O Abridor de Latas (Portuguese Edition)

To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up.

• Similar authors to follow.
• "abridor de latas" English translation?
• Navigation menu.
• Other tests?
• Your Answer!
• Son Excellence Eugène Rougon (French Edition).

To ask other readers questions about Do outro lado , please sign up. Lists with This Book.

abridores de lata - Wiktionary

This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Lismar Brito rated it it was amazing Jan 25, Mackenzie Melo rated it it was amazing Dec 28, Nara rated it liked it Dec 18, Celia Rabelo rated it it was amazing Aug 04, Myth6 rated it liked it Apr 08, Denise Moretti marked it as to-read Apr 29, Lisandra Ulhoa marked it as to-read Dec 12, Maria Seidnah marked it as to-read Jul 15, Cybelle added it Feb 24, There are no discussion topics on this book yet.

The same restriction applies to several other uses of the gerund: BP uses ficamos conversando "we kept on talking" and ele trabalha cantando "he sings while he works" , but rarely ficamos a conversar and ele trabalha a cantar as is the case in most varieties of EP. In general, the dialects that gave birth to Portuguese had a quite flexible use of the object pronouns in the proclitic or enclitic positions. In Classical Portuguese, the use of proclisis was very extensive, while, on the contrary, in modern European Portuguese the use of enclisis has become indisputably majoritary.

Brazilians normally place the object pronoun before the verb proclitic position , as in ele me viu "he saw me". In many such cases, the proclisis would be considered awkward or even grammatically incorrect in EP, in which the pronoun is generally placed after the verb enclitic position , namely ele viu-me.

However, in verb expressions accompanied by an object pronoun, Brazilians normally place it amid the auxiliary verb and the main one ela vem me pagando but not ela me vem pagando or ela vem pagando-me. In some cases, in order to adapt this use to the standard grammar, some Brazilian scholars recommend that ela vem me pagando should be written like ela vem-me pagando as in EP , in which case the enclisis could be totally acceptable if there would not be a factor of proclisis. Therefore, this phenomenon may or not be considered improper according to the prescribed grammar, since, according to the case, there could be a factor of proclisis that would not permit the placement of the pronoun between the verbs e.

The mesoclitic placement of pronouns between the verb stem and its inflection suffix is viewed as archaic in BP, and therefore is restricted to very formal situations or stylistic texts. There are many differences between formal written BP and EP that are simply a matter of different preferences between two alternative words or constructions that are both officially valid and acceptable. Also, spoken BP usually uses the verb ter "own", "have", sense of possession and rarely haver "have", sense of existence, or "there to be" , especially as an auxiliary as it can be seen above and as a verb of existence.

Brazilian Portuguese has 8 vowels, 5 nasal vowels, with several diphthongs , and triphthongs. The reduction of vowels is one of the main phonetic characteristics of the Portuguese language, but the intensity and frequency with which that phenomenon happens varies significantly between Brazilian Portuguese and European Portuguese.

Brazilians generally pronounce vowels more openly than Europeans even when they reduce them. Some dialects of BP also follow these rules for vowels before the stressed syllable. The main difference among the dialects of Brazilian Portuguese is the frequent presence or not of open vowels in unstressed syllables.

Southern and Southeastern dialects generally pronounce e and o when they are not reduced to [i] and [u] and as closed vowels [e] and [o] if they are not stressed, in which case the pronunciation will depend on the word. However, in Northeastern and Northern accents, there are many complex rules that still have not been much studied but lead to the open pronunciation of e and o in a huge number of words.

Thus, the previous examples would be pronounced differently: Another noticeable if minor difference between Northern-Northeastern dialects and Southern-Southeastern ones is the frequency of nasalization of vowels before m and n: A famous example of this distinction is the pronunciation of banana: It is also noteworthy that the vowel nasalization, in some dialects of Brazilian Portuguese is very different from that seen in French, for example.

abridor de lata

In French, the nasalization extends uniformly through the entire vowel. In the Southern-Southeastern dialects of Brazilian Portuguese, the nasalization begins almost imperceptibly and then gets far stronger in the end of the vowel, rhus being closer to the nasalization of Hindi-Urdu phonology see Anusvara.

