Guaman Poma: Writing and Resistance in Colonial Peru: Second Edition (ILAS Special Publication)

A few of them were unable to participate for different reasons, among them being too busy with other enterprises or a reluctance to revisit their old work. However, the rest were highly positive from the outset, viewing the project as an opportunity to address and develop academic and personal concerns with which they had been preoccupied, often for a long time.

The definitive list of contributors and chapters that follows is the result of that process, presented in the chronological order in which the authors conducted and published their studies. In chapter 1, Billie Jean Isbell reassesses her community ethnography of Chuschi Ayacucho, Peru , first published in , based on fieldwork undertaken between the late s and the first half of the s. As I have already outlined, this is a classic ethnography that takes a structuralist approach, and focuses on the local sociopolitical organisation and ritual life.

I have also explained that this community happened to be the place where Shining Path conducted its first armed action in s; and, as a result, Isbell unwillingly became a protagonist in the heated academic debates and critical reactions that took place in the context of s revisionism.

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Inevitably, much of the chapter is dedicated to the traumatic effects of violence on local people, and on her own work and life, addressing also the scholarly debates that came out of the armed conflict. Allen, in chapter 2, reassesses her community ethnography of Sonqo Cuzco, Peru , which was first published in and was based on fieldwork undertaken between the mid s and mid s.

Allen also shows how this research influenced her later work, and how she interrelated this with periodical visits to the community across the years. Agrarian Ritual and Class Formation in an Andean Town, which was first published in with later Spanish editions in and and was based on fieldwork undertaken in the early s. I have explained that this excellent study focuses on the internal socioeconomic organisation of the community, interpreted along class divisions, and on local agricultural rituals, while theoretically and originally combining s—80s long-termism with Marxism.

He also states how, as a result, he did not return to Huaquirca until , in order to write this chapter, offering a fascinating account of the effects on him personally that this return meant, and the far-reaching changes he found in the community after decades.

His chapter also pays special attention to the theoretical background of his original work, offering illuminating insights into the problems and conflicts surrounding the application of theory to fieldwork, and differences of interpretation and perception between researchers and researched. Gose explains his later academic and theoretical evolution, and how this altered his views on his original ethnographic work in the Peruvian highlands.

In chapter 4, Carmen Escalante and Ricardo Valderrama reassess their community ethnography of Yanque Urinsaya, in the Colca Valley of Arequipa Peru , based on fieldwork undertaken between and This pioneering anthropological work on irrigation in the Andes, entitled Del Tata Mallku a la Mamapacha. Riego, sociedad y ritual en los Andes Peruanos , explored the practical, social and ritual dimensions of this activity.

They explain how they originally combined ethnographic research in Yanque Urinsaya with development work for an NGO in the area. They pay special attention to their personal experiences during fieldwork, and the links they created and maintained over the years with local people. The authors also elaborate on being native ethnographers, and offer a passionate defence and vindication of the legacy and ongoing validity and need for community ethnographies. Consumption and Cultural Creativity in the Andes , which was based on fieldwork undertaken in the early s. His study, focusing on consumption and material culture in Ariasucu, addressed questions about indigenous social economy, the materiality of social connections and how culture, class and race interrelate.

He also describes how he ended up working in this particular community, his fieldwork experiences, and how they have continued to shape his research and writing, resulting in other community-based ethnographies Colloredo- Mansfield, ; Colloredo-Mansfeld and Antrosio, The chapter offers an interesting contrast to the others because his ethnography was conducted in Ecuador, in the context of s revisionism, and took a scholarly approach that could be defined as short-termist, with its focus on cultural change.

In fact, Colloredo recalls how mainstream anthropology was at the time hostile to ethnography as a methodology, and to rural communities as research settings, particularly in developing countries. In chapter 6, Frank Salomon addresses several aspects of his fieldwork in Tupicocha Lima, Peru , and other surrounding communities. The main output of this research was The Cord Keepers: Khipus and Cultural Life in a Peruvian Village , based on research conducted in the s and early s. This early work also led him to his first fieldwork in the area where Tupicocha is located, and where he found local khipus many years later.

