American Entrepreneur, Chapter 6: Entrepreneurs in the Age of Upheaval, 1850-1880

On his way to Texas to meet with an investor, his car was rear-ended and caught fire. His prototype, his business plan, and even his clothes were in that car. A short time later, however, the son of a patent attorney showed Adams's promo- tional film to a friend, whose father was a venture capitalist. Impressed, the father backed Heelys. Business historians will look back at the introduction of Heelys and ask why they were developed. While the answer may seem obvious to some people okay, some young people , historians often make the obvious complex.

For example, Adams claimed that he harkened back to the fun of his childhood, but did he contrive the recollections of his youth as a justification after the fact?

Did vast, sweeping social forces make "the right time" for such an invention? Did Adams perceive great profits and leave other, unrelated work to create his product? In short, does the economy operate from entrepreneurs upward or from large invisible forces downward? And what is the role of success in creating, and sustaining, business?

To understand how success and failure, birth and death are essential to the entrepreneurial process, it is necessary to ask yet another set of questions. What is it that entrepreneurs do? How do they differ from managers who oversee an existing business? How do other people, even others around the world who have no awareness of entrepreneurs' efforts or specific businesses, benefit from entrepreneurs' successes? Perhaps more important, how do those same people benefit from entrepreneurs' failures?

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This book, while tracing the history of American business from its European origins to contemporary times, will examine these questions through a focus on entrepreneurs. To a considerable extent, this book is a celebration of entrepreneurs and entrepreneurship. We do not intend to delve deeply into the contributions of labor or on the social forces that shaped labor movements.

Instead, the entrepreneur, and those forces that directly affect entrepreneurs, will receive central treatment.

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At the same time, defining entrepreneurship has proved more difficult for economists and business historians than might appear at first glance, and that definition has expanded or changed over time. We have therefore chosen to examine the context in which the concept of entrepreneurship appeared in a comprehensive framework. It begins not with a businessman, but with a professor at the University of Glasgow, Adam Smith.

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He only laid out in a systematic form an explanation of economic practices as old as time itself. But Smith is worth examining in detail at this early point for two reasons. First, his theory is as valid today as it was in Challengers still remain, but increasingly they have retreated into debating the effects of capitalism on spiritual grounds, where proof is impossible and faith is essential. Second, Smith's explanation of human behavior is particularly important to the point of this book: Adam Smith explained economic wealth creation as a process of making products or providing services with the goal of personal gain.

For most people, gain means material gain. It must be remembered that in the eighteenth century, most people had so little that material gain often meant survival for yourself and your family. In that context, aside from those dedicated individuals on the planet entirely motivated by religious, ideological, or artistic factors Mother Teresa or Tibetan monks come to mind , people operate to a substantial degree out of concern for material gain.

Even for Mother Teresa or Tibetan monks, Smith's "rational self-interest" could be a motivation. After all, if you are absolutely certain that there are rewards to come in heaven or in the next life, wouldn't a few more "good deeds" be worked into your schedule?

Of course, in some poor countries, becoming a monk can be a path to a better material life, too. Certainly some individuals crave power instead of wealth, but usually the trappings of power include most material goods, including houses, transportation, food, and personal assistants. Other people want fame, but fame, too, usually produces wealth as a by-product, making it difficult to separate a desire for one from the other.

Whatever the case, a good rule of thumb for life is that when people say they are "not in it for themselves," watch out!

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They are in it precisely "for themselves. More important to Smith, he observed that society as a whole benefited and improved materially as individuals pursued self-interest. Critics of capitalism have viewed this as a paradox: How can society thrive if the key economic tenet is self-interest? Perhaps it cannot; but Smith never equated self-interest with selfishness. Instead, he saw capitalism as a moral system.

Smith was a man consumed by moral questions.

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His previous book, A Theory of Moral Sentiments , established his view that self-interest was a guide for empathetic humans who could not know what was best for others, because they did not have access to "the big picture. Although Smith sought to explain the overall functioning of the economy--really, as a capstone to his broader discussion of morality-- he did so through analysis of individual markets and examples. Thus his famous quotation: Because he already had written extensively on morality, Smith assumed that the reader already would have grasped the spiritual elements of his economic theory.

Thus, the references in Wealth of Nations to "self-interest" were intended to describe an element of human psychology that ensured people would respond to the needs of others. Smith thus began his investigation with the "natural wants" of people, and noted that the range of human wants made people dependent on the labor of others. This resulted in a division of labor that made capitalism especially vibrant.

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American Entrepreneur by Lynne PIERSON DOTI, Larry SCHWEIKART

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Larry Schweikart ; Lynne Pierson Doti. English View all editions and formats. The s, 14 Americans and the Global Market, Epilogue: