Funktion der Schule und ihre Sozialisationseffekte (German Edition)
Unterrichtsmethodische Fragen spielen im untersuchten Zeitraum keine Rolle S. Paedagogica Historica statt, weil die Lehrerschaft sich verweigert, einerseits wegen mangelnder Sprachkenntnisse, aber auch aus Sorge um das akademische Prestige des Faches, das gerade erst die Gleichs- tellung mit den etablierten Disziplinen erreicht hatte S.
Die Lehrer schulden es sich, weltfremd zu sein: In einem Anhang seines Beitrags S. Cette haine et cette humil- iation dureront…. Zur Charakterisierung der Zeit nach konnte Digeon noch sagen: Nach kann davon schwerlich die Rede sein. In Anbetracht der schier unvorstellbaren Opfer, die der Krieg gefordert hatte, sieht sich Frankreich nicht als stolzer Sieger, der Milde walten lassen kann, sondern als tief verwun- detes Opfer, das Anspruch auf Wiedergutmachung hat.
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Auch der Unterricht der alten Sprachen erlebt einen Aufschwung S. Trotzdem wird weiterhin herausgestellt, dass man Franzosen mit Deutschkenntnissen braucht. Auer, , — Die Augsburger Romanistikstudenten konnten seinen Namen in den letzten Jahrzehnten hin und wieder an der Tafel lesen. Dazu kommen Downloaded by [University of Helsinki] at Reich, Deutschland zwischen und sowie die Bundesrepublik von bis Andere Verweise auf die deutsche Teilung finden sich nicht.
Narr, , Die Konzentration von Unterschichtkindern d. Am Ende der Dienstzeit Deyons , S. Deyons Nachfolger haben seine Politik fortgesetzt S. Virginie, Georgie et Caroline. Dans Downloaded by [University of Helsinki] at Therefore they situate their starting point in the daily social and cultural activities of children. Special attention to the social and spatial position of children and childhood in society is paid by researchers within the Geographies of Childhood, a social-geographical branch of the new social studies of childhood.
Attention was paid to the daily life of working-class children and middle-class children in order to explore possible interrelation- ships between these different social groups and their urban civilisation process. To map these individual experiences life histories were used. Her research essentially deals with the growing modernisation of childhood at the beginning of the twentieth century by picturing the lives of street children who were not yet taking part in the important change towards a domestication of the child and its life-world.
The book consists of five chapters: Behnken presents an impressive repertory of data.
Locality and distance
The individual life histories, collected during open interviews with persons born between and , combined with pictures, maps and postcards, take the reader back in time. Although the main focus of this study is a historical one, the author often tries to connect her research results with changes in contemporary childhood. Today, the majority of children in Western Europe no play longer in the streets. During the twentieth century a domestication of childhood took place.
At the same time the rise of a consumer childhood transformed houses into technological paradises in which the media- rich bedroom rules. That this not inevitably has led to feelings of loss and regret, based on ideas of a romanticised street childhood, is probably the most important merit of this work. Jahrhundert , by Andreas Rutz, Mainz, von Zabern , pp.
Zwei Ziele hat er sich gesetzt: Jahrhunderte konzentrierten sowie vielfach ideengeschichtlich angelegt waren. Entsprechend der Zielsetzung ist die Arbeit in drei Teile gegliedert. Es werden weibliche Lehrorden — u. Letz- tendlich geht es dabei um die Frage nach der Vorherschaft von koedukativem Unterricht im Elementarbereich oder um ein nach den Geschlechtern getrenntes Schulwesen.
Zwischen Kloster und Welt. Ursulinen und Jesuitinnen in der katholischen Reformbewegung des Katholische Frauenkongregationen im Frankfurt am Main Wozu wurde dort erzogen? Abgesehen davon, dass diese drei Begriffe nicht sehr trennscharf benutzt werden, ist auch sein Nach- weis der Sozialisationswirkung in Frage zu stellen. Dies ist aber bei weitem durch die historische Kindheits- und Familienforschung noch nicht belegt.
Die wenigen Zeugnisse empirischer Kindheitsforschung des ausgehenden Sie basiert auf einer umfangreichen Quellenbasis — der Autor listet 27 Archive auf — und einer soliden Quelleninterpretation. Die Schwierigkeiten einer Anthropologie vom Kinde aus. Neue Perspektiven der Anthropologie im Zu bedauern ist auch, dass Geschichten, die die klaren Grenzen eines konfessionellen Schulwe- sens in Frage stellen, weil beispielsweise nach Ansicht der Eltern der Schulunterricht bei einem protestantischen Lehrmeister ein besserer sei als bei katholischen Lehrschwestern S.
Telle est certainement la voie qui reste largement ouverte aux chercheurs. Their focus is on the way women from different European countries used epistolary conventions in order to persuade their readers and thus to have an impact on family life, politics and religion. From their interdisciplinary perspective, Couchman and Crabb aim to pay attention both to the language and rhetorical conventions of letters, but also to the historical circumstances in which these texts were written. The volume is divided into three parts. Here, several authors show how a familial identity, like motherhood, was used by women to exert influence.
Ann Crabb, for instance, shows how the Florentine widow Alessandra Strozzi in the middle of the fifteenth century tried to steer the lives of her adult sons through correspondence. Barbara invoked an emotional mother— son relationship in this correspondence, a construction that served to persuade her son-in- law to act in her interests, although they had hardly ever met in person. Peter Matheson compares the aggressive and self-confident style of the published theological letters written by the Bavarian defendant of the Reformation, Argula von Grumbach, with her personal letters to Downloaded by [University of Helsinki] at A completely different approach to studying letters is offered by the last author, Anne R.
Larsen, who shifts the attention to a translator of letters, the French acade- mician Guillaume Colletet, who translated letters written by one of the most learned women of Europe, the seventeenth-century Dutchwoman Anna Maria van Schurman. There is some overlap between the three parts, the theme of public and private being relevant to nearly all chapters.
Overall, the editors have succeeded in producing a coherent volume, similar questions being posed by nearly all authors. In their excellent introduction, Couchman and Crabb illuminate their approach to correspondence practices. First, they emphasise the importance of material aspects like the ability to read and write, the availabil- ity of scribes, the different types of handwriting and the practice of reading letters aloud. The prevalence of models, like the ars dictaminis, the medieval system for letter writing that was still influential during later periods, is a second common theme noted by the editors in their introduction.
Nearly all contributors explore the question of whether their correspondents resorted to model letter books. Erin Henriksen and Mark Zelcer also point to other sources that might have influenced letter writing: The form of the Memoirs the German Jewish woman Glikl of Hameln composed between and , framed as an extended letter to her children, was determined by the prevalence of different types of letters in Jewish tradition, like the letters addressed to specific communi- ties, collections of rabbinic answers to legal questions, travel letters and the ethical will.
Nearly all of the essays, moreover, focus on middle and upper-class women. The exception is the chapter by Susan Broomhall on pauper letters written to the poor relief council of Tours in the second half of the sixteenth century. The study of the letter as both constructed text and historical document makes the Downloaded by [University of Helsinki] at In addition, the volume is a delightful read. However, we know little about the standard represented by popular infancies. His work lets us enter the lives of Valeria di Bartholomeo di Pavia and Ruggiero di Lorenzo di Castelcognano the young girl from Bologna and the Florentine young boy assumed by the author as symbolic of their circumstances.
So we can discover how and why Valeria and Ruggiero enter a shelter, what education they receive, how they spend their daily life, at what ages they leave home and what their life will be like when they grow up and what they will do in the future. The stories of Valeria and Ruggiero and the rigorous enquiry of archives in Bologna and Florence offer the picture, in the third and fourth chapters, of a threatened and precarious childhood. This was an infancy exposed to the risks of daily coexistence with deprivation, abuse, death — a condition shared widely with other popular infancies throughout Early Modern Europe.
