A Shield of Faith (Bk 1) (The Fairish Chronicles)

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Amazon Drive Cloud storage from Amazon. Georgios Kedrenos, Evvoi4its taTOptu: Kern, Orphicorum Fragmenta, Berlin, Lexikon der Antike, 5 vols, Munich, Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, Munich. Lemerle, Le premier humanisme byzantin, Paris English trans. Leo Grammaticus; Cramer, , reprinted Bonn, Jones, A Greek-English Lexicon, 9th ed. Lucan, Belli civilis libri decem; A.

Mango, Isaurian builders, Polychronion: Mango, , Byzantium: The Empire ofNew Rome, London. Marcellinus Marcellinus Comes, Chronicon; T. Maricq, Factions du cirque et partis populaires, AcadImie royale de Belgique, Bulletin de la classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques 26, Matthew See New Testament. Momigliano, Malalas, in OCD, Noack, Der griechische Dictys, Philologus, Suppl. Patrologia Graeca Patrologia Latina A. AD , Cambridge, The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, vol. Pogodinskoye , if , llv. Praechter, Die romische Kaisergeschichte his auf Diokletian in cod.

Classe, Bd 2, Hft. Pseudo-Symeon, Chronicle, in Parisinus Graecus , ff 18vr. Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, new rev. Revue des Etudes Byzantines. D thesis, University of California,Los Angeles. Rochow, Malalas bei Theophanes, Klio 65, Rubin, Das Zeitalter Justinians, vol. Sallust, Catilinae Coniuraliones; A. Schissel von Fleschenberg, Dares-Studien, Halle. Sept Dictys Cretensis, Ephemeris; W.

Shustorovich, Khronika loanna Malaly i antichaya traditsiya v drevnerusskoy literature, Trudy otdela drevnerusskoy literatury 23, Soph Sofiyskiy kronograf the Sofia Compendium , cited, with paragraph references, from O. Tvorogov, Materialy k istorii russkikh khronografov. Stein, Histoire du Bas-Empire, vol.

Su Suidae Lexicon; A. Synk Synkellos, Ecloga Chronographica; A. Nauck, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, Leipzig, Th Theophanes, Chronographia; C. Th d Parisinus Graecus ; C. Thomson, See MK. Tikh Tikhonravovskiy khronograf, cited from Ist, Books , Tvorogov, Drevnerusskiye khronografy, Leningrad.

Tvorogov, See Soph. Tz H Tzetzes, Homerica; I. Tz Hist Tzetzes, Historiae; P. Tz Ph Tzetzes, Posthomerica; I. Ortiz de Urbina, Patrologia Syriaca, Rome. Vasiliev, Justin the First. Vasiliev, , A History of the Byzantine Empire, vol. Vat Or Vaticanus Graecus , if r see Moravcsik, , Veh, Prokop, Perserkriege, Munich. Vil Vilenskiy khronograf version of Arkh, see above. Wright, See Jo Styl.

Zon Zonaras, Chronikon; L, Dindorf, ed. Chilmead, Chronographia, Oxford, , reprinted Venice, Dindorf, Chronographia, Bonn, , reprinted PG 97, cols Chilmead, reprinted Venice, ; Bonn, and PG Veh, Prokop, Perserkriege, Munich, portions of Book Abbrevi in the subtext circa century correction, corrected by consul died flourished fragment the original form of Malalas chronicle see p. I Although composed in two separate versions decades apart, it is probably a unified work by a single author.

As indicated in the preface to the chronicle see p. Throughout the chronicle he follows his purpose consistently, using in Books the chronology of Hebrew history as a framework into which he integrates the history of the Persians, Greeks, Romans and other nations. From Augustus Book 9 onwards he structures the chronicle around the reigns of individual Roman emperors, devoting a single book to each of the emperors from Zeno Book 15 to Justinian Book 18 , a period for which he tells us that he is using oral sources.

Genre In setting out to write a chronography , which was probably the original title of the work, Malalas was following a pattern of history-writing that was well established by the mid-sixth century. The first full-scale Christian chronicle was written by Eusebios of Caesarea in the late third century Croke, a. Although Eusebios chronicle proved to be immensely popular and influential, its elaborate tabular format, setting out contemporaneous kingdoms in parallel columns linked to years from Abraham, was modified and adopted by subsequent chroniclers in both the Greek East and the Latin West Mosshammer, Moreover, the chronicle emerged as a significant and usual form of history-writing in the early Byzantine world because chronological issues such as the dates of Creation and of the Incarnation and the duration of the world became increasingly important and disputed Gelzer, and a.

By their very structure chronicles lent themselves easily to interpolation and expansion through the addition of supplementary material, and to simplification by combining several related entries across a number of years. It is reasonable to assume that in terms of structure and narrative format Malalas was merely following his now lost chronographical predecessors, such as Panodoros and Annianos.

This form of chronicle probably does not represent a new direction in Byzantine history-writing, though the chronicle was itself very influential in shaping the Byzantine chronographical tradition Jeffreys, ; Mango, , As a rhetor or scholastikos which is the meaning of the Syriac word malal from which the name Malalas is derived Malalas possessed the education 1 For an introduction to the problems surrounding the chronicle, together with the relevant scholarly literature, see Krumbacher, , ; Wolf, , ; Moravcsik, , and Hunger, , Introduction designed to equip one for the mainstream of government service, and so he was fairly well educated by contemporary standards.

The implications of this elementary fact have not usually been appreciated. Although applauded as a valuable and frequently unique reservoir of information, the chronicler has been dismissed as entirely naive, ignorant and incompetent. His distorted knowledge of Roman republican history, for example, is essentially the same as that of his contemporary John the Lydian. So also many of Malalas seemingly novel interpretations of classical mythology and culture appear to have been widely shared in his day.

He was not so much the inventor as a reflector of the newly emerging Byzantine view of the past. Malalas was probably born around , since he dates his access to oral sources of information from the time of the emperor Zeno see Malalas preface, p. Often the home of emperors in previous generations, Antioch was now the headquarters of the comes Orientis , the magister militum per Orientem and the proconsul of Syria I.

It was the axis through which information flowed between Constantinople and the East, and it was the base for all military campaigns against the Persians. It was a cosmopolitan Greek capital where the native Syrian language and culture mingled easily with Greek and Latin, the languages of the Roman government which formed such a central part of the city s life and society Downey, ; Liebeschutz, The city of Antioch looms large in the chronicle, together with the region under the jurisdiction of the comes Orientis.

Indeed it is quite likely, in view of the knowledge and attitudes that he shows, that Malalas came to be employed in the middle to upper echelons of the imperial bureaucracy at Antioch, probably in the office of the comes Orientis. It may even be presumed that he was himself involved in many of the transactions described in the chronicle in the s and early s. At some point Malalas moved from Antioch to Constantinople, perhaps after the virtual abolition of the office of the comes Orientis in Justinian, Nov 8.

At Constantinople he probably continued his bureaucratic career until his death, probably some time in the s. The chronicle shows that he was a loyal supporter of Justinian and was oforthodox doctrinal views, despite paying little attention to recent and contemporary theological struggles. Partly for this reason, however, he cannot be identified with John Scholastikos, the patriarch of Constantinople, as was argued initially by Haury, John Malalas was undoubtedly the world s worst chronicler.

Olmstead, , 22; Confused in content, mixing fables and facts, important events and minor incidents, it is clearly intended not for educated readers but for the masses Vasiliev, , ;. John Malalas whose narrative, though childish, has at least the merit of being a contemporary record Jones, , ; Uncritical, confused, and often childish, Malalas preserves many otherwise unknown facts and is, of course, of special importance for his own time.

His popular language, his interest in local traditions and his desire to appeal to the semi-educated Christian are in themselves extremely significant Momigliano, , Introduction XXIiI Editions and date of composition It is apparent that the chronicle was composed and circulated in two stages or editions. The original edition which Evagrios used in Antioch in the s most likely reached the end of Book 17 AD and was put together at Antioch in the early s.

This edition was primarily concerned with Antioch and may have been designed to appeal to the large audience of like-minded officials in that city. The updated version or edition apparently not available to Evagrios in Antioch extended the chronicle to cover the reign of Justinian, although there is no absolute certainty about where it ended and whether or not the latter part was the work of Malalas himself. These issues will be discussed in full in the Studies volume. The early years of Justinian s reign to continue the tone and perspective of the first seventeen books and can definitely be ascribed to Malalas.

From that point on there is a notable shift in emphasis and perspective from Antioch to Constantinople. Almost all the events recorded from Book 18, para 77 onwards occurred in Constantinople, where Malalas now lived, and many were probably derived from the so-called City Chronicle of Constantinople. Despite the difference in the material before and after , including a change to consistently brief entries, the stylistic unity between the sections implies the same author in both parts.

It is not so clear where the chronicle ended, although the most likely point is the end of Justinian s reign in , which would mean that Malalas was writing for his Constantinopolitan audience not long after that date and probably died soon afterwards. It could, however, be argued see below, Book 18, para that the chronicle continued presumably in a nineteenth book to the ninth year of the reign of Justin II AD and was therefore written in the mid to late s; but this seems less likely than a terminus at Sources As indicated in its preface the chronicle may be divided, in terms of sources of information, into two parts.

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For the period before the emperor Zeno Malalas had to rely on written records and therefore cites, largely at second hand, numerous Greek and Latin authors, including some that are otherwise unknown. For the period from Zeno onwards that is, for his own lifetime , he claims reliance on oral sources of information.

The preface makes specific mention of Julius Africanus, Eusebios and others, and their use in the chronicle is well signposted. These were among his major sources, along with the chroniclers Domninos and Nestorianos and the City Chronicles of Antioch and Constantinople. Sources are rarely cited in Books , covering material derived from oral sources and dealing with events likely to have been within the author s personal experience. Still it is possible to identify the origin of certain portions of this material; for example, Marinos the Syrian is likely to have been the source for the rebellion of Vitalian Bo In addition Malalas clearly made use of documentary sources such as imperial laws, decrees and letters Scott, and Again, the evidence for this and a detailed discussion will be presented in the Studies volume.

His syntax prefers paratactic to subordinating constructions; his use of pronouns is casual, often leading to confusion over the identity of the person referred to. In other words, he does not use the carefully wrought classicising Greek of writers like Prokopios or Agathias, but rather the matter-of-fact tone of an administrator not concerned to avoid frequent use of technical terms or bureaucratic clichds.

We have tried to represent this in our translation with a plain but, we hope, readablelevel of English. Nevertheless there are places in the chronicle where a different language register may be discerned, still remaining from Malalas source despite the reworking that he gave the text as a whole. There is, for example, an official tone to Veronica s petition to Herod in Book 10, to the account of the Axoum embassy and the exchange of letters with the Persian king in Book 18; the description of the earthquake at Antioch in Book 17 attempts some rhetorical structures not noticeable elsewhere, and there is a close paraphrase of Isaiah at the end of Book 5.

We have attempted to reflect these by an appropriate level of English, especially in Book 5, where the translation now has a distinct tinge of seventeenth-century English, on the grounds that the Septuagint and the King James version of the Bible hold a similar position in the histories of their respective languages.

Ann Moffatt, however, felt that this was an unnecessary complication, that theconnotations of the two styles are not identical, and would have preferred a more neutral tone. Technical terms for civil and military offices have been represented by their Latin equivalents which are explained in the Glossary. This was done for the sake of consistency. Malalas, writing at a time of transition from Latin administrative terminology to Greek, uses the Latin forms slightly more frequently than the Greek.

But few modern readers would be able to appreciate the equivalence of the two sets of terms if we were to follow his example and try to reflect the mixture as in the original. Other recurrent phrases also we have attempted to translate throughout the chronicle in similar terms, to indicate the repetitious nature of Malalas style and his restricted vocabulary. This is especially true of the two- and three-line portraits of Greek and Trojan heroes and of emperors which are a feature of the work, but also of the sequences of actions expected of an emperor eg on reacting to an earthquake or on initiating a building programme.

These phrases have been translated by standard clichds from the first book to the last, since this reflects Malalas own usage and appears to be part of his unified often anachronistic view of the past. There will be a full discussion of this in the Studies volume. Thus Agamemnon summons a conventus and Agenor fights on the limes. The most striking feature of this practise comes in Malalas use of paQtxeus throughout the text to refer to a head of state.

Since the majority of the group would agree that Malalas found it almost impossible to conceive of a state existing without a paataeus and since, for Malalas, the function of a paQtaevs appears to be the same during the Trojan War as in the sixth century AD, we have translated this word throughout as emperor. Alan James, however, feels that this has not been a satisfactory solution and would have preferred a distinction made between Icing in the earlier books and emperor later. When king does occur in the translation it represents prj.

Introduction xxv Other features of Malalas style are the incessant use of o auTds this or the same , and 6 LStos the same.

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We have usually ignored these in our translation, since to include them produced almost unreadable English, and English of the wrong sort more like a London Cockney story-teller than the bureaucratic legalese that was the probable cause. Other points to notice are that "EXXrly has been translated throughout as Hellene , though in the later books it must clearly mean pagan ; it seemed, however, preferable to mark the unity of vocabulary in Malalas mental world; a list of cases where Hellpne probably means pagan is given in the Glossary.

Similar problems have arisen in other cases where Malalas uses a word in both a general and a restricted meaning. The verb ayavaKTa is frequently used as a technical term of official imperial displeasure, but also means I grow angry. In these cases too we have usually preferred the general translation to the technical, leaving the latter to be implied by the context. It seems preferable to leave the reader with a sense of Malalas restricted means of expression rather than making on each occasion a choice which must often be questionable.

Material in brackets in the translation in the form Kadmiades daughters of Kadmos indicates that this is an explanation we have added to help the reader; in the form image icon , the italicized word is a transliteration from the Greek, usually to make sense of an untranslatable pun. Proper names have provided their usual headache and produced the usual arbitrary compromises.

Commonly known names classical: Nebuchadnezzar are given in their accepted English forms. Less well-known names though less well-known to whom? Barbarian names have been given in the forms in which they appear in most modem handbooks Grod. The form preserved in Ba, if it is different, has been noted in the subtext Sapor , written as Sabbourarsakios. Consular names, where we may usually be sure of the original at which Malalas and his textual tradition are aiming, but which are frequently distorted, have been corrected in the translation and the manuscript form has been noted in the subtext.

Our purpose in cases such as this is to make the text useful to our non-expert readers. However, some cases have left us in despair; eg the Roman provinces for which Malalas has provided an eponymous Greek founder: Kilix is now credited with the establishment of Cilicia. Malalas from time to time indicates the date for an event by whatever system may be available to him: Since such systems are notreadily equated with our dating by the Christian era, we have provided for the convenience of readers the equivalent date anno domini in the margin.

We stress that these AD dates are merely the equivalent of Malalas forms, and are not to be taken as support for Malalas dating of any particular event. We have also provided, in the subtext, the AD dating equivalents for those witnesses which use an annalistic system. This information is included for the same reasons as the other dates, and with the same proviso that it does not imply support for the annalists dates.

Most pages of this translation are in two layers. The upper is a translation of the manuscript, Baroccianus Graecus Ba , the only text of the chronicle to cover the whole period from the Creation down to near the end of the reign of Justinian, and the manuscript which is almost the sole basis for the standard edition by Dindorf in the Bonn Corpus.

The lower layer is a collection of the evidence available from other sources for what Malalas wrote. This guidance will suffice for many of the readers at whom this volume has been aimed. There is little need for them to read the paragraphs which follow. Ba gives the only text complete enough to provide a clear idea of the scope of the whole work. But this manuscript has substantial lacunas, and frequently towards the end degenerates into a summary. Apart from Ba, the evidence consists of later Byzantine fragments and collections of excerpts, and an extensive network of influences in subsequent texts in Greek, Slavonic, Syriac, Ethiopic and Latin.

This other evidence demonstrably preserves at many points more accurate reflections ofthe wording of the original chronicle than Ba, which is a late and rather unreliable witness, owing its preeminent position only to its comprehensiveness. This complicated situation has imposed on us an unusual format, which readers who wish to use this material critically should examine carefully to avoid misunderstanding. Yes, though strictly speaking it is a translation of Ba, the manuscript on which that edition was based.

Readers of the Bonn edition will find that it has been corrected and supplemented in places; see 4 and 5 below. This is the upper of the two sections into which most pages are divided, referred to here as the translation, while the lower is called the subtext. We have divided the translation into numbered paragraphs our own divisions, not found in the edition , for convenience of presentation in this volume: The bold numbers in brackets in the body of the text, , etc, are references to the beginnings of the pages in Dindorfsedition, or to the editions of the other texts occasionally used to supplement it.

We have incorporated in the translation a number of scholarly corrections some marked in Dindorf s apparatus, some from other sources , and added some of our own. These are all marked in the subtext by the abbreviation coff: This refers to a correction madeby Malalas first editor, Chilmead.

We have avoided placing in the translation any corrections which might reverse deliberate changes, eg the conscious abbreviations found towards the end of Ba. Introduction mu been incorporated where we detect an involuntary error, and the resultant text is in some way inadequate. Four of these, namely the beginning, the end, part of the catalogue of Greek heroes in Book 5 and a lacuna near the end of Book 18, are identifiable as lacunas because Ba breaks off in mid-sentence.

There is also a substantial gap in the sequence of imperial reigns covered by Book 12, not now marked by textual raggedness in Ba; however, it seems likely to have resulted from physical damage at some point in the tradition between Malalas and Ba. In all cases but the last mentioned there survives another text which seems to preserve an approximation to what has been lost, or two other texts which can be used in sequence to fill the lacuna. We have incorporated these texts into the translatiod, indicating in the first item of the testimonia of the subtext the fact that we are not using Ba but another text for the translation see 8 below.

The ending and the lacuna just before the end are completed with passages from Theophanes, a writer who regularly reorganises and often corrects the passages which he takes from Malalas: In the last case in the list above, in Book 12, there is no surviving connected narrative to fill the lacuna.

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As a result, the attempts at reconstruction are confined to the subtext. But there are two crucial differences: Unless there is some indication to the contrary see 12 below , these words are being proposed as more accurate reflections than the lemma provided of the original form of Malalas chronicle. Passages quoted for other reasons are marked as such.

In a few cases it is possible to add at the end of the list a reference to sources used by Malalas which still survive independently of the chronicle. Each numbered paragraph in the translation has a corresponding numbered entry in the subtext. The first item in that entry in bold is a reference to the text which has been translated, with page and line number.

There follows a list of other testimonia. Here is a sample entry: The text translated in this paragraph is Dindorfs Bonn edition, p. References then follow to the use of the same material in the Chronicon Paschale, the chronicles of Kedrenos and George Monachos, two entries in the Souda lexicon and the Ethiopic text of John of Nikiu.

References are by page and line, except for the volume numbers in the case of the Souda, and John ofNikiu, where references are made by means of chapter and paragraph number of Charles translation. References to the Slavonic texts which nearly all certainly derive from a single act oftranslation are listed together at the end, preceded by the word Slav. In the few cases where Malalas source survives independently of his text, the reference is placed at the end of the list of testimonia and precededby the word See!.

No attempt is made at completeness for its own sake. Thus Kedrenos, who is often useful in this way, is regularly listed in the testimonia, while Zonaras, Manasses and Glykas, for example, who are rarely important for this purpose, are largely ignored. When the symbol cf appears in these lists, the texts which follow it reflect the relevant paragraph of the translation only in a limited way - for example, they may be abbreviated or substantially rewritten. Reference is often made then in the lemmata to other texts which share the reading of the lemma: In this case it must be assumed that the text which is being translated, Ba, shares the reading of the witness or witnesses listed before the colon, even though the symbol Ba is not used.

When a correction or addition is made to the text, the source of this is given with the lemmata and the rejected reading is given after the colon. But as stated in 6 a above words and phrases following the colon are not rejected as mistakes: Two basic patterns are used: There is no need to introduce the superlative into the translation, for Ba makes adequate sense here without it. The proposed reading follows immediately after the colon, and the symbols for the texts from which it is drawn come at the end.

Slav, De virt add and stature. This means that on page 46 of Bo the Slavonic text and the Constantinian excerpts De virtutibus have the added words and stature , following the point where beauty stands in the translation.

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Again, Ba makes adequate sense, and so the addition is confined to the subtext. The reference symbols follow immediately after the colon, the verb add s is inserted and the proposed reading comes at the end. When a second or subsequent addition is needed, the verb continue s is used in place of add s. The marker corn is also found before the colon in such cases.

Sometimes, for the same reason, cf is used before the third alternative reading at a disputed point, after the lemma and the preferred suggestion. In some cases, where texts in different languages are involved, verbal identity is hard to define. But even when all texts concerned are in Greek, some elasticity has been allowed, especially over inessential variations of wording in passages which are otherwise identical over several lines. The translation has been made either from the text being translated at that point in the case of the lemma or from the first text to which reference has been made.

Where variation is wider, though the texts concerned still give combined support to a proposal being made, two other tactics have been employed: In general, we would discourage readers from making any deductions from the subtext about the precise readings of any witnesses, apart from those directly translated in the subtext. At the end are those texts whose value must be qualified by cf , apart from the Slavonic texts in the testimonia lists, which are given together at the end. However, these principles have been followed in an impressionistic way, with no attempt at scholarly rigour.

Introduction 15 Citations of secondary literature We must stress that these are references to textual comments only, not to discussions of the content of the passage, unless that influences a textual point. Some references are to brief items in a list, but are included to show the scholarly context of the textual decisions we have made.

Others refer to substantial analyses of therelevant textual issues. The passages referred to usually support the line we have taken, unless disagreementis indicated. While the possibilities of multiple authorship or multiple editions remain open, the question has no straightforward answer. Our methods have been empirical.

It is fortunate that there are several very early witnesses, eg the Tusculan fragments, Evagrios, John of Ephesos and the Chronicon Paschale which were all written within about a century of the chronicle s latest events. Against this sound comparative material we may check the practiceof later texts, eg the Slavonic translation and the fragment to which we give the symbol A are good witnesses.

Elsewhere we may have gone back too far, beyond Malalas text to his sources. In Book 5, for example, we may be going back past Malalas to Diktys, and there may be other similar cases in the detailed narrative of the last three books where we may be reconstructing, say, items in a city chronicle which have been abstractedseparately by another source as well as by Malalas. Archaeological reconstruction of earlier textual layers is made easier by the tendency of the Greek chronicle tradition towards the abbreviation of items from one text to another.

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The purpose is to leave space for material from other sources, especially the writer s own contemporary material. We have therefore tried to employ the same principles at points where no early witness survives. Our task is made easier because we are working in translation, and so there is no reason for us to agonise over small Greek linguistic points, or the change of narrative colouration visible, for example, in Syriac witnesses.

These take the form of lists of attributes, physical and moral, and like all lists they are particularly unstable in the textual tradition. There is much scope here for omission and contamination from portrait to portrait. The formal characteristics of the lists were extensively studied at the. Introduction xxxi beginning of this century by Furst, , Schissel von Fl, , and Patzig, Since it is not a critical edition that is being prepared by I.

Thurn , we are not producing a stemma codicum of the surviving witnesses, nor have we used all the available surviving manuscript fragments listed, for example, in Moravcsik, but only those that seemed to us to have material with relevant variants that could be usefully expressed in English. We have, of course, had to develop a practical hypothesis of how the texts that preserve portions ofMalalas relate to each other and of the weight that can be attributed to each.

The list that follows attempts to explain our views by giving a brief comment on each text. Our purpose here is explanation, not exhaustive discussion or justification, and so we give references to handbooks rather than provide a detailed bibliographical survey. There will be a fuller discussion of the transmission ofthe chronicle in the Studies volume. References in the subtext to the texts listed here and to the texts not discussed but given in the list of abbreviations are, unless otherwise stated, by page and line of the edition to which reference is made. A Parisinus Graecus , ff This anonymous chronicle of world history ofunknown date is preserved in an eleventh century ms, the first folios of which contain a variety of theological and chronological material.

The chronicle itself, written in a clear, neat hand, starts on f r with a heading which states that the chronicle runs from Adam to Michael Michael I Rangabe, and that the contents are taken from John Malalas , George Synkellos and Theophanes. For a description of the ms, see Weierholt, , The ms breaks off, with a torn sheet, at f v in the reign of Trajan.

The material from Malalas forms the opening section from f r to f v third line , and as far as v fourth line has been published by Cramer. The unpublished portions are scrappy summaries of the last part of Book 4 and of Books 6 and 7. A is a useful text for the limited areas it covers. Ba lacks the first Book and the opening words ofBook 2. Chilmead, in preparing the editio princeps ultimately published by H.

Hody in filled this gap with material from another ms held by the Bodleian, Baroccianus Or. This material was reprinted by Dindorf in Bo. Though cited once in the subtext, it has not been translated in the present volume since it is now recognized that P and V preserve the authentic form of Book 1. A parchment ms of the fourteenth century which includes in its collection of historical, medical, theological and astronomical texts, a block ofGreek mythological material, written in a dense and much abbreviated hand.

For a description, see Weierholt, , The heading, which attributes the work to a John of Antioch, reflects closely the opening words of Malalas, Book 1 and the passages that follow are clearly drawn from Malalas chronicle. B, which after its early folios has recast its source, is useful only on occasion for confirmation of wording. Ba Oxford, Baroccianus Graecus This ms is the sole comprehensive witness to Malalas chronicle. It consists of folios written throughout in the same neat hand apart from a few lines on f r , probably of the eleventh century.

For a detailed palaeographical description, see Weierholt, , It shows few signs of iotacism though many names have been distorted in the transmission process. A later hand has made alterations to some of the linguistic forms eg changing nu diLv to rraXd-rLov, e fxav to etxov.

Folios are missing at the beginning, the end and at two points within the ms cf the comments on pp. Neumann calculated that the ms originally contained folios in 42 gatherings. There is one other major lacuna at Bo There is now also a portion missing on f ; see Bury, , As well as these lacunas, the ms is plainly abbreviating Malalas text, especially towards theend.

BO Malalas, Chronographia; L. Dindorfs edition of Bo reprintedin PG 87 virtually unchanged is based closely on Chilmead s edition of without further inspection of Ba. It is the basis for this translation. The edition is inaccurate in many places, as noted by Bury in ; the methods we have used to correct and supplement Bo have been discussed on pp. This is an anonymous chronicle contained in a large compendium of historical texts over folios , copied in the late thirteenth century. Compiled in and originally extending as far as the reign of Anastasios, it survives now only to Ozias of Israel Hunger, , ; Gelzer, a, Drawing for its earlier section on Eusebios chronicle which does not survive in Greek , C has used Malalas extensively for material on the Trojan War, where it is a valuable witness in the debate over how much of Diktys narrative was ever included in Malalas see Sept below.

C also uses Malalas on Romulus introduction of circus factions to Rome. The Chronicon Paschale is a world chronicle that runs from Adam to the reign of Herakleios originally ending in The prime purpose of the unknown author possibly a cleric associated with the patriarch Sergius, was to provide an accurate basis for the rules for. Introduction xlonn calculating the date of Easter and hence the name, the Easter Chronicle. The basic chronological framework of Olympiads, consular years, regnal years and indictions is filled out with narrative passages from a variety of sources Hunger, , , prominent among which is Malalas, which is used for Greek mythological material and Byzantine history up to CP takes passages over from Malalas almost verbatim, with scarcely any rewriting, and is thus an accurate witness for the text of the full Malalas, more accurate than Ba.

Occasionally, however, details especially dates according to the Roman system are interpolated from other sources into passages derived from Malalas. Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria , a prolific polemicist against paganism and an opponent of Nestorios and his doctrines, also wrote a refutation of the now loss work of the emperor Julian the Apostate against Christianity.

Two brief passages of this are of interest for the reconstruction of the text of Malalas in Book 2, para 5 and Book 7, para 15 , though the material, on pagan foreshadowings of the Trinity, has had a complex textual transmission in which Cyril s version is but one stage see Erbse, , passim and Brock, Dares of Phrygia is the name attached to what purports to be an eyewitness account of the Trojan War, written from a Trojan viewpoint.

The original was almost certainly in Greek but the work survives now only in a Latin translation of the fifth or sixth century AD Schissel von Fl, , passim. It is an important witness for the reconstruction of the portraits of Greek and Trojan heroes in Book 5, paras which are partially missing in Ba and wholly missing in Sept see below , but which seem nevertheless to have been part of the Greek alternative and non-Homeric version of the Trojan War Patzig, ; Jeffreys, Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus was the instigator of a series of encyclopaedic compilations on a variety of topics: Of the surviving collections of excerpts from historians made under his direction, the excerpts, De insidiis on plots and De virtutibus on virtues , contain substantial passages from Malalas, covering the whole text from Book 1 to beyond the present end of Ba.

Though there is an occasional tidying up ofpronouns and a few excerpts are brief summaries of major episodes like the Nika riot, in general there is little sign of rewriting. In the later books especially, where Ba preserves an abbreviated text, these excerpts are invaluable evidence for the state of the original. Eccl Hist Parisinus Graecus A, ff 7rr: This Selection from the Ecclesiastical History , published by Cramer from one ms in Paris, falls into two sections.

The first and major section as far as Eccl Hist Theodore Anagnostes was used as a source by Th. The second and shorter section Eccl Hist Its status is puzzling and may simply reflect a common source underlying the last part of. We have not distinguished between the two sections of Eccl Hist in the subtext. Evagrios Scholastikos, or advocate, born in Epiphaneia in Syria between and , spent most of his career as a successful legal official in Antioch.

His Ecclesiastical History, which makescareful use of documentary sources, covers events from to He drew on Malalas for secular events between when his previous source Eustathios of Epiphaneia ended to Allen, , 7. His History shows that he had access to a fuller text of Malalas than that of Ba, one supported at a number of points by the Slavonic translation see Simon Franklin in the Studies volume. However, his copy of Malalas ended, according to his comment at Ev IV 5, References in the subtext are given to the book and chapter of the History, together with page and line reference to the edition of Bidez and Parmentier.

The world chronicle of George the monk, which runs from Adam to though originally intended to reach , was widely read, to judge from the number of surviving mss. Written from the religious standpoint of an anti-iconoclast who rejected Byzantium s heritage from the classical past, it gives a selective and compressed account of mythological and secular history while paying greater attention to biblical and ecclesiastical history Moravcsik, , ; Hunger, , He has used Malalas quite extensively, but frequently abbreviates and paraphrases his borrowings.

The situation is further muddied by his use of Th, for whom Malalas is also a source. The result is that GM is rarely of decisive value in attempts to reconstruct the original Malalas. One ms was used by Chilmead, the first editor of Malalas, to provide the missing first pages ofBa; see Anon Mal above. It is very likely that one of its sources was a Constantinopolitan chronicle also used by Malalas in Book 18 Freund, , 36 ff. The value of its evidence for reconstructing the original Malalas is not satisfactorily evaluated and will be discussed further in the Studies volume.

There is also ascribed to him a fragmentary piece on the dating of Christ s birth Krumbacher, , which is connected with a difficult passage in Malalas, Book On the personality and appearance of the Greeks and Trojans at Troy is the second of two pamphlets written by Isaac Porphyrogenitus on What Homer omitted.

The author is probably to be identified with Isaac c , third son of the emperor Alexios I ; he founded the Kosmosotira monastery, sponsored illuminated mss and is securely identified as the author of other short works Hunger, , 58; Varzos, , The pamphlet is based very closely on the portrait lists included in Malalas account of the Trojan War itself drawing on Dares and Diktys , and is invaluable in reconstructing the lacuna in Ba in Book 5. Author ofa world chronicle from Adam to the accession of Herakleios , nothing is known of Johannes Antiochenus John of Antioch except that, as his name indicates, he came from Antioch.

His work survives only in fragments, partly in the Constantinian excerpts, partly in separate mss. Wide in scope, he covered biblical and oriental material as well as Roman history. For Greek mythological material surviving in B, see above he drew on Malalas Hunger, , However, since he was working at a different language level, many of his borrowings from Malalas are recast and are not often of decisive value in reconstructing Malalas words.

Because of the similarity of name and subject-matter JA and Malalas were frequently confused in the ms tradition. John of Damascus cc , in his defence of the use of icons, cited Malalas account in Book 10 of the statue of Christ erected by the woman healed ofan issue of blood. Because of recasting to suit the context, the quotation is of limited use as evidence for Malalas wording. John of Ephesos c wrote, in Syriac, an ecclesiastical history from Julius Caesar onwards, in three parts, of which only the third dealing discursively with the reigns of Justin II and Tiberius, survives complete.

The second part, covering the reign of Justinian, survives independently in a fragmentary state cited in the subtext as JE, from the Latin translation of van Douwen and Land and also embedded, with other authors like Joshua the Stylite in the chronicle known as that of Dionysios of Tell Mahre cited in the subtext as PsD, though most of the passages referred to are probably derived from JE; see PsD below. JE constructed his history from earlier writers including Eusebios, Theodoret and Malalas. The material identifiably from Malalas in the independently surviving fragments is often written up with biblical quotations and emotional phraseology, which makes it difficult to accept the more sober additional information it contains as reflecting the original Malalas.

The material in PsD is, of course, one stage further still from Malalas own wording. Nevertheless JE does preserve in several passages a fuller and probably more authentic version of Malalas account. The ms of Malalas used by JE would appear to have extended to the death of Justinian Nau, , John Moschos died , probably , a monk who spent his life moving around religious centres in Egypt, Syria and Palestine, wrote thePratum Spiriluale, a collection of monks lives and edifying tales Beck, , One tale concerns the emperor Anastasiosand sheds light on a curious adjective in Malalas, Book John, bishop of Nikiu in Lower Egypt , wrote at the end of the seventh century a world chronicle from Adam to his own day.

He treats oriental and Greek mythological history somewhat sketchily but gives later material at some length. One of his main sources was Malalas. However, his value for defining the wording of Malalas is limited since he abbreviates his sources and also inserts other material, eg, biblical quotations; finally, the chronicle as it now exists is at several removes from the form in which it was written.

Originally in Greek with some passages possibly in Coptic, it was translated at some stage into Arabic and then in into Ethiopic, the only version in which it now survives Krumbacher, , ; Charles, , v. Though frequently of interest in confirming other witnesses, John of Nikiu is rarely of independent value as a witness to Malalas text.

The subtext has been constructed using Charles English translation, to whose chapters and paragraph numbers reference is made. Joshua the Stylite, a monk of the monastery of Zuknin, wrote in the reign of Anastasios , at the request of Sergius, abbot of a community near Edessa, a chronicle in Syriac heavily laced with Greek loan words. The last date mentioned is November Wright, , ix. Joshua the Stylite s chronicle cannot be used to establish the wording of Malalas but, given the similar phraseology in a number of episodes eg the Illus conspiracy , a common source must underly the two accounts.

The relationship between Malalas and Joshua the Stylite still needs to be elucidated. Georgios Kedrenos, probably a monk, wrote in the early twelfth century aworld chronicle from Adam to It is a compilation based on a variety of sources ofwhich those relevant to the period covered by Malalas are PsS and Th Praecht. For Greek mythological history, which is treated selectively with greater emphasis laid on biblical history, Ke is transcribing the as yet unpublished chronicle of PsS; in the subtext references are given to PsS as well as to Kedrenos.

Ke presents much material which is ultimately derived from Malalas, but most has been paraphrased and rewritten, often by intermediaries. Occasionally, however, especially in the Trojan War narrative, Ke presents important independent evidence for Malalas wording. Leo Grammaticus is the name ascribed in some mss to a redaction compiled in of the chronicle of Symeon the Magister and Logothete, which in turn is a re-working of the so-called Epitome based in its early sections on the shadowy work of Patrikios Trajanos ending in Moravcsik, , ; Hunger, , The inter-relationships of the various versions of the Epitome have so far defied lucid explanation.

The passages connected with. Introduction xxxvn Malalas have little independent value as evidence for the text, but are cited for interest s sake from Cramer s edition and also from the unchanged reprint in the Bonn edition. LM Laterculus Malalianus; T. The Laterculus Malalianus is a short document, surviving in an eighth-century uncial ms, that discusses the millennial implications of the date of Christ s birth.

Written originally in Latin to judge from its Vergilian echoes , it relies either on Malalas Greek text or on an accurate Latin summary of it. Both the opening pages, which draw on Malalas Book 10, and the subsequent list of imperial reigns reflect the Greek chronicle closely. Arguing that Christ appeared in the sixth millennium and that the world is now in the seventh, the author appears to be taking a position against Bede s dating of Christ s birth to the year of the world A date of c AD for the composition of the piece was suggested by Mommsen.

LM is significant for the text of Malalas in the chronological discussion in Book 10, the lacuna in Book 12 where it preserves the sequence of emperors , and for the ending, where it hints that its source may have extended beyond the death of Justinian. However, the status of LM as a witness and the weight to be given to its evidence has yet to be satisfactorily resolved, and will be discussed further in the Studies volume.

Moses Khorenats i, ostensibly writing in the fifth century but more probably in the late ninth, produced a history of the Armenian people, setting them in the context of world and biblical history. His work was based on a variety of sources the Bible, Greek classical literature, Greek ecclesiastical historians etc all of which were available in Armenian translations. Though no Armenian version of Malalas is known, there are a number of parallels between it and the Chronicon Paschale and Moses history Thomson, , The similarities, however, are very vague and are of little value in reconstructing the text of Malalas.

Patriarch of Antioch from to and author of a world chronicle from the creation to his own day, Michael the Syrian drew on a wide range of sources in both Greek and Syriac. Of these perhaps the most relevant for Malalas is the chronicle attributed to PsD, in which are embedded portions of the Ecclesiastical History ofJE, who made use of Malalas. Though not often of independent value for establishing the contents, let alone the wording of the original Malalas, MS sometimes provides useful confirmatory evidence.

We have used Chabot s French translation, cited by book and chapter. P Paris, Supplementum Graecum , ff ; V. P and V see below are portions, now separated, of one tenth-century ms containing a collection of ecclesiastical and chronological texts. The order of the folios has been disturbed and should run: P ff , V If , ff , P ff , V ff ; gatherings are lost at the beginning and after f v.

We have collated P directly and V from photographs. In this connection, E.

Are You an Author?

Jeffreys would like to express her. Introduction great appreciation to M. Astruc for help and advice on several occasions. P and V provide the text that is translated for Book 1 and until Ba begins at Bo Written in Syriac and ascribed, wrongly, to Dionysios of Tell Mahre patriarch of Antioch, , this chronicle covers world history to AD Urbina, , Its sources are Eusebios and other Greek writers, as well as JE writing in Syriac who had drawn extensively on Matalas and whose Ecclesiastical History, Book 2 survives only as part of this chronicle.

PsD s work thus provides evidence at two removes, and filtered through a second language, for Malalas original text; it can, however, provide useful confirmatory evidence for the shape of that text. We have used Chabot s Latin translation, where available. We have also consulted, too little and too late, Brian Parker, of the University of Sydney, and Witold Witaboski, of Uppsala University, for translations of the remainder.

To both of these, but especially to Brian Parker, we are extremely grateful for their patient assistance. We must, however, stress that any shortcomings in the treatment of the Syriac evidence are due not to them but to the editors belated appreciation of the relevance of this material. This is an as yet unpublished chronicle, formerly ascribed to Symeon the Magister and Logothete see under LG , which covers world history to AD.

Much of this, though slightly rearranged and with some omissions, is taken over by Ke see above ; thus references to PsS in the subtext tend to appear beside those to Ke. During these periods PsS has little independent value as a witness to the text of the original Malalas and has not been cited in the subtext after Book References are to the folios of the ms. Septimius is the name of the purported author of the Latin version fourth century AD of what claims to be Diktys of Crete s eyewitness account of the Trojan War; it is what is printed as the Ephemeris of Dictys Cretensis in the edition cited above.

A Greek version of this material, though in a rearranged orderand ascribed to the otherwise unknown Sisyphos of Kos as well as to Diktys, exists in Book 5 of Malalas. Additional passages from the same source appear in other witnesses eg C, Ke and Su. Diktys novel is probably to be dated to the first century AD.

It has been a matter of controversy how much of Diktys narrative Malalas knew, whether he drew on it directly and whether itcontinued to circulate later independently Patzig, , Griffin, Sept lacks, eg, the portraits of the Greek and Trojan heroes almost certainly present in the original and is clearly at two removes at least from the Greek of Malalas. It is of limited value in establishing Malalas wording though it can be useful in, eg, sorting out minor lacunas. Slav A detailed discussion of the Slavonic translation will appear in the Studies volume.

The following note supplied by Simon Franklin is designed to indicate the texts used and to explain the selection and translation of the Slavonic variants in the subtext. Introduction xxxix Slavonic texts are cited togther in the subtext they are treated together here: The fullest extant version of Malalas, apart from that of Ba, is that which survives in the medieval Slavonic translation, the best and fullest text of which is that published by Istrin for the complex publication details, see the list of abbreviations. Istrin s edition is based on both mss of Arkh for Books , , and on EL in a small sample of mss , for Books Istrin also uses EL for variants in the earlier books, Soph for Books and sporadically elsewhere, and Tikh especially for Book 3.

Wherever possible, readings from Arkh and EL are given here with reference to Istrin s edition, and the particular source of the reading ie whether Arkh or EL is not specified. Full account is taken of Istrin s apparatus, and of the variant readings found in the studies which accompany several of the volumes ofhis text.

Small fragments of Malalas, in Arkh but overlooked by Istrin, are published in Meshchersky. Parts of EL s version of Books 1, 2 and and 4 appear in Mify, including passages not published by Istrin. Soph contains abbreviated and paraphrased material from all 18 Books of Malalas. Despite the abbreviated form, it does include some passages and details not in Arkh or EL. The full text recently published by Tvorogov, , is preferable to the sporadic extracts in Istrin.

KVI provides a text ofparts of Books 7 and 9, and is unpublished. KVI is a hypothetical compilation, dating from at least the late eleventh century in Russia, and partly preserved in several later compendia of historiographical works. Readings from the Slavonic version are taken only from texts which reflect the Slavonic translation of Malalas chronicle itself. No reference is made to fragments of Malalas which enter the Slavonic through being parts of other translated works of Byzantine literature, such as the translation of the chronicle ofGeorge Monachos, or the selections from the Souda lexicon cited by Maximos the Greek Maksim Grek.

One exception to this rule has been made, in the case of Abramovich. Abramovich prints extracts from but unfortunately does not publish in full a section of Book 10 which was translated independently of the full chronicle and which survives in a twelfth-century ms of a florilegium. This is the oldest Slavonic ms containing fragments of Malalas.

The full translation dates from the tenth or eleventh century, but no ms survives from before the fourteenth century. Slavonic variants in the subtext are mostly based on Istrin. However, the subtext does not provide a full or accurate guide to Istrin s text, neither to the Slavonic nor to its relations to the Greek. The subtext takes into account more sources than were used for Istrin s edition. The sole purpose of the subtext is to provide material which may reflect a Greek text of Malalas.

The purely Slavonic tradition, however curious or important, is ignored. Thus if any Slavonic text agrees with the Greek of Ba, all Slavonic variants at that point are ignored. For example, where Ba differs from Istrin but is supported by Soph or Tikh, nothing appears in the subtext. In order to check the justification for such omissions it is necessary to check the texts indicated in the testimonia.

The English in the subtext does not necessarily represent an accurate translation of the Slavonic. This is again because the subtext is concerned not with Slavonic but with Greek. Thus no variant is given: The subtext does not record such. Introduction changes, nor does itrecord the occasions on which Greek indirect speech is turned into Slavonic direct speech. Where the Slavonic contains additional material not in Ba, an attempt has been made to translate in accordance with the conventions ofthe present English version.

This may require a distortion of the literal meaning of the Slavonic, since the conventions relate not to the Slavonic but to the Greek from which it is assumed to derive. Where the formulaic epithet is absent in Ba but present in the Slavonic, mudru is rendered as learned , despite the more natural wise. For the same reason, if a Slavonic addition or variant is similar to a cited variant from another Greek text, the English in the subtext aims to convey not the specific nuances of the Slavonic but its affinity with the Greek.

He was the author of a chronicle from Adam to and the recapture of Constantinople , for the earlier part of which he drew intermittently on Malalas Moravcsik, , ; Hunger, , His work, though rarely of independent value, is useful for confirming details, eg, of reign lengths, especially in the lacuna in Book SU Suidae Lexicon; A. The Souda , an encyclopaedia compiled towards the end ofthe tenth century and based largely on previous dictionaries, contains, in addition tobrief lexical items, fuller entries on people and places, etc.

Malalas is amongst Su s sources for these larger entries but, like the other historical texts used in Su, has been consulted not directly but through the Constantinian excerpts see De insid above Hunger, , The usefulness of this witness is limited by the scrappy nature of some of the material preserved.