He describes how he physically dealt with and managed local khipus, and discusses the politics involved in this process. More broadly, Salomon also offers insightful thoughts and reflections on the ethnohistorical study of Andean communities. Platt, who is the only contributor here not to have produced a conventional community ethnography a monograph based on a single community , has conducted most of his research in Bolivia.

In his chapter, he emphasises the specific limitations of such studies in the highlands of this country. These shortcomings result from the survival of ancient wider ethnical and territorial entities, ayllus, which include several communities and ecological zones within large and varied territories, overlapping other administrative divisions. However, Mayer goes well beyond this ethnography to offer an autobiographical account of his later community-based fieldwork and research.

These have resulted in seminal and fundamental studies of topics such as the effects of the Peruvian agrarian reform and posts neoliberal policies, ecological adaptation, and environmental and social conflicts. Moreover, he combines and relates this personal account with insightful analyses of key academic debates and historical developments related to Andean communities and their study. His views and interpretations are especially interesting because Mayer is a major figure in Andean anthropology, who combines a national perspective as a Peruvian, with an unusual personal background and international projection.

All of these contributors are well-known and recognised authors with much longer academic trajectories than the community ethnographies and research they write about here. In most cases their studies served as an introduction to their scholarly careers. In fact, community ethnographies have frequently played this role of paving the way to an academic career, as these types of research settings allow key research skills to be developed, and the later transition to wider studies and settings.

Valderrama and Escalante are different, and so too is Salomon, as they were already well-known authors with solid trajectories when they conducted their community ethnographies. The last two chapters by Platt and Mayer therefore complement the previous ones but can also be contrasted with them, offering wider critical approaches to community ethnographies and research in the Andes, through the personal perspectives of two towering figures from the world of Andean anthropology, having specialised respectively in Bolivia and in Peru. In their chapters, they offer informed thinking and privileged insights into the academic issues covered in this volume, providing some final and highly personal overviews of the possibilities, and also limitations, of community-based fieldwork beyond the scope of more conventional ethnographies.

As such they serve as an excellent culmination to the book. Taken together, these chapters and their authors cover a large and significant part of the history of Andean anthropology. As a result, this book can be seen as a kind of journey through the history and evolution of Andean anthropology, at least in this core region, undertaken through the work and experiences of some of its protagonists. The particular focus on Peru and some theoretical predilections limit the scope of this retrospective exercise, but key academic debates and polemics are also illuminated that have definitively influenced the evolution of Andean anthropology.

Moreover, such evolution is directly linked and intimately interrelated with much wider anthropological debates, and the evolution of the discipline; offering telling examples of their manifestations in the context of the Andes. These chapters also illustrate more specific aspects of Andean anthropology, such as the impact of key institutions. For example the universities of Cornell and Illinois in the USA, San Marcos in Peru, projects such as Vicos and figures like Murra and Zuidema , forming and inspiring generations of new scholars and influencing the evolution of the discipline.

Obviously, this volume will be particularly meaningful and interesting to those who have read the original community ethnographies that are reassessed here by their authors. These readers will have the opportunity to recall the original studies and gain new perspectives on them, their authors, and the circumstances in which they were produced. Nevertheless, I believe that this book will also be of interest to those who have not read the original works, as all the chapters can stand alone, and efforts made to provide enough context for each of them.

I hope that those who have not read the original works will be spurred into searching them out and reading them, thus contributing towards giving them the new lease of life that they all deserve. I also hope that this volume will stimulate thoughts and reflection on the contribution and evolution of community ethnographies within Andean anthropology, and even the wider discipline, and that it will be a helpful reference work which will increase understanding of such studies.

As a result of its reflective and retrospective perspective, the book may be also relevant to wider scholarly circles, as it ultimately relates to the way academic disciplines evolve and change: It can thus be attractive to a public beyond the academic and geographical boundaries of the Andes. Personally, I believe it can be helpful to look back in order to look forward with perspective.

Whatever your view, I just hope that you will enjoy it. I was thankful that I spoke Spanish, the official language of the state of Peru, but regretted that classes in Quechua had been unavailable. I knew that being unable to speak Quechua would be a disadvantage and hoped to learn as much of that language as possible in the seven months we planned to be in Chuschi. After an initial period in the city of Ayacucho, a gruelling eight-hour trip in the back of a truck brought us to Chuschi on a miserably cold, wet February day at the height of the rainy season.

We were soaked, muddy, cold and looked like drowned rats. During the journey, the male passengers had been forced to use chains three times to haul the vehicle out of the mud. When I asked about a bathroom I was led to an adjacent pig sty where a huge sow and her piglets provided sanitation disposal. The sow intimidated me until my mother suggested that I carry a stick and whack her on the snout if she came too close, which she often attempted to do. During those three weeks we took our meals with school teachers at a food station on the plaza. The woman who prepared the food decided that because we were white foreigners we should be served white rice — mounds of it.

I commented one day that I would like not to eat so much rice but preferred the vegetable soup she prepared for other customers because I was always trying to bajar el peso [lose weight]. It is also dedicated to my mother, Mildred Richerson, a pioneer on the New Mexico frontier, and my companion in the Andes. Tom Zuidema at the Universidad de Huamanga in Ayacucho. Its objective was to study the ethnography and sociopolitical history of seven villages in the River Pampas which constituted a colonial Curato de Chuschi. The small group of University of Illinois students, all graduates except for me , were funded to conduct research for seven months.

Because Bill Isbell and I had a small child, we were assigned to live and work in Chuschi, the district capital and market centre located at the end of the road that led into the River Pampas region.

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My mother, Mildred Richerson, accompanied us and became invaluable because she opened so many doors, even though she could not speak Spanish or Quechua. The Huamanga students were placed in remote villages only accessible via foot paths through the mountains. All were native Quechua speakers and, like me, were undergraduates in their early 30s. All of us felt privileged and excited to be included in a research project led by a European Dutch structuralist trained at Leiden University.

We also felt a special camaraderie with Zuidema as he was only ten years older than we were, and he, his wife Louisette, and their three children lived in the city of Ayacucho. One involved drinking kerosene instead of trago [cane alcohol]. Tom made regular visits to the villages we were studying, and when he stopped in Chuschi, my mother and I always made sure to prepare something special to serve him. They reciprocated in Ayacucho. We delivered many a live animal to the Zuidema household.

Guaman Poma: Writing and Resistance in Colonial Peru by Rolena Adorno

He said he had ripped the crotch of his only pair of good pants, and had to keep his knees together when strolling and performing. At the time I wondered why he did not just sew up the pants, but as I got to know him better I learned that he never did any manual labour of any kind: Even as we joked about our mentor, we were awed by his productivity and tenacity. He had been trained to conduct research in Indonesia and after the Dutch were expelled from that country in , he turned his focus to Peru and the Inca empire.

Indonesian concepts of time and space figured in his comparisons.

Moreover, Indonesia had complex calendrical and astronomical systems that had become part of state structures and culture: However, I was especially puzzled by comparisons with lowland South American tribal cultures, especially the Bororo. Demonstrating a major difference between Dutch and French structuralism, Zuidema in time abandoned the concept of the universal laws embedded in myths and turned to entire village.

One father dipped his finger in the frosting and declared: Tiempo y Espacio en la Organizacion Ritual del Cusco: However, Zuidema did continue to search for structural clues in art forms, but restricted his investigations to specific and relevant time periods. The translation has been rightly criticised for omitting four-and- a-half chapters and two-thirds of the original photographs.

It was like reading two entirely different books. At the end of his life on 30 October aged , he declared that the world had become a place in which he no longer wished to live. One aspect I found compelling in Tristes Tropiques was the persona Narayan, , p. He openly expressed the difficulties and ambiguities of fieldwork, and that appealed to me as I began my first intense fieldwork experience.

Moreover, I was also awed by his power of describing things he did not understand. He continued that it had taken him 15 years to overcome the repugnance and shame that prevented him from writing the travelogue for so long, but at the same time he also thought he was following in the steps of 16th-century travellers and explorers. However, I agree with Sontag , p. In my current rereading of his work, it appears to me that he maintained that image to the end of his life.

In a interview with biographer Didier Eribon , p. I encountered structures everywhere in Chuschi and I thought I had died and gone to structuralist heaven. Structures literally marched up and down the village byways. Hanay barrio [upper moiety] was located below uray barrio [lower moiety] and confirmed that structures were symbolic as well as physical. Reciprocity was the fuel for the engine of the communal subsistence economy: All activities were maintained by a system based in kinship and compadrazgo [ritual bonds] with yet other complex account structures, a bookkeeping arrangement which seemed designed to keep a perpetual cycle of labour and goods exchanges.

Moreover, allocation of land was based on service to the community, not on private ownership: I had never seen a non- capitalistic economy at work and I was amazed at the level of communal labour, coordination and reciprocity required. Structuralism was the first instrument in my anthropological toolkit and it allowed me to map, chart, describe, photograph and analyse a complex world that I had never experienced before.

What stands out in my memory now is that the nonsense words were soon adopted into playful word games throughout Chuschi. The greetings of people passing me on the village pathways would be peppered with the made-up words as if we were sharing a private joke. This linguistic work was followed by articles on kinship and reciprocity ; ; , chapters 5 and 7 that I also considered scientific. These were preceded by a series of symposia and it was thrilling to participate in gatherings of anthropological scientists to describe and analyse Andean kinship, marriage and reciprocity for the first time.

Moreover, I observed marriages between couples where either the man, or more usually the woman, changed their paternal surname in order to marry, not for love but for reciprocity. They invented their own kinship to establish reciprocal networks. I will never forget a well-known Peruvian anthropologist blurting out loudly after my presentation at an international conference: No puedes decir esto! As a male member of upper-class intellectual elites, he appeared to feel it was his privilege to police and control me.

On one occasion I followed Tom up the stairs, arguing against archetypal, universal structures in myths. He stopped, turned and asked with a quizzical expression: Her essays spoke to my experiences in academia. I redoubled my efforts to focus on gender, voice and subjectivity see the section on gender below. For an example of innovative, award-winning research on kinship and marriage, see Given to the Goddess Ramberg, As the tapes rolled on the huge reel-to- reel camera, the children manipulated the dolls and positioned them in coitus, often changing who was on top.

I watched the copulatory chaos, baffled: Later, I learned from adults who roared with laughter as they viewed the tapes exclaiming: The game was known as Vida Michiy [to put life out to pasture], or Pukllay [to play]. The arrival of Shining Path in Chuschi truncated my early research and I turned with urgency to the violent events of the war. As I became entangled in the war, I began to focus on memory, agency and representation. As a new PhD and faculty member, I was invited to give a presentation to the all-male board of trustees. I had been told that the board often helped new faculty members find funding for innovative research.

That did not happen. Unfortunately, Catholic University lost all the tapes and I was never able to reanalyse them. Nevertheless, it has survived in transformations that may mask its political functions. Celebrating cultural diversity, the collections comprise objects from the Museum of African and Oceanic Art now closed as well as objects from the ethnographic collections, famous for their exoticism and occasional bizarreness, such as the body of a Khoisan woman known as the Hottentot Venus that was displayed until Kahn reflects on how the America exhibit was organised: There is no North, Central and South.

There is no high and low culture, no empires, no rise and fall. The objects in the cases are organized in visual pattern groups. Each object is placed and aligned to emphasize pattern similarities or variations. Not only the exhibit itself but the video 11 In an excellent review of Art from a Fractured Past: Cynthia Milton , Joseph Feldman raises critical issues. For example, he asks what are the implications of using art as a mode of truth-telling in post- conflict societies?

The colourful cube motif is repeated in the 30 exhibition galleries visible from the outside in which the interplay of pattern variations is emphasised. Not everyone appreciates the museum. The exhibits seem to alternate between the two but one message is clear: I am grateful to Roberta Militello for referring me to patternology in architecture, specifically The Architecture of Patterns Anderson and D. He visited China for the first time in and made additional trips before returning to Huamanga to become head of personnel at the university and to continue as a professor of philosophy.

He continued to be a central figure in radical politics until he left the university in and went underground. Revolution was in the air. Four major conflicts characterise that third field experience: This tactic was indeed a success. On 28 May, a national land judge arrived to inspect the boundaries and litigate the dispute: Each household in Chuschi had been required to provide one male representative and failure to do so meant a fine of 3, soles: It was an impressive sight when at dawn on the morning of 28 May two hundred men arrived on horseback from the valley and crossed the puna to attend the hearing.

Or other government officials in Ayacucho or Lima? I never learned the ultimate outcome of the conflict. I had discussed both projects with teachers in and they seemed enthusiastic. I also had letters of approval from the prefect of the Ayacucho department and from the officials of the province capital in Cangallo. Moreover, I had never been told about a video tax. The conflict with the municipal mayor erupted into minor drunken violence between him and a Peruvian member of my research team during the Corpus Christi celebration.

Trying to alleviate tension, another research assistant, a young woman with an undergraduate Fulbright fellowship, asked a band member if she could play his trumpet. He gladly relinquished his battered instrument to her and she joined the band as it marched around the town plaza. He then turned to me and because my mother was not in Chuschi that year, he solemnly requested that I compose a letter to our father he assumed my student was my sister asking for her hand in marriage.

In halting Spanish, he proceeded to enumerate all of his qualifications for becoming her husband: I had to explain that she was not my sister and that my father was dead. That news saddened him, but he and the Fulbright student continued to march with the band, sharing his trumpet.

Guaman Poma: Writing and Resistance in Colonial Peru (ILAS Special Publication)

The episode certainly did relieve the tension. When the PIP investigator arrived in Chuschi, he questioned the whole team: I told him that I not only knew them, but moreover had participated in the research group, the Rio Pampas Project. I went on to clarify that I had been assigned Chuschi and I showed him the history of the community that I was preparing in Spanish for the schools. He paused and smiled, adding cordially: The reality of being under surveillance became apparent a short time later when I and members of my research team were required to travel to Cangallo to be finger-printed.

The sequence of events has been described in other publications. Sponsoring the musicians established a reciprocal relationship between me, my family and my research team with his extended kin. As we marched round and round the plaza, the new school teachers looked on sullenly from the municipal balcony. They were strongly opposed to such backward traditionalism. He did not burn any houses but he did destroy documents belonging to my compadre, the alcalde vara, and the birth certificate of his newborn son which would have had serious political consequences later as the war with Sendero developed, but I reported the action in one of my telegrams to the prefect and the documents were restored.

The municipal mayor fled Chuschi when Sendero took full control of the village.

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Full details are in Isbell , chapters 10 and When the ballots were burned, only three of the 18 teachers in the Chuschi school system were from the region. This allowed them to intensify their control immediately after the ballots were burned. Abuses within families were targeted next: In the open court established by Sendero several village women denounced their husbands for beating them.

These actions received general approval. In September , Senderistas arrived without hoods or masks and took up residence in Chuschi. In October, they closed the municipality and organised an alternative governance structure. However, to the outside world, Chuschi appeared to be governed by officials named by the prefect in Ayacucho.

Their efforts to resolve the long-standing boundary conflict over pasture lands between Chuschi and neighbouring Quispillaqta went nowhere. Had they done so, they would have known that agricultural production was based on a complex network of reciprocity. Sendero also tried to abolish the Civil Religious Hierarchy, the cycle of annual rituals and ritualised drinking: Perhaps one of the most spectacular defeats was 19 Most of the information in this section is drawn from intensive interviews conducted in with Chuschinos who had fled from their district and were living in Lima.

A longer and more complete discussion, including conflict analyses and historical background, can be found in Isbell , chapter The final blow, which resulted in comunero withdrawal of support for Sendero, came on 1 July when they attempted to execute Bernardo Chipana, governor of Chuschi, publicly in the plaza as an informer.

When they turned to the community for affirmation of their actions, the resounding response was: That community paid the greatest price in loss of life when on 15 May a combined force of 70 military personnel dressed in civilian clothing and a hundred comuneros, all calling out Sendero slogans combed its annexes for Senderistas and sympathisers. As a survival tactic, comuneros were accustomed to greeting military and Sendero alike with shouts of welcome. I believe that Quispillaqta was targeted because of long-standing boundary disputes with neighbouring communities, especially Chuschi.

Searching for a way to represent the voices of the war23 During much of the s and s, I worked with human rights organisations and victim associations to record the testimonials of refugees from the war in Lima but I struggled to find a way of representing their stories. He gave me access to his interview materials.

My proposals to both institutions stated that I would write a book about the research on violence I had conducted in Peru. I successfully gave oral presentations at both institutions but I could not find a voice to represent the stories I had collected until I published Finding Cholita in I turned my full attention to the revolution in when a hand-delivered letter arrived at Cornell from a compadre in Chuschi describing how the village had been burned and was almost totally abandoned.

He and his family had fled to Lima and were living in a squatter settlement with relatives but they could not find work. Amnesty International AI took up their cause and an international rapid response petition and letter-writing campaign was initiated. From that time on, Guadelupe was probably under constant surveillance. I interviewed her in shortly after her return to Lima from Santiago, Chile. The Servicio scheduled them to be transported to Santiago, Chile in the hope that they would be able to escape surveillance and arrest.

However, she was rearrested on 24 May, interrogated and water-boarded in the military anti-terrorism centre, DIRCOTE, after which she was transferred to El Fronton Prison and held there for three months. European funding, especially from Germany, supported the production and sale of these works of art. I remember smuggling arpilleras into the US in my suitcase and European volunteers did the same. She said she would be safe because 5, police and military were patrolling the city streets to prevent the national election from being disrupted.

The house was occupied by her mother, Silvia Olano, her widowed sister with her dependent children and Guadelupe herself with her four children. Guadelupe and her youngest daughter, Nora, aged ten, were sleeping in the same bed. Barefoot and wearing only her pyjamas, she was last seen by a guard on duty at the market being dragged up the street in the direction of the Los Cabito military base. Sadly, Guadelupe Ccallocunto joined the long list of the disappeared and in spite of concerted efforts made by the organisations she served, she was never seen again.

The trip was arranged by AI and anthropologist Carole Nagengast, its former chair, joined me on the programme at the University of California, Riverside. The 12 x foot quilt resembled a number of arpilleras, each depicting individual stories of disappearances, all stitched together. I spoke about my experiences after each exhibition and we usually gave students the opportunity to read dramatised excerpts from Public Secrets from Peru,27 a play I had written based on my interviews.

It allowed students to speak in the voices of victims, perpetrators and political actors from Peru as well as those of the US embassy staff members I had interviewed. His report contradicts the official version of the events that occurred at dawn on 18 May Florencio now believes that the cousin was involved with Shining Path and got him drunk intentionally.

Diodora sent their two sons who were aged 14 and 10 to the municipal building to guard the ballots. The boys grabbed animal skins to sleep on and ran to the electoral office that had been set up in the municipal building. At dawn they were awakened by angry voices and pounding on the door. The men identified themselves as military from the base in Cangallo and demanded that they open the door. Bernardo, the eldest, answered in Quechua: The drama is posted on http: Florencio, dazed and probably hungover, raced from the house to rescue Julio Cesar, the ten-year-old, before the military arrived.

He was a new teacher in the high school and not from the region. After the high school was built in the early s, new teachers were assigned to Chuschi under a national programme requiring them to serve in rural schools for one year before they could apply for positions in urban settings. His article confirmed that Sendero had placed cadre members in local schools to infiltrate and indoctrinate and, by , they were in full control. It has taken 35 years for the story of the burned ballots to be revised. Chuschi today The story of my collaborator, Mariano Barrios Micuylia, who keeps me up to date via Facebook, illustrates the histories of so many whose lives were disrupted by the war.

This is his personal narrative: After Sendero took full control of Chuschi, he fled to Lima in Cancha Cancha denounced Sendero and the Guardias responded with a strong military presence in December In retaliation, Sendero attacked Cancha Cancha four times in as many months between December and April Mariano fled again and was able to find work in Lima and to finish the fourth and fifth years of his secondary education at night schools in and He 28 The El Comercio article does not cite publication information.

Mariano spent the next decade involved with various organisations as an indigenous leader and expositor of Andean culture travelling throughout Latin America. In he returned to his natal homeland working as the sub-director of social and human development and coordinator of ten Quechua municipalities in the Rio Pampas region.

This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Apr 22, Dana rated it liked it. I learned that history is grayer and more interesting than I ever imagined. This book is a great companion to anyone studying the hybridization of the Inca culture. Colin rated it liked it Aug 15, Martha rated it it was amazing Jan 12, Sam rated it liked it Dec 28, Sarah rated it really liked it Oct 02, Braeden rated it liked it Apr 10, Kevin Johnson rated it it was amazing Dec 26, Jillian rated it really liked it Aug 30, Tati rated it it was amazing Jul 11, Julie rated it it was ok Mar 26, University of Texas Press added it Aug 11, Claudia added it Nov 09, Mike added it Aug 02, Katrina marked it as to-read Jan 18, In he was employed by the Spanish judge of Huamanga who was in charge of land titles.

In late , however, all of his property was confiscated and he was banished from Huamanga, an event that led to his travels throughout the country and most likely to the composition of his masterpiece. Based on a published work, in , by archaeologist Edward P. Lanning, "Peru before the Incas", one of the first references to an organized culture around the Huaman Culture, was between CE - CE, known as the "Late Intermediate", before the Inca Empire expanded, forming alliances with the most powerful empires. The Huaman Family, per stirpes, [ further explanation needed ] belonged to the wealthy among the Inca Empire, before and after.

As it used to be common, the marriages among the ruling families took place, to remain in control and current. At the time, the Huaman or Waman, in Quechua; or Guaman after the Spaniard conquest were a selected family of warriors, and land owners in several regions of the pre-Inca empire. They venerated the wild bird similar to a Falcon , that only grows in the Andean Region of Peru, above 4, meters above sea level.

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There can be found, among the Inca's family tree lines: During the occupation of the conquerors, the Huaman Family, being a very extensive family, were fiercely prosecuted, fearing the overtake of the Andean government, the impeachment of the Hispanic occupation and land ownership claims. Reasons for which most of wealth in pure gold, and ornaments were hidden and re-distributed among the descendants. Most family members moved to different areas from Peru and Ecuador. There is a tale that says that direct descendants from the ruling Inca Huaman, are protected and secretly maintained as of "ready" to overtake the Peruvian empire and re-impose the supremacy of order over chaos.

There are tales among the Andeans that one day the " Hawk will fly high, where the Sun surrenders Huaman Poma appeared as a plaintiff in a series of lawsuits from the late s, in which he attempted to recover land and political title in the Chupas valley that he believed to be his by family right. These suits ultimately proved disastrous for him; not only did he lose the suits, but in he was stripped of all his property and forced into exile from the towns which he had once ruled as a noble.

His book remains the longest sustained critique of Spanish colonial rule produced by an indigenous subject in the entire colonial period. First, it has brilliant melding of writing and fine line drawings pages of the book consist of Huaman Poma's famous full-page drawings. Third, the author frequently uses Quechua words and phrases in this primarily Spanish work, which provided material for scholars to learn more about Quechua.

Huaman Poma proposed a new direction for the governance of Peru: During that time, monarchs were typically seen as descendants of God and being strongly Catholic, Guaman Poma holds the Spanish monarch in the highest regard. In his writing, he not only wants to propose changes in society, but also to bring perceived injustices to the attention of the king, who, as representative of God, surely would not have allowed them to occur had he known.