It has always been standard in Brazil's Japanese community since it is also a feature of Japanese. The regions that still preserve the unpalatalized [ti] and [di] are mostly in the Northeast and South of Brazil by the stronger influence from European Portuguese Northeast , and from Italian and Argentine Spanish South.

The phenomenon happens mostly in the pretonic position and with the consonant clusters ks , ps , bj , dj , dv , kt , bt , ft , mn , tm and dm: That sometimes results in rather striking transformations of common words. Another remarkable aspect of BP is the suppression of final r, even in formal speech. However, the same suppression also happens in EP much less often than in BP. That sometimes affects the spelling of words.

It also can affect verbal paradigms: Related is the difference in pronunciation of the consonant represented by nh in most BP dialects. Several sound changes that affected EP were not shared by BP.

Written and spoken languages

Whether such a change happens in BP is highly variable according to dialect. In the Northeast, it is more likely to happen before a consonant than word-finally, and it varies from region to region. There are many dialect-specific phonetic aspects in BP that can be essential characteristics of a dialect or another in Brazil. Thus, there are two slightly distinct pronunciations of the word menina , "girl: There are various differences between European Portuguese and Brazilian Portuguese, such as the dropping of the second-person conjugations and, in some dialects, of the second-person pronoun itself in everyday usage and the use of subject pronouns ele, ela, eles, elas as direct objects.

People from Portugal can understand Brazilian Portuguese well. However, some Brazilians find European Portuguese difficult to understand at first. This is mainly due to vowel reduction in unstressed syllables in European Portuguese: Speakers of EP also introduce more allophonic modifications of various sounds. Another reason is that Brazilians have almost no contact with the European variant, but Portuguese are used to watching Brazilian television programs and listening to Brazilian music.

Spoken Brazilian usage differs from European usage in many aspects.

The differences include the placement of clitic pronouns and, in Brazil, the use of subject pronouns as objects in the third person. Nonstandard verb inflections are also common in colloquial Brazilian Portuguese. Spoken Portuguese rarely uses the affirmation adverb sim "yes" in informal speech. Instead, the usual reply is a repetition of the verb of the question.

The affirmative answer to such a question is a repetition of the verb: If a longer answer is preferred.

Standard Portuguese forms a command according to the grammatical person of the subject who is ordered to do the action by using either the imperative form of the verb or the present subjunctive. Thus, one should use different inflections according to the pronoun used as subject: The negative command forms use the subjunctive present tense forms of the verb. However, as for the second person forms, Brazilians do not use the subjunctive-derived ones in spoken language. Instead, they employ the imperative forms: As for other grammatical persons, there is no such phenomenon because both the positive imperative and the negative imperative forms are from their respective present tense forms in the subjunctive mood: EP demonstrative adjectives and pronouns and their corresponding adverbs have three forms corresponding to different degrees of proximity.

Also, other forms such as teu possessive , ti postprepositional , and contigo "with you" are still common in most regions of Brazil, especially in areas in which tu is still frequent. In addition, in all the country, the imperative forms may also be the same as the formal second-person forms, but it is argued by some that it is the third-person singular indicative which doubles as the imperative: A speaker may thus end up saying "I love you" in two ways: Most Brazilians who use tu use it with the third-person verb: A few cities in Rio Grande do Sul but in the rest of the state speakers may or may not use it in more formal speech , mainly near the border with Uruguay , have a slightly different pronunciation in some instances tu vieste becomes tu viesse , which is also present in Santa Catarina and Pernambuco.

In spoken informal registers of BP, the third-person object pronouns 'o', 'a', 'os', and 'as', common in EP, are virtually nonexistent and are simply left out or, when necessary and usually only when referring to people, replaced by stressed subject pronouns like ele "he" or isso "that": Eu vi ele "I saw him" rather than Eu o vi. If no ambiguity could arise especially in narrative texts , seu is also used to mean 'his' or 'her'. In Portuguese, one may or may not include the definite article before a possessive pronoun meu livro or o meu livro , for instance.

