The Case of the Pilfered Picnic: A 15-Minute Broderick Mystery (15-Minute Books Book 104)

Chawner as 'chemists and colour makers'. Bloor holds day auction. Bloor pays final instalment on his purchase of porcelain firm. Bloor starts paying rent on New China Works. The husband of Bloor's only surviving relative his grand-daughter , Thomas Clarke, takes on management.

Boyle removed plant, moulds, unfinished stock etc. Osmaston Road China Works, present. Abbreviations used in text footnotes: Keele University, Wedgwood Accumulation. D, 4J Derbyshire Archaeological Journal. English Ceramic Circle Transactions. Yet many before and after them invested in English china works, most of which failed. Despite periods of recession and competition, including the emergence of Wedgwood, and the flood of French imports after , the factory survived, and appears to have thrived, before the general economic turmoil of the extended war years at the close of the century.

How is this achievement explained? Even in the Os Duesbury I styled his firm 'the second Dresden', although the factory went through various changes of direction, producing 'middling' blue-and-white wares in the s, and a decade later selling fine pieces to royalty. The variety of factory and showroom documents, from c. Production and marketing were frequently a balancing act between providing the finest porcelain and maintaining commercial viability. The subsequent acquistion of a new partner, Kean, late in , and erection of the New Works, appear to have been amongst the most noticeable alterations to the business since What is the explanation for these developments?

The main theme of this thesis is contained in the question: Derby's production of the finest china, attracting the admiration of the most fashionable and wealthy clients in the country, was a significant achievement which was much more than a temporary phenomenon. The thesis is based upon a large body of scattered manuscripts relating particularly to the Duesburys and Kean period of management, c. A detailed study of the Derby enterprise in its own right, the present work seeks to extend the history of the later Georgian ceramic and luxury trades.

The Duesbury papers provide particular evidence reflecting the nature of industrial change pre- , and will thus help fill a lacuna in a range of historical researches which otherwise tend to be dominated by a few large firms. During this period the dominance of luxury and craft production declined, while the industry later associated with mass production began to grow; at the same time the role of London as a manufacturing centre was shifting, with the development of specialised provincial centres of production.

Ceramic production 'swarmed' around North Staffordshire, yet at this time the area barely supported fine porcelain production. Comparative material from similar businesses and associated trades will be discussed. The aim of this thesis is therefore to extend the significance of the Derby porcelain enterprise c. The main themes, presented as distinct sections, cover the following topics: Lockett in his introduction to P. The nature of the luxury market and the r6le offine ceramics, c. Expensive porcelains had traditionally only been acquired by a tiny ilite, who bought items during the London Season, but from the mid- I s a growing wealthy middle class joined the consumer revolution.

This coincided with a shift in fashion from the rococo to neoclassical design, and the declining popularity of ornamental ceramics and imported Chinese porcelains. Did these impinge on Derby's market? Women's purchasing power has in part been held responsible for growing consumption, but is this true of expensive luxury purchases?

Why did Duesbury Il expect his market to grow three-fold from the later s? Imported porcelains had been adopted in the later seventeenth century alongside tea, coffee and chocolate; the popularity of tea-drinking and its important social r6le was the basis for the development of our home porcelain industry in the s. Nearly forty years later, with the Commutation Act, the porcelain trade was again given a boost. Eighteenth- century ceramics had a complex hierarchy reflecting Georgian society's increasing desire to demonstrate politeness and refinement.

Marketing and distribution, and the rile ofthe Duesburys'London showroom The Duesburys did not acquire a London showroom until , although Derby porcelain had been reaching the London markets since the early s. A detailed analysis follows of the function of the Covent Garden showroom and the r6le of its manager, showing the complex relationship with the factory as well as sophisticated marketing techniques. Differentiation is made between the wholesale trade in London and the provinces, and the private clientele. Some analysis of the factory's export trade will be made. Could Derby porcelain be acquired more cheaply by the middling market in the form of 'seconds' or damaged wares, second-hand or hired goods?

An assessment of the Derby factory's competitors will be made, both in the general neoclassical style used by 'alternative' manufacturers such as Wedgwood and Boulton, and the traditional luxury sector; and in the relationship to British porcelain manufacturers at Worcester, Caughley and Chamberlain.

The luxury market became influenced not by manufacturers, but by the London dealers and decorating-shops. The location ofthe Derby China Works, and the acquisition ofraw materials Why did Derby prove an appropriate location for a successful porcelain business, and how did communications affect its efficiency? Such practical considerations represent 4 the first of a number ofjoint sub-themes making up an overall assessment of industrial performance in this section.

The choice, source, quality and use of a wide range of raw materials had a close bearing on the economic efficiency of the business and on the standard and recognition of its products. Apart from requisitioning policies, this section discusses the economy of processing, production planning, and the influence of technology and mechanisation at the Derby works.

The assessment of these vital elements in the practical evolution of an efficient factory provides a context for an examination of Duesbury II's experimentation, and of the secrecy that attended new trials and methods. Human andfinancial resources Analysis in this section focuses on employment practice, noting numbers employed, job types, recruitment, training and apprenticeships, conditions of employment, discipline and security, and external staff in London and Bath.

A second area for discussion centres on finances and partnerships, with an assessment of capital and revenue funds and other investments, noting insurance valuations, the use of credit, discounts and bills of exchange. What trends can be identified in sales, percentages of unpaid debts, borrowing, investment and so on? Both would suggest that by Duesbury's manufactory was barely 'in the black'.

