Pierre Bourdieu - Der Kapitalbegriff (German Edition)

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Pierre Bourdieu

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Pierre Bourdieu - Wikipedia

Grin Verlag 5 August Language: Be the first to review this item Would you like to tell us about a lower price? Share your thoughts with other customers. Write a product review. In the process, he tried to reconcile the influences of both external social structures and subjective experience on the individual see structure and agency. His biographers write that he chose not to enter the Reserve Officer's College like many of his fellow ENS graduates as he wished to stay with people from his own modest social background.

After his year-long military service, Bourdieu stayed on as a lecturer in Algiers. He later drew heavily on this fieldwork in his book Outline of a Theory of Practice , a strong intervention into anthropological theory. In Bourdieu returned to the University of Paris before gaining a teaching position at the University of Lille , where he remained until Bourdieu's work is influenced by much of traditional anthropology and sociology which he undertook to synthesize into his own theory.

From Max Weber he retained the importance of domination and symbolic systems in social life, as well as the idea of social orders which would ultimately be transformed by Bourdieu from a sociology of religion into a theory of fields.

From Marx he gained his understanding of 'society' as the ensemble of social relationships: The class-based nature of artistic taste had already been firmly established by Arnold Hauser in The Social History of Art However, Bourdieu critically diverged from Durkheim in emphasizing the role of the social agent in enacting, through the embodiment of social structures, symbolic orders. He furthermore emphasized that the reproduction of social structures does not operate according to a functionalist logic. Maurice Merleau-Ponty and, through him, the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl played an essential part in the formulation of Bourdieu's focus on the body, action, and practical dispositions which found their primary manifestation in Bourdieu's theory of habitus.

Bourdieu was also influenced by Wittgenstein especially with regard to his work on rule-following stating that "Wittgenstein is probably the philosopher who has helped me most at moments of difficulty. He's a kind of saviour for times of great intellectual distress". His concepts of habitus, capital, and field were conceived with the intention of overcoming such oppositions. During the s Bourdieu became more and more involved in political debate, becoming one of the most important public faces of intellectual life in France. While a fierce critic of neoliberalism , Bourdieu was also critical of the "total intellectual" role played by Sartre , and he dismissed Sartre's attempts to intervene in French politics as "irresponsible" and "opportunistic.

There is an apparent contradiction between Bourdieu's earlier writings against using sociology for political activism and his later launch into the role of a public intellectual, with some highly "visible political statements". Although Bourdieu earlier faulted public intellectuals such as Sartre, he had strong political views which influenced his sociology from the beginning. By the time of his later work his main concern had become the effect of globalisation and those who benefited least from it. His politics then became more overt and his role as public intellectual was born, from an "urgency to speak out against neoliberal discourse that had become so dominant within political debate.

The most significant fruit of this project was the study 'The Weight of the World,' although his views are perhaps more candidly expressed in his articles. Since it was the work of a team of sociologists, it also shows Bourdieu's collaborative character, indicating that he was still in reluctant to accept being singled out with the category he deplored the term 'role' [18] of public intellectual. Nevertheless, Bourdieu's activities as a critical sociologist prepared him for the public stage, fulfilling his "constructionist view of social life" as it relied upon the idea of social actors making change through collective struggles.

His relationship with the media was improved through his very public action of organizing strikes and rallies that raised huge media interest in him and his many books became more popular through this new notoriety. One of the main differences between the critical sociologist and public intellectual is the ability to have a relationship with popular media resources outside the academic realm. Again Bourdieu seems wary of accepting the description 'public intellectual,' worrying that it might be difficult to reconcile with science and scholarship.

Research is needed on what conditions transform particular intellectuals into public intellectuals. Bourdieu routinely sought to connect his theoretical ideas with empirical research and his work can be seen as sociology of culture or, as he described it, a "Theory of Practice". His contributions to sociology were both evidential and theoretical that is, calculated through both systems. His key terms were habitus , capital and field.

He extended the idea of capital to categories such as social capital , cultural capital , financial capital, and symbolic capital. For Bourdieu each individual occupies a position in a multidimensional social space ; he or she is not defined only by social class membership, but by every single kind of capital he or she can articulate through social relations. That capital includes the value of social networks, which Bourdieu showed could be used to produce or reproduce inequality. Ultimately, each relatively autonomous field of modern life, such as economy, politics, arts, journalism, bureaucracy, science or education engenders a specific complex of social relations where the agents will engage their everyday practice.

This disposition, combined with every other disposition the individual develops through his engagement with other fields operating within the social world, will eventually come to constitute a system of dispositions, known in Bourdieu's lexicon as a habitus.

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Dispositions - a key concept in Bourdieu's work - can be conceived as a sense of the game , a partly rational but partly intuitive understanding of fields and of social order in general, a practical sense, a practical reason, giving rise to opinions, tastes, tone of voice, typical body movements and mannerisms and so on. The dispositions constitutive of habitus are therefore conditioned responses to the social world, becoming so ingrained that they come to occur spontaneously, rather like 'kneejerk' opinions.

It follows that the habitus developed by an individual will typify his position in the social space. By doing so, social agents will often acknowledge , legitimate and reproduce the social forms of domination including prejudices and the common opinions of each field as self-evident, clouding from conscience and practice even the acknowledgment of other possible means of production including symbolic production and power relations. Though not deterministic, the inculcation of the subjective structures of the habitus can be observed through statistical data, for example, while its selective affinity with the objective structures of the social world explains the continuity of the social order through time.

As the individual habitus is always a mix of multiple engagements in the social world through the person's life, while the social fields are put into practice through the agency of the individuals, no social field or order can be completely stable.

In other words, if the relation between individual predisposition and social structure is far stronger than common sense tends to believe, it is not a perfect match. Some examples of his empirical results include showing that, despite the apparent freedom of choice in the arts, people's artistic preferences such as classical music, rock, traditional music strongly tie in with their social position ; and showing that subtleties of language such as accent , grammar , spelling and style — all part of cultural capital — are a major factor in social mobility for example, getting a higher-paid, higher- status job.

Pierre Bourdieu's work emphasized how social classes , especially the ruling and intellectual classes, preserve their social privileges across generations despite the myth that contemporary post-industrial society boasts equality of opportunity and high social mobility , achieved through formal education. Bourdieu was an extraordinarily prolific author, producing hundreds of articles and three dozen books, nearly all of which are now available in English. Bourdieu developed theories of social stratification based on aesthetic taste in his work Distinction: Bourdieu claims that how one chooses to present one's social space to the world — one's aesthetic dispositions — depicts one's status and distances oneself from lower groups.

Specifically, Bourdieu hypothesizes that children internalize these dispositions at an early age and that such dispositions guide the young towards their appropriate social positions, towards the behaviors that are suitable for them, and foster an aversion towards other behaviors. Bourdieu theorizes that class fractions teach aesthetic preferences to their young.

Class fractions are determined by a combination of the varying degrees of social, economic, and cultural capital. The development of aesthetic dispositions are very largely determined by social origin rather than accumulated capital and experience over time. He asserts the primacy of social origin and cultural capital by claiming that social capital and economic capital , though acquired cumulatively over time, depend upon it.

However, Bourdieu does not disregard the importance of social capital and economic capital in the formation of cultural capital. The degree to which social origin affects these preferences surpasses both educational and economic capital. Demonstrably, at equivalent levels of educational capital , social origin remains an influential factor in determining these dispositions. Bourdieu's sociological work emphasizes the importance of practices in the social world.

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Bourdieu was opposed to the intellectualist tradition and stressed that social domination and cultural reproduction were primarily focused on bodily know-how and competent practices in the society. Bourdieu fiercely opposed Rational Choice Theory because he believed it was a misunderstanding of how social agents operate. According to Bourdieu agents do not continuously calculate according to explicit rational and economic criteria.

Rather, social agents operate according to an implicit practical logic—a practical sense—and bodily dispositions. Social agents act according to their "feel for the game" the "feel" being, roughly, habitus, and the "game" being the field. Bourdieu criticized the importance given to economic factors in the analysis of social order and change. He stressed that the capacity of actors to impose their cultural reproductions and symbolic systems plays an essential role in the reproduction of dominate social structures. Symbolic violence is the self-interested capacity to ensure that the arbitrariness of the social order is either ignored, or argued as natural, thereby justifying the legitimacy of existing social structures.

This concept plays an essential part in his sociological analysis. For Bourdieu, the social world has gradually divided into what he calls fields. For him, social activity differences led to various, relatively autonomous, social spaces in which competition centers around particular capital. These fields are treated on a hierarchical basis—with economic power usually governing—wherein the dynamics of fields arise out of the struggle of social actors trying to occupy the dominant positions within the field.

Bourdieu embraces prime elements of conflict theory like Marx. Social struggle also occurs within fields hierarchically nested under the economic antagonisms between social classes. The conflicts which take place in each social field have specific characteristics arising from those fields and that involve many social relationships which are not economic.

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Pierre Bourdieu developed a theory of the action, around the concept of habitus , which exerted a considerable influence in the social sciences. This theory seeks to show that social agents develop strategies which are adapted to the needs of the social worlds that they inhabit. These strategies are unconscious and act on the level of a bodily logic. Bourdieu builds his theory of cultural production using his own characteristic theoretical vocabulary of habitus , capital and field.

However, his work on cultural production focuses overwhelmingly on two types of field or sub-field of cultural production For Bourdieu, a sociologically informed view of an artist ought to describe their influences, antagonisms, etc. Further, a work of literature, for example, may not adequately be analysed either as the product of the author's life and beliefs a naively biographical account , or without any reference to the author's intentions as Barthes argued.

In short, "the subject of a work is a habitus in relationship with a 'post', a position, that is, within a field. According to Bourdieu, cultural revolutions are always dependent on the possibilities present in the positions inscribed in the field. A field is a setting in which agents and their social positions are located. The position of each particular agent in the field is a result of interaction between the specific rules of the field, agent's habitus and agent's capital social , economic and cultural.

Most are subordinate to the larger field of power and class relations. Instead of confining his analysis of social relations and change to voluntaristic agency or strictly in terms of class as a structural relation, Bourdieu uses the agency-structure bridging concept of field: Much of Bourdieu's work observes the semi-independent role of educational and cultural resources in the expression of agency.

This makes his work amenable to liberal-conservative scholarship positing the fundamental cleavages of society as amongst disorderly factions of the working class, in need of disciplinary intervention where they have assumed excessive privilege. Unsurprisingly given his historical and biographical location, however, Bourdieu was in practice both influenced by and sympathetic to the Marxist identification of economic command as a principal component of power and agency within capitalist society, [43] in contrast to some of his followers or the influential sociologist Max Weber.

Bourdieu's concept of habitus was inspired by Marcel Mauss's notion of body technique and hexis. Habitus can be defined as a system of dispositions lasting, acquired schemes of perception, thought and action. The individual agent develops these dispositions in response to the objective conditions it encounters. In this way Bourdieu theorizes the inculcation of objective social structures into the subjective, mental experience of agents.

For the objective social field places requirements on its participants for membership, so to speak, within the field. Having thereby absorbed objective social structure into a personal set of cognitive and somatic dispositions, and the subjective structures of action of the agent then being commensurate with the objective structures and extant exigencies of the social field, a doxic relationship emerges. Habitus is somewhat reminiscent of preexisting sociological concepts such as socialization, but habitus also differs from the more classic concepts in several important ways.

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Firstly, a central aspect of the habitus is its embodiment: Habitus does not only, or even primarily, function at the level of explicit, discursive consciousness. The internal structures become embodied and work in a deeper, practical and often pre-reflexive way. An illustrative example might be the 'muscle memory' cultivated in many areas of physical education.

Consider the way we catch a ball - the complex geometric trajectories are not calculated; it is not an intellectual process. Although it is a skill that requires learning, it is more a physical than a mental process and has to be performed physically to be learned. In this sense, the concept has something in common with Anthony Giddens ' concept of practical consciousness.

Doxa refers to the learned, fundamental, deep-founded, unconscious beliefs, and values, taken as self-evident universals, that inform an agent's actions and thoughts within a particular field. Doxa tends to favor the particular social arrangement of the field, thus privileging the dominant and taking their position of dominance as self-evident and universally favorable.

Therefore, the categories of understanding and perception that constitute a habitus, being congruous with the objective organization of the field, tend to reproduce the very structures of the field. A doxic situation may be thought of as a situation characterized by a harmony between the objective, external structures and the 'subjective', internal structures of the habitus. In the doxic state, the social world is perceived as natural, taken-for-granted and even commonsensical.

Bourdieu thus sees habitus as an important factor contributing to social reproduction because it is central to generating and regulating the practices that make up social life. Individuals learn to want what conditions make possible for them, and not to aspire to what is not available to them. The conditions in which the individual lives generate dispositions compatible with these conditions including tastes in art, literature, food, and music , and in a sense pre-adapted to their demands.

The most improbable practices are therefore excluded, as unthinkable, by a kind of immediate submission to order that inclines agents to make a virtue of necessity, that is, to refuse what is categorically denied and to will the inevitable. As mentioned above, Bourdieu used the methodological and theoretical concepts of habitus and field in order to make an epistemological break with the prominent objective-subjective antinomy of the social sciences. He wanted to effectively unite social phenomenology and structuralism. Habitus and field are proposed to do so.

Bourdieu's ambition to unite these sociological traditions, which had been widely thought to be incompatible, was and remains controversial. The most important concept to grasp is habitus. Crudely put, the habitus is the system of dispositions which individuals have. Sociologists very often look at either social laws structure or the individual minds agency in which these laws are inscribed. Great sociological arguments have raged between those who argue that the former should be sociology's principal interest structuralists and those who argue the same for the latter phenomenologists.

When Bourdieu instead asks us to consider dispositions , he is making a very subtle intervention in sociology. He has found a middle ground where social laws and individual minds meet and is arguing that our proper object of analysis should be this middle ground: Dispositions are also importantly public and hence observable.

Soziologe pierre bourdieu pdf

It may be aptly called a preference, but it is not a disposition in Bourdieu's sense and arguably not in the everyday sense either. A disposition performs, enacts a preference; however trivial, even when disputing the relative merits of cheeses, a disposition is a public declaration of where one stands, what one's allegiances are. Amongst any society of individuals, the constant performance of dispositions, trivial and grand, forms an observable range of preferences and allegiances, points and vectors. This spatial metaphor can be analysed by sociologists and realised in diagrammatic form.

These are the social fields. For Bourdieu, habitus and field can only exist in relation to each other. Although a field is constituted by the various social agents participating in it and thus their habitus , a habitus, in effect, represents the transposition of objective structures of the field into the subjective structures of action and thought of the agent.