The variants of use in each dialect of Portuguese are mostly a matter of preference: In EP, a definite article normally accompanies a possessive when it comes before a noun: Minha novela , Meu tio matou um cara. Formal written Brazilian Portuguese tends, however, to omit the definite article in accordance with prescriptive grammar rules derived from Classical Portuguese even if the alternative form is also considered correct, but many teachers consider it inelegant.

Some of the examples on the right side of the table below are colloquial or regional in Brazil. Literal translations are provided to illustrate how word order changes between varieties. Word order in the first Brazilian example is frequent in European Portuguese too like in subordinate clauses like Sabes que eu te amo "You know that I love you ", but not in simple sentences like "I love you. The example in the bottom row of the table, with its deletion of "redundant" inflections, is considered ungrammatical, but it is nonetheless dominant in Brazil in all social classes.

Chamar 'call' is normally used with the preposition de in BP, especially when it means 'to describe someone as':. When movement to a place is described, EP uses the preposition a with the verb, and BP uses em contracted with an article, if necessary:. In both EP and BP, the preposition para can also be used with such verbs with no difference in meaning:. According to some contemporary Brazilian linguists Bortoni, Kato, Mattos e Silva, Perini and most recently, with great impact, Bagno , Brazilian Portuguese may be a highly diglossic language.

This theory claims that there is an L-variant termed "Brazilian Vernacular" , which would be the mother tongue of all Brazilians, and an H-variant standard Brazilian Portuguese acquired through schooling. L-variant represents a simplified form of the language in terms of grammar, but not of phonetics that could have evolved from 16th-century Portuguese, influenced by Amerindian mostly Tupi and African languages , while H-variant would be based on 19th-century European Portuguese and very similar to Standard European Portuguese, with only minor differences in spelling and grammar usage.

Perini, a Brazilian linguist, even compares the depth of the differences between L- and H- variants of Brazilian Portuguese with those between Standard Spanish and Standard Portuguese. However, his proposal is not widely accepted by either grammarians or academics. Azevedo wrote a chapter on diglossia in his monograph: Portuguese language A linguistic introduction , published by Cambridge University Press in From this point of view, the L-variant is the spoken form of Brazilian Portuguese, which should be avoided only in very formal speech court interrogation, political debate while the H-variant is the written form of Brazilian Portuguese, avoided only in informal writing such as songs lyrics, love letters, intimate friends correspondence.

Even language professors frequently use the L-variant while explaining students the structure and usage of the H-variant; in essays, nevertheless, all students are expected to use H-variant. There is a claim that the H-variant used to be preferred when dubbing foreign films and series into Brazilian Portuguese, but nowadays the L-variant is preferred, although this seems to lack evidence.

Movie subtitles normally use a mixture of L- and H-variants, but remain closer to the H-variant. Most literary works are written in the H-variant. Still, many contemporary writers like using the H-variant even in informal dialogue. This is also true of translated books, which never use the L-variant, only the H one. Children's books seem to be more L-friendly, but, again, if they are translated from another language The Little Prince , for instance they will use the H-variant only.

This theory also posits that the matter of diglossia in Brazil is further complicated by forces of political and cultural bias, though those are not clearly named. Language is sometimes a tool of social exclusion or social choice. According to Bagno the two variants coexist and intermingle quite seamlessly, but their status is not clear-cut. Brazilian Vernacular is still frowned upon by most grammarians and language teachers, with only remarkably few linguists championing its cause.

Brazilian Portuguese

Some of this minority, of which Bagno is an example, appeal to their readers by their ideas that grammarians would be detractors of the termed Brazilian Vernacular, by naming it a "corrupt" form of the "pure" standard, an attitude which they classify as "linguistic prejudice".

Their arguments include the postulate that the Vernacular form simplifies some of the intricacies of standard Portuguese verbal conjugation, pronoun handling, plural forms, etc. Whether Bagno's points are valid or not is open to debate, especially the solutions he recommends for the problems he claims to have identified. Whereas some agree that he has captured the feelings of the Brazilians towards Brazil's linguistic situation well, his book Linguistic Prejudice: