Self Improvement Techniques - Articles and Essays (Lance Winslow Self Help Series - Techniques)

As a consequence of these changes, relative to prepubertal individuals, adolescents who have gone through puberty are more inclined to take risks in order to gain rewards, an inclination that is exacerbated by the presence of peers. This increase in reward-seeking is most apparent during the first half of the adolescent decade, has its onset around the onset of puberty, and likely peaks sometime around age 15, after which it begins to decline.

Introduction

Behavioral manifestations of these changes are evident in a wide range of experimental and correlational studies using a diverse array of tasks and self-report instruments, are seen across many mammalian species, and are logically linked to well-documented structural and functional changes in the brain. This set of assertions must be tempered, however, in view of the absence of direct evidence in humans that link the biology with the behavior. As noted earlier, the fact that particular sets of neurobiological and behavioral changes occur concurrently in development can only be taken as suggestive of a connection between them.

More research that simultaneously examines brain structure function and its relation to risky behavior, either in studies of age differences or in studies of individual differences, is much needed. It also is important to emphasize that, although the increase in sensation-seeking observed in early adolescence may be maturationally driven, all individuals do not manifest this inclination in the form of dangerous, harmful, or reckless behavior.

Presumably, many factors moderate and modulate the translation of sensation seeking into risky behavior, including maturational timing i. Individuals who are behaviorally inhibited by nature, prone to high levels of anxiety, or especially fearful would be expected to shy away from harmful activities. For example, a recent follow-up of adolescents who had been highly reactive as infants i. There are two plausible neurobiological processes that may help account for the decline in risky behavior that occurs between adolescence and adulthood.

The first, which has received only scant attention, is that further changes in the dopaminergic system, or in reward processing that is mediated by some other neurotransmitter, take place in late adolescence that alter reward sensitivity, and, in turn, diminish reward-seeking. Little is known about changes in reward seeking after adolescence, however, and there remain inconsistencies in the literature with respect to age differences in reward sensitivity after adolescence cf.

Nevertheless, studies of age differences in sensation seeking in addition to our own show a decrease in this tendency after age 16 Zuckerman et al. A more likely although not mutually exclusive cause of the decline in risky activity after adolescence concerns the development of self-regulatory capacities that occurs over the course of adolescence and during the 20s.

Considerable evidence suggests that higher level cognition, including the uniquely human capacities for abstract reasoning and deliberative action, is supported by a recently evolved brain system including the lateral prefrontal and parietal association cortices and parts of the anterior cingulate cortex to which they are highly interconnected. The maturation of this cognitive control system during adolescence is likely a primary contributor to the decline in risk-taking seen between adolescence and adulthood. This account is consistent with a growing body of work on structural and functional changes in the prefrontal cortex, which plays a substantial role in self-regulation, and in the maturation of neural connections between the prefrontal cortex and the limbic system, which permits the better coordination of emotion and cognition.

These changes permit the individual to put the brakes on impulsive sensation-seeking behavior and to resist the influence of peers, which, together, should diminish risk-taking. Three important changes in brain structure during adolescence are now well-documented see Paus, , for a summary. First, there is a decrease in gray matter in prefrontal regions of the brain during adolescence, reflective of synaptic pruning, the process through which unused neuronal connections are eliminated. This elimination of unused neuronal connections occurs mainly during preadolescence and early adolescence, the period during which major improvements in basic information processing and logical reasoning are seen Keating, ; Overton, , consistent with the timetable for synaptic pruning in the prefrontal cortex, most of which is complete by mid-adolescence Casey et al.

Although some improvements in these cognitive capacities continue until age 20 or so Kail, , , changes after mid-adolescence are very modest in magnitude and tend to be seen mainly in studies employing relatively demanding cognitive tasks on which performance is facilitated by greater connectivity among cortical areas, permitting more efficient processing see below. In our study of capacities related to risk-taking described earlier, we saw no improvement in basic cognitive processes, such as working memory or verbal fluency, after age 16 Steinberg et al.

Second, there is an increase in white matter in these same regions, reflective of myelination, the process through which nerve fibers become sheathed in myelin, a fatty substance that provides a sort of insulation of the neural circuitry. Unlike the synaptic pruning of the prefrontal areas, which takes place early adolescence, myelination is ongoing well into the second decade of life and perhaps beyond Lenroot, Gogtay, Greenstein, Wells, Wallace, Clasen, et al.

Improved connectivity within the prefrontal cortex should be associated with subsequent improvements in higher-order functions subserved by multiple prefrontal areas, including many aspects of executive function, such as response inhibition, planning ahead, weighing risks and rewards, and the simultaneous consideration of multiple sources of information.

In contrast to our findings with respect to basic information processing, which showed no maturation beyond age 16, we found continued improvement beyond this age in self-reported future orientation which increased through age 18 and in planning as indexed by the amount of time subjects waited before making their first move on the Tower of London task, which increased not only through adolescence but through the early 20s.

Improved executive function in adolescence is reflected in better performance with age on tasks known to activate the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, such as relatively difficult tests of spatial working memory Conklin et al. Although some tests of executive function simultaneously activate both the dorsolateral and ventromedial regions, there is some evidence that the maturation of these regions may take place along somewhat different timetables, with performance on exclusively ventromedial tasks reaching adult levels somewhat earlier than performance on exclusively dorsolateral tasks Conklin et al.

In one recent study of age differences in cognitive performance using tasks known to differentially activate these two prefrontal regions, there was age-related improvement into middle adolescence on both types of tasks, but there were no significant correlations between performance on the ventromedial and dorsolateral tasks, suggesting that maturation of the ventromedial prefrontal cortex may be a developmentally distinct process from the maturation of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex Hooper et al.

This third anatomical change should be associated with improved coordination of affect and cognition, and reflected in improved emotion regulation, facilitated by the increased connectivity of regions important in the processing of emotional and social information e. Consistent with this, we found increases in self-reported impulse control through the mids Steinberg, Functional studies of brain development in adolescence are largely consistent with the findings from structural studies and from studies of cognitive and psychosocial development. Several overarching conclusions can be drawn from this research.

First, studies point to a gradual development of cognitive control mechanisms over the course of adolescence and early adulthood, consistent with the anatomical changes in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex described earlier. Imaging studies examining performance on tasks requiring cognitive control e. It has been suggested that this increasingly focal engagement of cognitive control areas reflects a strengthening of connections within the control network, and of its projections to other regions a claim consistent with data on increased connectivity among cortical areas with development; Liston et al.

Improved performance on cognitive control tasks between childhood and adulthood is accompanied by two different functional changes: Between childhood and adolescence, there appears to be an increase in activation of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex Adelman et al. The period between adolescence and adulthood, in contrast, appears to be one of fine-tuning rather than one characterized by an overall increase or decrease in activation; Brown et al.

This would be consistent with the notion that performance on relatively basic tests of executive processing reaches adult levels around age 16, whereas performance of especially challenging tasks, which may require more efficient activation, continues to improve in late adolescence. This competitive interaction has been implicated in a wide range of decision making-contexts, including drug use Bechara, ; Chambers, , social decision processing Sanfey et al. In each instance, impulsive or risky choices are presumed to arise when the socio-emotional network dominates the cognitive control network.

More specifically, risk-taking is more likely when the socio-emotional network is relatively more activated or when processes mediated by the cognitive control network are disrupted. For example, McClure et al. Similarly, two recent studies Matthews et al. Finally, one recent experimental study found that transient disruption of right dorsolateral prefrontal cortical function via transcranial magnetic stimulation i.

A second, but less well documented, change in brain function during adolescence involves the increasing involvement of multiple brain regions in tasks involving the processing of emotional information e. In some such studies adolescents do show a tendency toward relatively more limbic activation than adults e. Much depends on the stimuli used, whether the stimuli are presented explicitly or subliminally, and the specific instructions given to the participant e.

Few readers would be surprised to hear of studies showing more impulsivity and less deliberative thinking among adolescents than adults. This was not the case when the queried activities were not dangerous ones, however e. Thus, it is the lack of coordination of affect and thinking, rather than the dominance of affect over thinking, that may characterize adolescence.

This results in two patterns of risk-taking that are behaviorally quite different impulsively acting before thinking, and overthinking rather than acting impulsively but that actually may have a similar neurobiological origin. The temporal gap between the development of basic information-processing abilities, which is facilitated by maturation of the prefrontal cortex and largely complete by age 16, and the development of abilities that require the coordination of affect and cognition, which is facilitated by improved connections among cortical regions and between cortical and subcortical regions, and which is a later development, is illustrated in Figure 1.

The figure is based on data from our study of 10 to year-olds mentioned earlier Steinberg et al. The two capacities graphed are basic intellectual ability, which is a composite score that combines performance on tests of working memory Thompson-Schill, , digit-span, and verbal fluency; and psychosocial maturity, which composites scores of the self-report measures of impulsivity, risk perception, sensation-seeking, future orientation, and resistance to peer influence mentioned earlier.

Mature functioning with respect to these psychosocial capacities requires the effective coordination of emotion and cognition. The figure shows the proportion of individuals in each age group who score at or above the mean level of the to year-olds in our sample on the psychosocial and intellectual composites. As the figure indicates, and consistent with other studies, basic intellectual abilities reach adult levels around age 16, long before the process of psychosocial maturation is complete — well into the young adult years.

Proportion of individuals in each age group scoring at or above the mean for to year-olds on indices of intellectual and psychosocial maturity. From Steinberg et al. The improved connectivity between cortical and subcortical areas also has implications for understanding changes in susceptibility to peer influence, which, as I noted, is an important contributor to risk behavior during adolescence. Resistance to peer influence, I believe, is achieved by cognitive control of the impulsive reward-seeking behavior that is stimulated by the presence of peers through activation of the socio-emotional network.

Housing and Health: Time Again for Public Health Action

To the extent that improved coordination between the cognitive control and socio-emotional networks facilitates this regulatory process, we should see gains in resistance to peer influence over the course of adolescence that continue at least into late adolescence when maturation of inter-region connections are still ongoing. Two recent studies of the relation between resistance to peer influence and brain structure and function provide further support for this argument.

These results suggest that individuals who are especially susceptible to peer influence may be unusually aroused by signs of anger in others but less able to exert inhibitory control over their responses to such stimuli. In a second study, of differences in brain morphology between individuals aged 12 to 18 scoring high versus low in resistance to peer influence, we found morphological evidence that, after controlling for age, adolescents high in resistance to peer influence showed evidence of greater structural connectivity between premotor and prefrontal regions, a pattern consistent with the more frequent concurrent engagement of these networks among individuals more able to resist peer pressure Paus, Toro, Leonard, Lerner, Lerner, Perron, et al.

Also consistent with this is work showing that recruitment of cognitive control resources which would counter impulsive susceptibility to peer pressure is greater among individuals with stronger connections between frontal and striatal regions Liston et al. In sum, risk taking declines between adolescence and adulthood for two, and perhaps, three reasons.

Second, the maturation of connections across cortical areas and between cortical and subcortical regions facilitates the coordination of cognition and affect, which permits individuals to better modulate socially and emotionally aroused inclinations with deliberative reasoning and, conversely, to modulate excessively deliberative decision-making with social and emotional information. Finally, there may be developmental changes in patterns of neurotransmission after adolescence that change reward salience and reward-seeking, but this is a topic that requires further behavioral and neurobiological research before saying anything definitive.

It is important to note, however, that the socio-emotional network is not in a state of constantly high activation, even during early and middle adolescence. In the presence of peers or under conditions of emotional arousal, however, the socio-emotional network becomes sufficiently activated to diminish the regulatory effectiveness of the cognitive control network. We are currently beginning research in our lab to examine whether positive or negative emotional arousal has differential effects on risk-taking during adolescence and adulthood. During adolescence, the cognitive control network matures, so that by adulthood, even under conditions of heightened arousal in the socio-emotional network inclinations toward risk-taking can be modulated.

What does this formulation mean for the prevention of unhealthy risk-taking in adolescence? Some things just take time to develop, and mature judgment is probably one of them. The research reviewed here suggests that heightened risk-taking during adolescence is likely to be normative, biologically driven, and, to some extent, inevitable. There is probably very little we can or ought to do to either attenuate or delay the shift in reward sensitivity that takes place at puberty, a developmental shift that likely has evolutionary origins.

It may be possible to accelerate the maturation of self-regulatory competence, but no research has examined whether this can be done. We do know that individuals of the same age vary in their impulse control, planfulness, and susceptibility to peer influence, and that variations in these characteristics are related to variations in risky and antisocial behavior Steinberg, Although there is a wealth of studies showing familial influences on psychosocial maturity in adolescence, indicating that adolescents who are raised in homes characterized by authoritative parenting i.

Nonetheless, there is reason to study whether altering the context in which adolescents develop may have beneficial effects on the development of self-regulatory capacities. Understanding how contextual factors, both inside and outside the family, influence the development of self-regulation, and the neural underpinnings of these processes, should be a high priority for those interested in the physical and psychological well being of young people.

Preparation of this article was supported by funding from the John D. The content of this paper, however, is solely the responsibility of the author and does not necessarily represent the official views of these organizations. I am also indebted to Danny Pine as well as Jason Chein for their tutelage in the area of developmental neuroscience, which has enabled my tyronic and admittedly cursory discussion of adolescent brain development in this paper. Any gaps in logic or understanding are reflections on the student, not his teachers.

National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Author manuscript; available in PMC May Find articles by Laurence Steinberg. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to the author, at the Department of Psychology, Temple University, Philadelphia, PA See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. Abstract This article proposes a framework for theory and research on risk-taking that is informed by developmental neuroscience.

False Leads in the Prevention and Study of Adolescent Risk-Taking The primary approach to reducing adolescent risk-taking has been through educational programs, most of them school-based. A Social Neuroscience Perspective on Adolescent Risk-Taking Advances in the Developmental Neuroscience of Adolescence The last decade has been one of enormous and sustained interest in patterns of brain development during adolescence and young adulthood. A Tale of Two Brain Systems Two fundamental questions about the development of risk-taking in adolescence motivate this review.

Remodeling of the Dopaminergic System at Puberty Important developmental changes in the dopaminergic system take place at puberty Chambers et al. Steroid-Independent and Steroid-Dependent Processes I noted earlier that it is common to attribute this dopaminergic-mediated change in reward salience and reward-seeking to the impact of pubertal hormones on the brain, an attribution that I myself made in earlier writings on the subject e.

Adolescent Sensation-Seeking and Evolutionary Adaptation Although structural changes in the dopaminergic system that occur at puberty may not be directly due to the activational influences of pubertal hormones, it nevertheless makes good evolutionary sense that the emergence of some behaviors, such as sensation-seeking, occur around puberty, especially among males among whom the dopaminergic remodeling is more pronounced, as noted earlier see also Spear, Changes in Neural Oxytocin at Puberty The remodeling of the dopaminergic system is one of several important changes in synaptic organization that likely undergird the increase in risk-taking that takes place early in adolescence.

Peer Influences on Risk-Taking The proposed link between the proliferation of oxytocin receptors and increased risk-taking in adolescence is not intuitively obvious; indeed, given the importance of oxytocin in maternal bonding, one might predict just the reverse i. Arousal of the Socio-Emotional System at Puberty In summary, there is strong evidence that the pubertal transition is associated with a substantial increase in sensation-seeking that is likely due to changes in reward salience and reward sensitivity resulting from a biologically-driven remodeling of dopaminergic pathways in what I have called the socio-emotional brain system.

Structural Maturation of the Cognitive Control System Three important changes in brain structure during adolescence are now well-documented see Paus, , for a summary. Functional Changes in the Cognitive Control System Functional studies of brain development in adolescence are largely consistent with the findings from structural studies and from studies of cognitive and psychosocial development. Coordination of Cortical and Subcortical Functioning A second, but less well documented, change in brain function during adolescence involves the increasing involvement of multiple brain regions in tasks involving the processing of emotional information e.