His contribution is discussed in the light of the receiver Strutt's highly detailed comments c. Other ceramic firms with far less documentation have been treated as whole commercial enterprises. Adam's work on the insurance policies for the Bow factory and Weatherill's wider Staffordshire research provide excellent examples of commercial ceramic studies, and help form a methodology for the financial reconstruction of the Derby China Works.

In common with most ceramic publications, the vast majority of works on the Derby porcelain factory have been written for the connoisseur, and are dominated by aesthetic opinion of the products rather than academic pieces relying on interpretation of contemporary documentation. Curators redocumented their collections, helping to establish proper dating and attributions to the early English porcelain factories, including Planchd and Duesbury I items.

Major Tapp's monographs such as The Brothers Brewer and articles in the Connoisseur and Apollo gave the collecting of later eighteenth-century Derby porcelain respectability. Although a prodigious researcher of archive material, it is obvious Tapp did not access the various Duesbury manuscripts! Derby's physical isolation helped perpetuate the collector-author style of writing on Derby porcelain, particularly in relation to the Duesbury and Kean periods. Although volumes on provincial china works were included, many were concerned with their products' uniqueness, artistic merit and value, rather than assessments of the commercial aspects of a porcelain factory.

In Derby Porcelain by F. Mallet's forward in G. Bradley, Derby Porcelain, , p6. An example of this reattribution can be found in W. Four volumes of his notes survive, unlike his collection which was destroyed by enemy bombing; microfilm of his notes has been lodged at Derby Local Studies Library, and awaits further study. Republished in his Derby Porcelain 1 , pp Of all English factories it must surely command the largest literature, even Worcester has a marginally shorter bibliography.

Is there room for still one more volume? In Nightingale provided details of early porcelain auctions which are still frequently quoted, " and Toppin researched extensively in the s on the pre London chinamen, but not "See appendix I for further details. The fully-illustrated book was a work-up of the original Derby Museum exhibition and catalogue Wm.

Father and Son, Men ofIndustry compiled by J. The book contained business details from the Duesbury Papers published for the first time, and an overview of Planch6 and the early china works. See bibliography for a selection of Ledger's extensive smaller projects.

The Duesbury manuscripts record the detail of how a later eighteenth-century ceramic firm sold porcelain to private and trade customers, and prevailing attitudes to the etiquette of selling. The commercialisation of the pottery industry from the seventeenth century to c. The huge quantity of surviving manuscripts relating to Wedgwood has allowed the creation of the legend of Josiah Wegdwood as the 'Founder of British Ceramics'. The present study should complement work on 16 A.

McKendrick, see range of works in bibliography. Liebenau, eds, Business in the Age ofReason I , pp Weatherill, The Pottery Trade and North Staffordshire, 1 , and 'Thebusinessof middleman in the English pottery trade before ', in Davenport-Hines and. Direct comparison with Wedgwood as a ceramicist is possible insomuch as the Duesburys were porcelain manufacturers, not potters , but because Wedgwood is often quoted as the prime example of an 'Industrial Revolutionary' who modernised a rather local, unprogressive British trade and shifted it to the forefront of European enterprise, the work has a wider context.

Conversely, his factory's development of more 'middling' wares was not hampered by the constant need to seek or use the finest ingredients or best workmen. Was Wedgwood's embrace of the 'middling market' more a reflection of his inability to procure the finest resources or clientele, in contrast with Derby's ability to do so? Wedgwood adopted much of his early sales strategy from the fine china producers and retailers, and the 'Veblen' effect of 'copying your betters' may just as easily be true of retailers and their 'customer care' or , image projection' as in the consumers' desire for products.

Porter, eds, Consumption and the World of Goods ; A. Brewer, eds, The Consumption of Culture, Image, Object, Text ; R. Roberts, eds, Pleasures in the Eighteenth Century ; and also B. Shaw eds, The Evolution ofRetail Systems c. The role of 'luxury' in eighteenth-century consumerism is the subject of ongoing historical research at Warwick University, and forms part of the current 'Nationalising Taste' project at Northumberland University. Some have attempted to define the social groups buying these items, recording especially the growth of the 'middling classes' to explain the advancements in the ceramic industry.

But little published work can be found on the changing r6le of fine ceramics in the Georgian home.

However, contemporary illustrations show ceramics in use: Undoubtedly fashion played an important r6le; but what was the source for the fine ceramic industry? Savage records how the influence of the French Court pervaded European 'high' taste into the s, and was often copied unquestioningly. These often subtle innovations actually contributed to the development of a highly fashionable factory like Derby. The Derby China Works and the Industrial Revolution The Derby manuscripts also contain details on transportation, technology, experimentation, material sources, daily factory practice and a range of financial matters.

The economic historian Murphy has condemned Wedgwood and Boulton for their 'grandiose 28E. Hillier, PolleryatidPorcelain, ; R. Productsfor a Civilised Society ; H. Young, English Porcelain Its Makers, Design, Marketing and Consionplion Handley, 'Robert Hancock and G. Savage, French Decorative Art, However, the Duesburys, too, had a disciplined factory system, with clocking-in procedures and enforceable contracts comparable to those of the model factories of Etruria, Soho or Cromford.

Honeyman for example, in her exploration of the 'self-made man' c. Murphy, A History ofthe British Economy, , pp, p Hopkins, 'The trading and service sectors of the Birmingham economy, '. Liebenau, ibid, pp; M. Neaverson, Industry in the Landscape Honeyman, Origins ofEnterprise Payne, British Entrepreneurship in the C19th, second edition , p It might be expected that the Derby enterprise would have benefited from its close London connections and 'modernising influences', but this was not necessarily so: It would also appear that many of the Duesburys' social and business associates, both in Derby and London, were linked to the small parish of Church Broughton, between Derby and Uttoxeter.

Robinson, eds, Science and the Industrial Revolution Wrigley, eds, The Industrial Revolution Weatherill, ibid, , pp The more general definition of luxury as 4something desirable for comfort or enjoyment, but not indispensable', is applicable to all eighteenth-century ceramics, as cheaper and more robust wooden or metal pieces could have served adequately as 'useful' wares.

In the s our own porcelain industry developed particularly to cater for this growing market. However the finest English porcelains, whether Chelsea or Chelsea-Derby, were also costly; highly decorated pieces, valued like silver, assumed significant status. Some of these alternative wares were more obviously ornamental than utilitarian. When the Derby factory had been first established a small group of aristocracy and gentry was the traditional British consumer of luxury items?

Berg, 'New commodities, luxuries and their consumers in eighteenth-century England', in M. Consumer studies suggest that it was an increasing 'middling' class that created a market and spur for goods that in previous generations had been regarded as luxuries. In numerical terms perhaps a further 3, individuals had been added to the wealthy 61ite by ; these upper-middle-class families had incomes on a par with at least the higher gentry. Neither were many of the 'older' generation so easily chan-ned by changing fashions? From the later s Duesbury's London warehouse supplied a growing number of provincial traders, but also met private orders from the more remote and less gentrified regions including Cumbria and the Scottish Borders.

British luxury living remained that of France well into the following century, with direct imports or imitations of a range of household and personal artifacts. Important to the growth of ornamental consumer goods was the early stress placed on interior decoration and furnishings. To varying degrees 'les Milords Anglais' absorbed fine taste, and purchased goods; this was not in itself a new phenomenon, but the number involved, including less dlite classes, was considerable: Vickery, 'Women and the world of goods; a Lancashire consumer and her possessions', in J.

Elizabeth Parker bought goods to later modify, or hand-down, rather than be disposed of. Productsfor a Civilised Society Wallis, Calton Hall, near Penrith, had E2. In mid-century Paris twice the sum was spent on the decorations than the shell; English gentlemen spent more evenly.

Unfortunately some tourists returned home slaves to fashion, insisting on the universal supremacy of continental manufacturing. Conversely, some became staunch anglophiles, refusing to see any good in foreign art, design or ideas, and rejected such elegance even of English origin. While the upper echelons of private high society were largely closed and London based, many middle-class men had been welcomed to an aristocrat's country table in the discussion of agricultural improvements, canal-building or elections. For some, including Joshua Reynolds, the accoutrements of fine living served to mask a regional accent and rough features.

However, the concept of a consumer boom, resulting from the gentry and middling classes emulating the fashionable aristocratic lifestyle, has generally lost favour in preference to that of 'fitting into the hierarchy of your peers'. English architecture never matched the 'convenience and elegance' of the French plan. Two separate rooms emerged in richer households, associated with the different genders: Minchinton 'Convention, fashion and consumption: He suggests that the greater the wealth of contacts the greater their potential for influence related to emulation.

Vickery, The Gentleman's Daughter , p3 1; L. Stone, An Open Elite? England , for Norhants. In France the dining area was rarely used but for the duration of the meal; the decoration was simple but elegant. The dining room became the focal point for male hospitality and prestigious display. Yet for Chartier and Flandrin obsession with cleanliness, along with the adoption of specialised tablewares, were closely linked in French society, revealing a growing desire for individualism and privacy.

In England such privacy was less of an issue; the guinea-per-head tax on male servants provided the rich with another means to flaunt their wealth. Significantly this was the type of meal most suited to the majority of British domestic kitchens, best utilising the resources of kitchen staff of varied ability, and primitive, open coal fires using spits, griddles and hanging pans.

Nenadie, 'Middle-rank consumers and domestic culture in Edinburgh and Glasgow ', Past and Present, vol. Lord Cremorne ordered Derby porcelain , finger cups'. Forster, European Society in the Eighteenth Century Chartier editorial comment, and J. Flandrin, 'Distinction Through Taste' in R. From the s onwards the French china works increasingly manufactured shapes suited to British use.

These were attributes that 'had little value unless they were shared: In middling homes Wedgwood crearnwares had replaced pewter, but in the richest households fine porcelain was even replacing silver. As Dr Johnson astutely remarked in , on visiting the Derby china works: Pewter and delft ware could also be had, but were inferior. Brewer, Pleasures ofthe Imagination I , p Clifford 'A commerce with things: Johnson writing to Mrs. Thrale, quoted in J.

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Papendiek on setting-up house in England in 1; she was the wife of the Queen's hairdresser, in the early nineteenth century she became the Queen's 'Necessary Women. Glasheen, The Secret People ofthe Palaces , p In part such shifts can be explained by the increasing technological improvements within the British ceramic industry, and attendant degrees of artistic sophistication; but they are also associated with the concept and manipulation of fashion.

Even the Staffordshire potter showed confusion over the use of vases and bough pots, and had asked advice from his private patrons. Yet the notion of correct form clearly caused anxiety; a New York merchant wrote to his English supplier in requesting further details on the uses of his newly supplied dining wares. When the Marquis and Marchioness of Rockingham purchased cream coloured tea and table wares from their local Swinton works, were they intending it for their own use, and if so in what context?

While many such pieces were obviously intended for the kitchen, some dining wares may also have been associated with the servants' hall or nursery. However Lygo's gift of an eight-person teaset to the housekeeper of Sir P. A few factories, including Chelsea and Derby, produced more luxurious ornamental wares akin to the continental pieces of Meissen, and the newly created 'Manufacture royale de porcelaine' at Rvres.

But during the s fashionable porcelain had changed considerably, largely due to the decline of rococo styles and increasing vogue for neoclassicism. In theory, the latt , er could only be imported prior to by private individuals bringing in china for their own use or as gifts.

However, great numbers of clandestine pieces were readily available in London; Christie's auctions of the early s included 'S6ve, Chantilly, Toumay, and Saxon' porcelains. Duties on French porcelain were high and extremely complicated to calculate, making English china comparatively inexpensive, but increasing the prestige of the former. Smuggling continued, and soon London dealers had added sales of 'Frankendahl and Nyphenbourg' to their stocks. It is particularly difficult to assess the comparative perception in Britain of fine English-made porcelain, compared with that of France or Saxony.

Advertisements stressed the continued improvements and made favourable comparisons with foreign china? In the s Duesbury entitled his works the 6 second Dresden'; by his Chelsea-Derby wares were compared in 'state of perfection equal to that of the French'. Valpy 'Extracts from eighteenth century newspapers', in ECC Trans, vol 11, pt 2 ; vol II pt 3 ; vol 12, pt 2 ; vol 14, pt2 1.

Quoted from the pre-amble to Christie's sale catalogues April , and May 17, The r6le of such porcelains as diplomatic gifts was of prime importance. Although no British china works gained similar royal or aristocratic financial support, the giving of fine porcelain was respected and frequently adopted in this country, too. In the Queen had purchased a Chelsea service to give to her brother in Mechlenburg-Strelitz. Much Derby porcelain was probably bought with such intention, although motives for purchasing are rarely recorded. Marriage, or recent succession to a title, provided a stimulus to a whole range of luxury trades, as households appropriate to newly acquired status were established.

In the royal parents gave their newly titled son, the Duke of Clarence, a guinea Worcester dessert. The House of Lords was augmented considerably from the s, notably with the creation of British titles for Scots and Irish peers, and the Derby factory benefited from this, along with the increasing vogue for coats of arms on goods, obliging Lygo to look for an up-to-date 'pearage' with dates of title creation and crests. An appraisal of the dynamics of such change follows, with an assessment of whether the Derby factory, or any other, coped and adapted to these new demands.

This had boosted the production of ceramic tablewares, but also stimulated the fondeurs- ciseleurs making ornaments in bronze or ormolu. In England 4 Lygo, Oct. Lygo March 5 and 12,; Jan 4,; Sept-4,; March, 17 Young, English Porcelain, Its Makers Design, Marketing andConsumplion , pl The wealthy could buy genuine antiquities, or traditional luxury pieces of gout grec in the manner of the French Court, but they could also purchase modem alternative manufactured goods like those of more moderate means. Notable to the English contribution of alternative omaments were Boulton's ormolu and Blue John vases and obelisks, and Wedgwood's vases and plaques.

Derbyshire spars and alabasters were advertised for sale at Duesbury's London showroom from c. The supplier, Richard Brown, had his lapidary works next to Duesbury's Derby mill, and produced wares of similar style and quality to Boulton. At that time a variety of newly introduced Derby vases had fetched high prices; although these were still selling ten to twenty years later, they only cost a quarter of the original price.

Somers Cox, 'The non-functional use of ceramics in the English country house during the eighteenth century', in The Fashioning ofthe British Country House , pp , and Young, ibid, p He was apprenticed c. Twitchett, Derby Porcelain , p I Os, by late it had to be bought-in at I guinea. Richly decorated 'Cupid and Dolphin' vases, designed after Saly, fetched a little under L20 in , by the s they were being sold in biscuit; Lord Dover bought one March 9, for L5.

Nevertheless some significant decorative Derby vases continued to be purchased in the later s, alongside cheaper flower pots and vases, although the latter appear to have been in competition with Dresden pieces. One of the most expensive single items of Duesbury II porcelain sold was 'a large fountain group in bisc. The piece had been provided with its own mahogany stand and glass shade, 14 Lygo, Aug.

Farrer, ed, Correspondence ofJosiah Wedgwood , vol 2, p84, and Aug. Fine vase purchases include: McCarty with a set of 3 richly decorated vases one '86' plus side vases costing L But pieces of this type were expensive to produce, and thus aimed at the luxury end of the market. Kean continued to use the ornamental moulds but does not appear to have added to the range.

The permanent exhibition of teawares on a tea-table in the drawing room, dressing and bedrooms had ceased at Petworth House prior to , perhaps as such display had become universal. By the later s the Derby showroom manager indicated that porcelain dejeuner trays, containing a tea set for one or two people, were on display in private quarters, protected, like some figures, under glass domes. Officially tea purchases rose between and to an average of E Any loss in govemmental revenue was to be made up by a tax on households with seven or more windows: Valpy, The Bemrose Papers: Documents ofthe Derby Porcelain Factory in the Dept.

Grand households may have 'saved' enough to fund an extensive order of new tea equipage or breakfast set; in the s the Earl of Stamford's Dunham Massey household ordered between 85 to 95 pounds of tea a year.

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Wedgwood basalt, once fashionable to show off a hostess's white hand had been banished from the London saleroom; technological problems with his paler dry-body teawares had been overcome, but by the Derby manager, Lygo, indicated that 'Jasper tea sets [were] very unsaleable'. Further boosted by the cessation of the East India Company's monopoly in , tea consumption rose within six years from 30 million tons to 49 million. Teawares and Derby Porcelain Teawares, along with those for coffee and chocolate, were clearly one of the Derby factory's staple products, accounting for c.

The London showroom had sold 32 teasets in the latter half of ; by for the comparable period this had risen to Although Duesbury I some twenty years earlier had briefly used a steatite body which would have produced heat- resistant wares akin to Worcester, he appears to have deliberately ceased its production, in preference for a soft-paste and glaze that had considerable aesthetic appeal. For Derby's wealthy hostesses elegance reigned over practicality, a point highlighted by Lygo's request from London: Lygo to Egan in Bath.

The majority of teawares bought from the Covent Garden showroom were set- patterns, rather than special commissions, but in a variety of new shapes and designs. Under the Kean regime 'very saleable new tea china' was introduced, and appears to have been marketed in half or full dozens at five to ten guineas per dozen. Ceramics both functional and polite: BP vol 4, Egan's order Nov.

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BP vol 5, Oct. BP vol 4, Egan order Nov. Hamilton shape handless at L6. BP vol 4, letter added to Egan's order Nov. Forster, ibid, and R. Bayne-Powell, Travellers in the Eighteenth Century 1. Although an array of different sized dishes would have adequately presented the two, not dissimilar, courses laid out before guests in the 'French style', many pieces had very specific uses. Practical, yet elegant, ceramics were more slowly accepted in this r6le, compared to their use in tea, c6ffee or chocolate drinking. This is an important distinction: However basic British foodstuffs, and our preference for the 'roast beef of old England', had hardly changed over the preceding centuries.

Wooden and pewter plates continued to be used widely, while amongst the more fashionable wealthy, hard-paste oriental porcelains more obviously served this r6le from the second quarter of the eighteenth century. Soft-paste porcelains throughout much of the eighteenth century were highly impractical in this r6le: However, by the mids there was a clear shift away from crearnware by the fashionable dlite: The Queen had spent E25 on a table service with five dozen plates, decorated with blue Chantilly sprigs, when visiting 34 E.

Derby table service order for Mr. Middleton, March 8,, 'enamelled in fine blue and white': However precious metal tableware was also on the decline amongst the bon ton. The Margrave and Margravine of AnsPach's Derby table service was combined with silver, which made up the largest tureens and some of the dish covers. Lygo bought a tin kettle to 'season' test with hot water Derby teapots and tureens, but as a matter of practice had earlier cautioned 'the customers or the housekeepers to warm the table china well before the fire Although Boulton tried to break into this market he found that the French, as leaders of 'new modes of luxury and magnificence' believed 'China only or perhaps in some instances Glass: Thorpe, Derby Porcelain , pl Vickery, l Women and the World of Goods: Porter, eds, Consumption andthe World of Goods , p; Wedgwood had problems with glazed dry-bodied wares..

Various desserts could also be bought-in. These desserts, together with fashionable additions of ice pails, ice cups, bottle stands or cheese stands, form the greatest volume of Derby's private special commissions. Additional pieces added considerably to the basic price; thus the Earl of Shaftesbury's standard person dessert of E Charleston, English Porcelain, , p2l 46 B. Earl of Shaftesbury June 13,; also Sept 9, Hon, Mr Fitzherbert Dessert sets patternl 15' sold for L3 1. Significantly, table sets were also being bought in designs to match the dessert; Chelsea had made prestigious combined services in , and Wedgwood had recorded his contact with Catherine's Russian court, having 'just bought you the firs[t] go[od] Order for Double Services'.

Lord Vernon, who purchased a combined service in late , paid 8s. Shifting eating patterns and the rise ofsilver The gradual shift in eating patterns modified tableware requirements; as the eighteenth century progressed the main meal of the day originally served at noon to two o'clock became later.

The gentlefolk of Lancashire dined at 4pm in the late s. By the close of the century, the fashionable dined at 5 pm; by dinner was at 6pm, becoming later over subsequent decades. Feb 4,, Oct 28, Baxter's orders from the Russian Court, c. Davenport- Hines and I. By the Bloor period the Imari palette and designs are commonly advertised as appropriate to candlelight. Wedgwood had created printed-patterned 'dead game' tablewares for his 'country gentlemen [and] sportsmen' in the early s.

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By the close of the century 'masculine' hand-painted hunting scenes and dogs are depicted on Derby porcelain; by c. Perhaps not surprisingly this apparent change in emphasis occurred as the aristocracy and wealthy had moved on from porcelain tableware, following the Prince Regent's spectacular display of silver at his grand f8te at Carlton House in By silver was more widely used as a tableware in Britain than anywhere else in Europe; during his reign George IV commissioned nearly EI 12,worth of table silver.

France continued to use porcelain in this r6le. Such was the rarity of porcelain on the finest English dinner tables by that Lady Morgan recorded its use by Baron Rothschild: Consumption according to gender, soeial and product category Fine ceramic consumption and gender' Much of the stimulus to the trade in consumer goods has been credited to upper-class and middling women's growing interest in their r8les as fashionable hostesses, mothers or interior decorators.

By Wedgwood displayed 'various table and dessert services Porcelain consumption sits astride the male-female r8les. Porcelain teawares had by mid-century acquired the habit of nearly four generations of use; other than clothing, they appear to have been the only high-value status article provincial gentlewomen were allowed to buy: By mid-century porcelain had become 'a necessary appanage of lustre and prestige', bought by men to show off their wealth and good taste.

Despite the development of neoclassicism, and what would appear today as more 'masculine' alternative products, men continued to buy 'See appendix 2, and relevant inventories of consumption. McKendrick, 'Home demand and economic growth: McKendrick, ed, Historical Perspectives: Plumb , ppl He stresses the high numbers of titled ladies in the Wedgwood London accounts, and even higher percentage of women customers in the provinces.

Farrer, ed, Correspondence ofJosiah Wedgwood , vol 1. Savage, eds, SelectedLetters ofJosiah Wedgwood , p30 32 status porcelain. Some even 'replaced' silver with china tablewares; in the s the Whatmans of Kent happily added plate to the family collection, but the conspicuous consumer Sir John Stanley bought porcelain tableware, too. The dynamics of eighteenth-century expenditure on status or luxury goods are complex.

The aristocratic classes connected cultural consumption and taste to political power. Women, even amongst the dlite, were largely excluded from the purchase of status goods within the general realm of 'fine art' because they were believed to lack the intellectual capacity to make aesthetic judgements. Masculine cravings for show and extravagance, were to be moderated by feminine influences of virtuous and refined domestication! The adoption of porcelain 'second course' tablewares was clearly a male status decision, but their adoption by wealthy middling males might have been less enthusiastic.

Silver plate provided show, combined with financial security, while table porcelain was clearly a fragile luxury. One male 6The division between the 'fine' and 'agreeable' arts is far from clear within the context of expensive household goods outside the traditional gender roles. Clifford, 'A commerce with things: The women bought smaller individual items like teaware, snuff boxes or paste jewellery; but only 3 women bought entire teasets, or preciousjewels. Lippincott, Selling Art in Georgian London: Boulton and Fothergill's customers, pre, appear to have been similarly male dominated in the ratio 3: Mones, 'Croquettes and Grisettes: Kuchta 'The making of the self-made man', ibid, pp Products ofa Civilised Society , p Mathews compromised by choosing and approving the crest design on tableware, then bringing in his wife to choose the shapes.

Furthermore women with young children, although giving birth in town near to their physician , were forgoing the Season, and staying in the country. The Derby warehouse was not visited by laTge female groups, but by a number of couples, or two generations of the same family. By the mid- I s Lygo was largely dealing with a hierarchy of servants who managed the porcelain in the larger aristocratic or Royal households, and these were generally men.

These servants were clearly influential in approving the porcelain, although their employers had the final say. Something of the male and female divide common to eigbteenth-century luxury purchasing is apparent c. Elizabeth Shackleton, on an annual budget of around , and Susannah Whatman, whose paper-maker husband had an income of ; E6, a year, were both directly involved in cleaning porcelain. Burrell's housekeeper, July 31, Female servants are more closely associated with female clients: Vickery, 77ie Gentleman's Dtrughler , pl 49; C.

Lygo's record of breakages of Derby tableware suggests it was not so much its loss that seems to have caused the private customers' complaints, but the disruption and unpleasantness 'below stairs'. Repair or replacement was an accepted consequence of buying fashionable china and a further demand on household budgets; Duesbury's London showroom regularly provided such a service.

Lord Wentworth's servant claimed a Derby ice pail was 'broke with his wiping', while a teapot was damaged with hot water; Sept. Mr Craythorne's two china tureens , ppar ntly flew after twelve months' use. Ice pails, and their covers, in particular suffered in the Prince of Wales' household: Based on Day-books, 12 months, Feb.

Customer lists are not completely accurate, for Lygo recorded cash sales rather sketchily, sometimes never knowing a purchaser's name, nor did he detail what had been bought. Men similarly are recorded under cash sales, but payments in excess of f 10 all appear to be credited to men. Some cash payments were also made by dealers. However from the mids, as Duesbury shifted his marketing strategy towards the trade, private female custom grew, almost equalling the male by the close of the decade. Women were buying more teawares.

However, it was rare for a woman to buy high value goods, with some 16J. In s Paris women marchande de mode were credited with particular powers of seduction in selling luxury goods, even overpriced ones, to both male and female customers. Warehouse Private Customers by Identifiable Types, no. This fashion for decorating china seems to have lasted for about five years from the summer of , involving eleven or more different households on various scales: Princess Galetzen a Russian who also bought Wedgwood tea, coffeee, dejune wares and vases totalling L One lady had received enamels from Wedgwood but was unhappy with the results, Lygo Sept.

Such accomplishments were common, see A. Bermingham, 'Elegant females and gentlemen connoisseurs', in A. Brewer, eds, The Consumption of Culture: Image, Object and Text I , pp Lady Spencer had not approved of the Derby shapes, and had gone straight to Wedgwood's. The pail was allowed to be 1. Wedgwood provided dairy furniture to the Bishop of Chester, Countess of Bridgewater, and 'aunts of the King of France'.

Holland wanted to know the initial cost of , with the same to follow. The relative spend of private customers by gender, c. However the Prince of Wales gave a dessert 'set in plants to the Queen, perhaps to convince her of his reformed character. But non-royals were also involved: But even in this category the men outspent the women: However, Lygo's remarks of might suggest that utilitarian hand basins, jugs and, particularly, chamber pots were rarely produced by the up-market porcelain factories: Lord Scarsdale spent 13gs on vases in , while Mr.

McCarty of Cork bought 3 vases for L Male purchasers of dessert services: March 30, 31 E. Mrs-Leigh pornaturn pots I Os. A survey ofprivate customers' visits andpurchases ofDerby Porcelain: March to August Lygo provided Duesbury with details of the private visitors who called at the London showroom during the latter part of the Season before returning to their country estates. The numbers of 'people of fashion' are small because Duesbury and Lygo called on the dlite at their homes.

The lists exclude traders, but also an unknown number of private visitors, some of whom are recorded in the day-books with small cash payments. By early the warehouse appears to have been allowed to run down as a public venue, with Lord Cremorne commenting in February that year that few of his friends knew of its existence. The considered purchasing decisions of the late-season private customer were made within a twelve-week period: On 24 March The World recorded 'the influx of people into London for the Levee is prodigious'; three days later there had been a tea at the drawing-room in St James's Palace to celebrate the King's recovery to health.

Cameo portraits were produced by Derby in the early nineteenth century, e. Lygo did not always the names of visitors or cash purchasers, sometimes refering to them ' as the friend of.. Bentley had similarly provided Wedgwood with such information. Nesbit and Mrs Sydenham who had spent 5s. By the second week of July all visitors had declined, and titled ones had ceased except for the Scottish Duke of Gordon , as Lygo recorded that families were soon to set off for the country. Middling cuslomersfor Derby Porcelain Although it would be tempting to suggest the summer callers to the London showrooms were a different or 'middle-class' clientele either living in or on a brief trip to the capital, this is difficult to prove.

See graph 6, which shows the increasing number of untitled customers by c. Miss Whitbread's purchases coincided with setting up house as the newly married Mrs Gordon. Brummel 'and friends, the banking '7Lygo, May 21, and July 2, The spring had seen celebrations to mark the King's return to health, in late May a ball to celebrate the King's fifty-first birthday was held at St.

Wraxhall and Mr Rose. However, few of these were newly monied, for most are associated with fashionable court and government circles; Lygo regularly records the sessions of the House of Commons, for without the members' presence in London the 'nobility leave town' and 'business will be dead'. A number of unidentified women appear to have bought status porcelain in their own right: However the verbal tradition that rich dissenters ordered Derby porcelain with 'brown edges' rather than gilding appears to have no proven foundation; the term 'Quaker' can be found amongst the factory documentation used in relation to ground colours on porcelain at the close of the century.

Customers may have bought any future Derby porcelain through the growing number of retail outlets both in London and the provinces. This sector is the greatest imponderable - Duesbury's trade customers more than doubled between and , not counting the continental merchants, and could be found throughout Britain. A number mounted the 44 china, like Vulliamy, Catherine or Penton, to make more luxurious ornaments. Lygo, June 10, 'House of Commons dissolved today', Aug. Mrs Leigh had a dessert with customised cheese stand costing E Lushington bought amongst other items a 12 guinea set of vases, May 19,; Mrs Sullivan ordered a table and dessert set in 'Mr.

Order for Egan in Bath, Nov. Day-book March 9 and Oct 5, Little is known of Mr.

Derby Porcelain and the Early English Fine Ceramic Industry, c. | Alabi O - www.newyorkethnicfood.com

Lygo Jan 3,, Oct. Pentons bought enamelled porcelain squares or'pedestals' to incorporate into girandoles e. A few of the dealers had specialised requirements: Egan confirmed 'I never shall wish a large Quantity but a little and very good'19 The greatest limiting factor for the more middling classes buying Derby porcelain in any quantity was cost. The best-selling Derby teawares, particularly to the trade, were the cheaper restrained gold or blue-and-gold patterns. Although provincial shops may have acquired greater amounts of fine porcelain as the century progressed, allowing for overheads, most shopkeepers would have sold Derby porcelain at a similar price to that charged to the private London customers, a point emphasised by Lygo.

Bath was loosing its elite status. Fawcett, 'Eighteenth-century shops and luxury trade', in Bath History, , vol 3, p59 42 notion of 'trading-up' within the provincial lower gentry or middling classes, notably in the context of teawares. Damaged items, figurative in the main, were regularly sent off to the London auctioneers, Christie or Whitling. One dealer bought a parcel of eight 'very little imperfect figures' for only I Os. Smaller quantities of inferior dinner ware and useful household pieces also entered this 5ODLS Parcel 17x. Achers, Bank, had sent L20 payment to Derby for 'cups etc.

This is one of the few surviving requests for china via the factory. Jan 27, 'Lady Young sold 12 plates much damaged f 1. Thomas, The Rise ofthe Staffordshire Potteries 1 , p Wedgwood had his Queensware table plates sorted, the best going to the nobility at 5s. Lygo too noted he had been I looking over the plates sent for Mr.

As the century closed European consumers of luxury wares may have become more discriminating. In , Derby factory stock was differentiated as 'best' and 'seconds'. Billingsley's calculations to set up a china works at Pinxton in made no mention of seconds. He had allowed a firing loss of one seventh, but made no differentiation between 'quality and quantity' save for finished decoration and gilding. He proposed to sell off two-thirds of his good wares in the 56Richards, ibid, p 3'Lygo, July 2, April 22, stock bought by Bloor and Tatem had been classed as'best' E6, and second' L4, In the s some Derby seconds found their way to James Giles's London decorating shop, and despite obvious firing cracks, were richly gilded.

There is no indication from the factory site that less sound wares were systematically destroyed: Turner and Chamberlain may have been an official outlet for tseconds'. By some white wares were being sent to Bath. Derby porcelain was never disposed of in this manner, although Lygo did suggest a Nankeen service might be raffled in Bath. Hughes in private correspondence confirmed local pottery waste was used thus. Stables to WD May 5, Similar complete teasets sold in London for L7.

Egan's order ftom Lygo 'white tea ware etc. Egan used an ex-Cockpit Hill decorator, Anthony Amatt, who completed special orders, including crests; material for gilding was sent too. Old factory stock had been bought by Bloor on April He hoped to get rid of an indifferent table service pattern '32' to an American dealer; Lygo, Oct 1, had sold the'old rose coloured' cupid dessert to a good customer for guineas, hoping 'it would not be returned for another of the same price'.

Nevertheless Lygo was well awareof rival firms' prices, and might match the prices of a similar Worcester pattern. Lygo reluctantly reduced the bill, stressing to Duesbury that it was bad practice, but that he did not want to affront his client.

Buy for others

Ceramics are recorded amongst the London and provincial newspapers' advertisements as sales on retirement, on closure of works, or as bankrupt wholesalers' stock. The aristocracy had long been used to the ethos of collecting and actively bought 'second-hand' Chinese, Meissen, S6vres, Chelsea and others: Derby porcelain was bought damaged, but also mended. The neoclassical revival of the 69E. Lady Skipworth's dessert plates were to be charged as Worcester at I Os. Lowes had bought a dessert pattern '44'. China appears near the top of the lists of sale goods.

King, possibly Charles King, Duesbury 11's clerk of works. Wright's effects, including art, were advertised March I and 17, Derby Museum holds a Chinese monogrammed teaset reputedly owned by Wright. Porter, European Society in the Eighteenth Century , p 46 Edwardian era saw the reuse of earlier tablewares, indicating services had been carefully preserved.

Hire or loan ofDerby Porcelain Fashionable clients did not have to go to the expense of buying Derby porcelain, in the town items could be borrowed or hired for occasional use. Hiring china was not a cheap option, but it was obviously suited to very infrequent entertainment in town; most porcelain was stored and used within country houses. Lygo also operated a loan system to those who were waiting for their order to be completed, whether it was for table or ornamental pieces.

Cavendish was lent figures and vases while her order was made. The popularity of porcelain over silver during the period stimulated the desire for fragile teapots and 'tablewares for the second course'. Although 'male status buying' continued, particularly of dessert and tablewares, private female clientele doubled within just a few years. More women had been brought into the trade, suggesting that female custom for fine porcelain in general had increased.

Trade custom had grown five-fold, while direct provincial trade had increased: Finally, upper middle-class families politicians, doctors, clerics, industrialists and so on bought Derby porcelain in London, but a few more remote or northerly individuals were sent small orders, particularly teawares. A decade later a contemporary commentator recorded 'the great degree of luxury to which this country has arrived within a few years was] not only astonishing, but almost dreadful to think of. Ceramic consumers appear to be trading upwards from the late s, particularly in relation to teawares.

But the adoption of fine porcelain tablewares was less universal in the eighteenth century, with all the attendant connotations of luxury. If the 'boom' of the late s had been created by the middle classes then, realistically, the period when many had spare cash to spend on luxury porcelains was limited: Consumption during the Napoleonic period for the middle and lower classes was less frenzied: The middling class was confidently creating its own culture and consumer wants, in the provinces and within the home.

Despite the Derby management's hopes of trebling their sales, this would have represented a tiny proportion of ceramic sales in late eighteenth-century Britain. Archaeological evidence from the eastern seaboard of colonial America and 'clearance groups' from a number of English public houses give credence to the universality of polite 'Staffordshire' cream and pearl wares in the s.

The Bowling Green public house in Leicester, a less prosperous establishment, revealed the rancis Place quoted in R. Nenadie, 'Middle-rank consumers and domestic culture in Edinburgh and Glasgow, ', Past andPresent, vol. The Bowling Green Inn, Leicester, excavated in , has yet to be published. For all periods Lockett expressed concern that the American archaeologists could not truly differentiate between the porcelain types, particularly specific factories, from excavated sherds.

Contemporary inventories would indicate that fine European porcelains, including French, may be under-represented in the archaeological record by a factor of five, as the higher-value pieces were conserved beyond use. Combined with the evidence from the Derby showroom they might aid the better understanding of gender r6les and consumer dynamics early in the Industrial Revolution. The marketing and disposal of rine ceramics in later eighteenth- century England The single most important change in fine ceramic retailing had been established at the beginning of the eighteenth century with the East India Company's obligation to hold twice-yearly auctions of oriental goods.

Although the vogue for Chinese wares was waning by the s, as neoclassical styles advanced, the r6le of the Company sale remained important in the distribution of fashionable ceramics into the early s. Disposal by auction was the method adopted by the first English porcelain manufacturers, initially by Chelsea. Despite having established central London warehouses in the early s, Chelsea and Bow used these and other venues as seasonal auction rooms.

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