhibition of objects,' he affirmed uncompromisingly that 'hair, ums in the late-romantic panorama described by Bann. For Corio and a nails, bloodstained rags, bone fragments, butt ends of cigars, and similar majority of his peers, the directors of Risorgimento museums were not stuff should be forever banned from any museum.

This is a situa- ory that had characterized the activities of his predecessors, Monti's tion whose peculiarity may be best appreciated in the light of the opposition to relics was also in perfect keeping with the exclusion of late-romantic theory of historical value elaborated by Alois Riegl in his objects from his war archive. Its Character and Its strategy as transforming Risorgimento museums from a series of personal origin.

In particular, Riegl pro- posed a distinction between the 'age value' and the 'historical value as 1. The limits of the period intended by the term 'Risorgimento' memory' of all objects from the past, based upon the viewer's perception.

Il processo del cambiamento

Whether to exhibit photographs of materials belonging to other Age value revealed itself to any viewer in the object's 'weathered appear- museums alongside the home museum's collection ance' incompleteness, lack of wholeness, a tendency to dissolve form 3. Whether, and to what extent, the museums should also exhibit and colour , while historical value was recognized and assigned only by items not specifically patriotic learned viewers 'in accordance with the modern notion that what has 4.

In fact, frame to And yet, in his presentation, he did not focus his atten- it is only in the light of this modernist recoding of the historical aura tion on the initial question of periodization but rather on the subse- that we may fully understand the coherence and interrelatedness of quent aesthetic and epistemological issues it raised. Monti's elaboration Monti's last two proposals: As Monti emphasized at length, the first proposal called into question Regarding the exhibition of photographs, Monti declared that he the means by which Risorgimento museums had traditionally sought 'to 'would rather see only authentic objects exhibited, because they have an keep the patriotic sentiment always awake, and to strengthen national emotional and meditative impact on the viewer that photographs can- consciousness by means of examples from the past.

Therefore, the authenticity he defended was not that of unique had nothing to do with the mere affirmation of that historical continuity objects but of the viewer's experience of fragmentary evidence, an that had inspired - during the conflict - the labelling of the Great War experience that in the historical museum he considered to be both as the 'fourth war of independence. The insertion of toward 'history belonging to the present.

On the contrary, the availability of the as catalysts of national character. Accordingly, postwar Risorgimento originals in other museums would have given epistemological validity to museums should have documented and periodized the evolution of all the photographs as authenticity effects. Given the availability of great numbers The fascist curator's defense of the historical aura did not refer, of documents, the related problems of narrative integration by photo- therefore, to outmoded notions 'such as creativity and genius, eternal graphs and patriotic inspiration through fetishized examples had be- value and mystery,' as Benjamin implied, but to a conception of the rela- come not only theoretically but also practically obsolete.

Eliminating tionship between aesthetics and historical knowledge that resonated these, the curatorial selection of documents and objects for display with his Catholic sensitivity to the rhetorical encoding of presencejust as would invite the viewers to focus their narrative projection on the much as with a quintessentially modernist critique of narrative represen- epochal totality of the Great War and the Risorgimento. In this respect, Monti's museum also affirmed the inseparable con- nection between the visual representation of the past and the upkeep of a fascist historic imaginary.

It shows diagonally the perfect alignment of flags on the and the institutionalization that the actualist philosophy of history left side, the display of the regular intervals among five busts, and a full encountered in these institutions. In fact, of all of Monti's propos- view of the first display case. This case is divided into five panels docu- als, this one alone was not implemented by the author and his peers. This image was more than a municipal government, his first curatorial operation entailed reorder- panoramic view of the museum's main room: The narrative analogy between the museum's display cases and 'historical pages.

From the introduction of yellow glass to protect the most fragile documents and relics from the sun, to the restoration of uniforms and their exhibition on mannequins specifically designed by Monti, to the replacement of originals with facsimiles, to the design of new cases constructed specially for the preservation of fragile posters and that of passe-partouts patented by Monti himself for their exhibi- tion, all of the museotechnical innovations diffused by Monti in the late s conformed to the actualist-modernist trajectory of his curatorial principles.

The transfer of yellowness from the docu- ments to the glass panel between document and viewer translated Monti's reconceptualization of historical representation as related to a system-dependent notion of value and his rejection of any notion of inherent value, whether aesthetic or cognitive. The yellow glass of Monti's display cases preserved the unique but instrumental value of each item in a spatial system that surrounded the viewer with its modu- larity before the gaze could engage any single item. At the same time, however, the glass called the viewer's attention to the perishable nature Figure 2.

Floor map of the Milanese Museo del Risorgimento, The same can be said of the restored uniforms. Their bullet holes had been sewn mento after the model of the Great War that Monti had announced in up, thereby preventing the romantic revival of historical heroes, but The new layout characterized the Risorgimento as a 'national war' their display on stylized mannequins stimulated the viewer's anthropo- that had mobilized social and intellectual forces within and beyond the morphic visualization of the surrounding objects and documents as part geographical boundaries of the nation.

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Framed as it was between the of lived history. Finally, and more effectively than any other element first narrative section, covering to , and the long 'Garibaldi in the display, the cleaned posters and prints, uniformly framed with Hall' that picked up the story from to , the asymmetry of the Monti's passe-partouts, pointed the viewer's attention away from their topical rooms spatially interrupted the regular time of narrative.

The memory value and toward their narrative value as structural elements in revolutionary press, the prophet-conspirator Mazzini, and all the other a visual history of the Risorgimento. These makes out their date and subject matter - all within a uniformly divided rooms thematized an epochal ideology of historical meaning: Clearly, the implementation allowed military history to become, as it were, national epic.

Their combined effect was to make the interaction be- sacralization of fascism.