Open in a separate window. Changes in Brain Connectivity and the Development of Resistance to Peer Influence The improved connectivity between cortical and subcortical areas also has implications for understanding changes in susceptibility to peer influence, which, as I noted, is an important contributor to risk behavior during adolescence.

Improvements in Cognitive Control Over Adolescence and Young Adulthood In sum, risk taking declines between adolescence and adulthood for two, and perhaps, three reasons. Acknowledgments Preparation of this article was supported by funding from the John D. Footnotes 1 Many of the items on the full Zuckerman scale appear to measure impulsivity, not sensation seeking e. Beautiful faces have variable reward value: Cognitive neuroscience of human social behavior.

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Lerner R, Steinberg L, editors.

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Housing and Health: Time Again for Public Health Action

Journal of Experimental Child Psychology. Public health has a long history of promoting healthy housing. In recent years, we have been less engaged. It is time for us to build on this groundwork and do our share in ensuring that everyone has a safe and healthy home. We thank the following colleagues for their thoughtful comments on drafts of this manuscript and for providing information about their valuable efforts in addressing housing and health issues in their communities: Krieger developed the initial concept for this manuscript.

Both authors developed the final concept, reviewed relevant literature, and wrote the manuscript. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Am J Public Health. Find articles by James Krieger. Find articles by Donna L. Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Accepted January 28, This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. Abstract Poor housing conditions are associated with a wide range of health conditions, including respiratory infections, asthma, lead poisoning, injuries, and mental health.

Infectious Diseases Features of substandard housing, including lack of safe drinking water, absence of hot water for washing, ineffective waste disposal, intrusion by disease vectors e. Chronic Diseases In more recent years, epidemiological studies have linked substandard housing with an increased risk of chronic illness. Injuries The importance of designing homes to prevent injuries has received long-standing attention, 60 especially with regard to reducing burns and falls.

Childhood Development and Nutrition Recent analyses of longitudinal cohorts of children have examined the influence of childhood housing conditions on the subsequent development of chronic diseases. Mental Health Substandard housing may also adversely affect mental health, although the evidence is more tentative.

Neighborhood Effects Beyond the condition of the housing unit itself, the site of the home may be a determinant of health. Disparities in Housing, Disparities in Health Exposure to substandard housing is not evenly distributed across populations. A Long-Standing Relationship The notion of housing as a public health issue is not new. He observed, Thirty years ago, our major emphasis was transferred from the physical environment to the individual.

Guidelines, Codes, and Enforcement The development and enforcement of most housing codes are the responsibility of housing and construction departments. Healthy Homes The emergence of asthma as a major public health issue has led to renewed interest in improving indoor environmental quality and in integrating these newer efforts with ongoing work addressing other indoor health hazards such as lead and injury risk factors. Exposure Assessment and Consultation for Individuals Local health departments offer indoor environmental quality assessment of homes through visual inspection and, in some cases, through quantitative measurement of exposure to biological contaminants and toxic substances such as pesticides and heavy metals.

Community Assessment One barrier to developing effective housing policy is the lack of information on housing quality at the community level. Services for Homeless People Public health agencies frequently offer clinical assessment and management services to homeless shelter clients.

Collaboration Typically public health agencies do not build, maintain, or own housing stock; nor do they design housing developments or issue building permits. Advocacy Public health workers support individuals and communities seeking better housing. Public Education and Awareness Public health agencies provide information to the public regarding ways to make homes healthier and safer. Making Housing Codes Healthier Refinement of housing codes to reflect current knowledge of healthful housing is urgently needed. Assessment Many state and local health departments produce community health assessment reports, yet few include measures of housing quality and resident satisfaction with housing.

Advocacy Public health workers should take the lead in advocating for housing policies that ensure access to affordable, healthy housing units and the elimination or remediation of unhealthy housing stock. Burridge and Ormandy note: Acknowledgments We thank the following colleagues for their thoughtful comments on drafts of this manuscript and for providing information about their valuable efforts in addressing housing and health issues in their communities: Notes Peer Reviewed J. Sharfstein J, Sandel M, eds.

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