We must certainly not forget that, in comparison with other children of the people, the infancies of children like Valeria and Ruggiero were even more unsafe. However, Valeria, Ruggiero and their compan- ions are children belonging to families inserted in the social and professional background of their cities and therefore are not comparable to beggar boys or to foundlings. Nevertheless, urban solidarity is not the only factor. We know of the important economic and social transformations that took place in sixteenth-century Europe; the phenomenon of Pauperism and the transformations brought by it to the traditional medieval vision of the poor man and poverty is also very famous.
The culture of elites has a tendency to be distinguished from popular culture to the point where the latter is identified more and more with vulgarity, superstition and evil. As a space for and expression of popular culture, the street was perceived more and more as a threat to the physical and moral integrity of popular infancies. However, by custom parents entrusted their children to the street. If popu- lar childhood was seen more and more as a potential threat to social stability, the street was the responsible arena that fed laziness, sexual promiscuity and bad behaviour.
It is not so strange therefore that, between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the efforts of important educators like Castellino da Castello, August Hermann Francke and Jean B. De La Salle had among their main objectives the rescue of boys and girls from the street. In the introduction, besides treating the transformations of the concept of poverty and the role of relatives and neighbours in the former patterns of orphan care, the author focus his attention on the threat brought by the street to the physical, ethics and religious integrity of the youth. Nevertheless, we can add other peculiarities to the sixteenth century.
Cipolla sees the sixteenth century as the beginning of a quiet revolution that would bring about the diffusion of literacy skills among European people as a whole during the nineteenth century. In my opinion, the new forms of child care developing in the sixteenth century cannot be distinguished from a more general project of homologation and colonisation of popular childhood, founded on its institutionalisation through schools, conservatories, orphanages, homes for foundlings and so on.
On the side of institutional history, Terpstra gives particular attention to the events that led to the foundation of institutions in Bologna and Florence, shaping their organisation and the transformations of their political and administrative set-up. Therefore, the first chapter is devoted to the reconstruction of the events leading to the opening of institutions in Bologna and Florence.
The focus of the second chapter is a review of the intricate proce- dures for the admission of little boys and young girls, and an analysis of statistical data concerning entry to a shelter, reconstructed through the methodologies of quantitative history. The fifth chapter studies the running of the shelters, turning its attention to the ties with the social, religious and political reality that determined their former organisational patterns and their later transformations. The researcher shows himself able to extricate the complex social, political and religious dynamics subtending public charity and orphan care.
1 Einleitung und Fragestellung
The result is a complex work of scrutiny and analysis that brings him to recognise in Bologna and Florence two examples able to influence the forms of assistance throughout Italy and Early Modern Europe. On the other hand we have the Bologna model, conditioned by the local oligarchies — through their wish to preserve a margin of autonomy against the Pope — and by the forms of guild and brotherhood solidarity. Terpstra also traces the Bologna model to the heritage of the ancient liberties and autonomies of the medieval Comune. A hypothesis has surely been founded. However, I think two other suppositions are possi- ble.
Medieval Bologna was tied to the cultural and political Lombardic environment. How much remained of the Lombardic heritage in sixteenth-century Bologna? Lombardy could also have influenced Bologna as confessional model. This confessional model is today well known thanks to the studies of Xenio Toscani and Wietse de Boer, which emphasise, while asking for believers to receive a sanctification of their daily life, the moral and religious education of children.
I do not wish to conclude without underlining the interest shown by Terpstra in a gendered educational pattern. The work is conducted with methodological skill and is able to join institutional history to quantitative history, though mostly the later. It is also conducted with a sensibility that allows, behind the coldness of a number, recognition of children as flesh and blood. Young boys and young girls are evident, with their feelings, their emotions, their sufferings, their hopes.
The ability to build and to employ various methodological tools reflects itself in a work able to bring together the history of infancy and the social history of religion and popular worship. The work achieves an analysis of structure capable of inserting itself profitably in the genre of studies inaugurated by the Annales, in which the teachings of historians such as Fernand Braudel or Jean Delumeau are perceivable.
Admittedly, all of these books describe the history of disability, but they differ widely when compared with regard to the objectives and intentions of the historical narrative, scientific liability and academic quality. More impor- tant than the standard differences in frontispiece, typography and size, in our opinion, the different appearance of these books symbolises the relativity and contingency of such concepts as disability and normality, and made available in various reading contexts each of the books concerned would suffer from one or more disadvantages.
While hold- Downloaded by [University of Helsinki] at In every chapter — which covers a traditional historical time period such as Prehistory and Classical Antiquity, the Middle Ages or the contemporary period — the author sets out to describe the quality of life experienced by disabled people during that specific time period. However, owing to the character of the sources consulted and the tangled purposes of the book, the author can hardly be said to succeed in satisfying the high expectations of his readership.
First of all, the full book has been developed merely on the basis of secondary literature. Despite the obvious usefulness of such international and far-reaching histories, these fail to fit a book which sets out to reconstruct the past living conditions of the disabled. Moreover, one should, with equal certainty, take into account such texts as reflecting, if not expressing, the voices of the disabled persons themselves. For lack of any of these historical echoes, the author reverts to a historicist discourse without much of any kind of resonance. Facts, events, persons and dates are listed in a mere quiet and quasi-deterministic enumeration.
Criticised from an academic angle, the book falls short on several levels, an important one of these being the complete lack of any kind of references throughout the text itself. By contrast, the author of the second book under review, Nicht Minderwertig, sondern Mindersinnig, situates and describes a clear-cut and — at least to us — hitherto unknown aspect of disability history: Conceiving his subject clearly as a scientific project, the author — herself a journalist — tries to interpret the place and function of such banners within the racial and fascist party programme of the Hitler government in the inter-bellum period and on to the end of the Second World War.
One of the defining conclusions of the book, for example, is that theory and practice did not overlap with each other, whether completely or comprehensively, during the Third Reich. The historical picture is more complex and more disturbing to say the least. The leading question of the book comes up with the reason s why or the way s in which one is to understand the existence of special banners for deaf people, while, at the same time, and from onwards, Hitler and his party members never failed to demon- strate a keen interest in a society freed from any kind of hereditary disability.
It is shown that, given this hostile environment, and in order to retain their jobs, the teachers of the deaf and the heads of institutions for the deaf identified themselves with the Downloaded by [University of Helsinki] at Most of the time, for example, the sterilisation procedure was administered by the teachers themselves. Within a climate as hostile as that — which, as the author clearly states, was by no means an invention of the Nazi party itself, but had already been in existence for a considerable time — the very existence of a special banner for the deaf within the leading Fascist youth movement looks odd, to say the least.
Did these special sections, which, most of the time, were connected to a deaf institution then point to an integrative approach towards the disabled within Nazi policy, or would its official establishment in have a different background or, indeed, explanation? One of the merits of this book is the partial disentangling of this integrative paradox. On the basis of original documents, the author shows convincingly that the special section was conceived and substantiated as a propaganda tool, the aim of which consisted in convinc- ing healthy deaf people of the correctness and usefulness of the Swastika policy.
Just like their hearing counterparts, deaf children were educated towards the Aryan ideals of strength, the denial of the self and the primacy of society by stressing the importance of military training, sports, labouring skills and the traditional camp. Despite the equivalent structure and scope of the deaf Hitlerjugend section the specific nature of deaf children required additional elements which were more appropriate to be seen by those with deaf ears, like, for example, a special journal for deaf children which used simple vocabulary and grammar: Learn more about Amazon Prime.
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