Amritsar Massacre, The: The Untold Story of One Fateful Day

Lloyd has in other words turned the story of the Amritsar Massacre into a polemic piece of empire apologia the like of which has not been seen since the heyday of the Morning Post.

Montagu, who were pushing for reforms and increased negotiations with moderate Indian politicians, coming a close second. Liberal policies upset the precarious balance of colonial India, Lloyd argues, and necessitated the continuation of war-time emergency legislation, the infamous Rowlatt Acts of The wave of Indian protests that followed these acts, we are told, was not caused by the fact that they curtailed basic civil rights the acts were the precursors to modern-day anti-terrorism legislation , but rather because they were poorly understood and furthermore misrepresented by anti-British agitators.

Indians, in other words, were protesting against something they did not understand and which, moreover, was for their own good. Civil disobedience constituted a breach of law and thus, Lloyd seems to suggest, all Indians who protested against the British were effectively criminals or worse and should expect to be treated accordingly. Following this rationale, the people gathered in the Jallianwala Bagh on 13 April , in blatant disregard of the ban on public meetings, only had themselves, and Gandhi, to blame for what eventually happened.

Having identified so completely with the British of , Lloyd is at pains to play down the various types of punishment the authorities implemented once martial law had been declared after mid-April. In the lane in Amritsar where a British female missionary had been brutally attacked by a crowd, Dyer ordered Indians to crawl on all fours. So what of the massacre itself? On entering, I saw a dense crowd estimated at about 5,; a man on a raised platform addressing the audience and making gestulations [ sic ] with his hands.

I realised that my force was small and to hesitate might induce attack. I immediately opened fire and dispersed the crowd. I estimate that between and of the crowd were killed. Dyer did not expect the meeting at the Jallianwala Bagh to take place in the first place, Lloyd argues, and when he suddenly found himself face-to-face with what was assumed to be thousands of dangerous rebels, the General had no choice: Once Dyer had given the order to fire he could not very well stop until he had scattered the crowd, otherwise he and his men might have been overrun.

Lloyd is probably right in suggesting that there were not that many women and children in the crowd at Jallianwala Bagh, but the undisputed presence of at least some speaks against the notion that the gathering was volatile and largely composed of would-be rioters. It is usually assumed that a considerable number of people, including villagers from the surrounding area, were present in the Bagh on the 13th because it was the day of the popular Baisakhi festival and a large cattle-fair had taken place at Amritsar just three days earlier.

That was not so, Lloyd insists, since the violence of the preceding days had interrupted the fair, and third-class railway travel to Amritsar had been banned by the authorities. Knowingly or not, Lloyd here invokes the old bogey of villagers joining the rebel sepoys of , which is nothing short of absurd in the context of Of the alleged conspiracy to spread disorder in the countryside, and draw in pillaging villagers to Amritsar, he can provide no evidence whatsoever — probably because such a conspiracy never existed outside the fevered mind of the likes of Dyer.

Supposedly Dyer went to the Jallianwala Bagh completely unprepared, and when he realised the composition and size of the gathered crowd he had to fire, which he did within 30 seconds of entering the enclosure. As appears in the above-quoted report, however, Dyer clearly did not believe he was faced by a crowd of more than 5, It is no mean feat that Lloyd manages to make Niall Ferguson seem like a tree-hugging leftie by comparison. His argument rests entirely on the premise that British police reports and official records can be taken at face value as accurate representations of fact.

The pitfalls of such an approach should be obvious and Lloyd never gains sufficient distance from his source-material to be anything but a spokesperson for the British involved in putting down the unrest in Punjab. There is nothing inherently wrong about historical revisionism of course — most historians can attest to the value in reassessing longstanding myths and popular misconceptions. The problem is that self-proclaimed revisionism tends to be motivated by highly politicised agendas of varying denominations and to operate within a narrowly Manichean world-view, where angry polemics take the place of constructive debate.

This book was not written with a view to understanding the events of the past as much as to exculpate the British Empire in the present. Wagner repeatedly attacks me for not swimming with the tide, for having a different view than people like himself, for being out of step with the mainstream.

Author's Response

It is not the duty of historians to consolidate and repeat the prejudices of a current generation, but to investigate the past objectively and honourably. That Wagner can only respond to challenging new research with insults and disparaging comments indicates how prejudiced and reactionary he is; part of an academic clique that is not committed to uncovering the truth about Indian history, only reinforcing a highly dubious orthodoxy. Wagner allies himself with those who have for 60 years legitimised and defended the power of the winning side, the Congress Party, in India, and demonised anyone who dissents from this.

That Wagner has absolutely nothing to say about the violence directed against the Indian people by the successor state since , including the massacre at the Golden Temple in and the introduction of a form of martial law far worse than anything seen in , tells us everything about his political sympathies as well as his selective historical amnesia. Wagner is the reactionary defender of an out-of-date ideology, not me. Wagner is beside himself that I have looked at members of the ICS in India in and argued that their story deserves to be told; that by and large they did their jobs with competence and responsibility throughout a very difficult period.

It is certainly the case that my ideas are unfashionable at least within certain history departments , but it does not follow that they are wrong. The ICS are worthy of study and should be treated with respect and objectivity. Because it has simply been assumed that these people have no story to tell, they have been airbrushed from history in a determined campaign of censorship. My book is the only account to look at what they actually did, without pre-judging them. Furthermore, the contention that my book is nothing more than a highly politicised whitewash is simply not true.

It was, in some respects, written as a reaction to earlier works for example by B. Horniman, Raja Ram and Helen Fein that were grossly inaccurate and highly politicised themselves. To imply, as Wagner does, that previous works on the subject were not politicised is absurd: Had they not been so, there would have been no need for my book which, in any case, is based on a far greater range of evidence than any previous history.

It is true that Dyer claimed 5, people were present in the Bagh, but this does not — as Wagner breathlessly claims — invalidate my argument. My research has indicated that there were probably many more people upwards of 20, present. Nevertheless the point in question is that even if only 5, people were there, this was still at least five times bigger than Dyer had expected, hence his surprise at what he found. Before going to the Jallianwala Bagh, Dyer had been told that a crowd of 1, people had gathered and then decided to take only a small party of soldiers with him.

Not everyone will accept this interpretation, but it is, in my opinion, far more likely — certainly when compared with the old idea that Dyer knew exactly what was going on and everything went according to his grand design. Ian Colvin defended Dyer because he believed his actions were correct. I make no assumption.

I claim that Dyer did not know what he was doing, panicked and then lied about it afterwards. This is a completely different explanation — something that Colvin would have fervently disagreed with — the subtlety of which seems to have been lost on Wagner. Another criticism made in the review is my reliance on material gathered during the official inquiry into the disorders the Hunter Committee which is unreliable and should therefore be discounted. How accurate is it to say that the Black Power movements of the s achieved nothing for Black Americans?

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The Amritsar Massacre: The Untold Story of One Fateful Day

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