La fabrique de crimes (French Edition)

Therefore, he admonished sensitive French writers to stop up their elegant inkwells and instead imbibe a little blood. To maintain France's national health in this decadent century, he mused, readers' consumption of murders needed to increase twice over, three times, or even a hundred fold.

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Success in that effort would involve a massive advertising campaign. Regrettably, he conceded, the following short announcement would have to suffice:. And we are only talking about monstrous criminal acts, he noted, not taking into account the novel's additionally vast number of thefts, rapes, cases of child smuggling, kidnapping, fraud, forgeries, goods sold at false weight, confidence scams, break-ins by scaling walls and picking locks, the corruption of minors, or crimes "guided by prudence.

After this, nothing more is possible, not even advanced putrefaction. Yet despite his lack of talent, Ponson had made a tremendous innovation in his feuilleton novel: The series was a popular sensation, rendering Ponson the most widely read popular fiction author of the French Second Empire. It was his ironic acknowledgement that the larger commercial forces of "industrial literature," the very means that had made his own career successful, were more responsive to the demands of popular readership than to literary prowess.

Nonetheless, this unofficial realm of commercial mass culture constitutes an important cultural reservoir of collective French popular beliefs and the era's unrealized social, moral, and political aspirations. The chateau served as a rendezvous for latter-day Chouans, who dreamed of their own rural insurgency against the Revolution. As the locals worked late into the night hand manufacturing their own lead shot bullets, the teenaged Paul delighted in their tales of Chouan exploits, counter-revolutionary conspiracies, and ferocious massacres.

His only venture into the courtroom as a defense attorney, though, proved disastrous.

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Quitting his bank job with "ten Louis in his pocket," he rented a sixth-floor attic apartment and began to experience the hunger and penury of his newly adopted career. The plot turned on the exploits of the Marquis Rio Santo, the alias of the condemned Irish revolutionary Fergus O'Breane, an avenger opposed to the "crushing and odious economic system" of British capitalism. That year, Les Drames de Paris , a feuilleton by upstart writer Pierre Alexis Ponson du Terrail, appeared in the newspaper La Patrie , and it became an instant sensation. Within the year, one of the more obscure figures in Ponson's sprawling feuilleton, named Rocambole, emerged as the series' most dynamic character.

By , Ponson had emerged as the most popular feuilleton writer of the Second Empire, thanks largely to the accidental invention of his criminal anti-hero, Rocambole. When Les Drames de Paris ran aground in the fourth title in the series, Les Chevaliers du clair de lune , which reduced Rocambole to a behind-the-scenes criminal schemer, Ponson abandoned the series to work on other projects. The story opens in with a young Alsatian named Jean-Baptiste Schwartz, who was down on his luck and traveling on foot to Caen.

He is approached on the way by a stranger named Monsieur Lecoq, who persuades him to drive a coach from the city of Caen and then to abandon it at a predetermined location. Once the money and protective armband are discovered missing, Maynotte realizes that he will be considered the prime suspect in the crime. Of course, this does not happen.

Every day from prison he writes to Julie, who is living in Paris under an alias, to lament his miserable circumstances and reassure her of his love. One evening, though, a neighboring prisoner bursts through his prison cell wall. This mysterious person was the leader of a band of criminals called the Habits Noirs who recognize one another with a secret greeting, " Fera-t-il jour demain? Will there be daylight tomorrow? When Julie stops responding to his letters, he surreptitiously returns to Paris just in time to witness the marriage of Giovanna Maria Reni Julie to the recently ennobled Baron Jean-Baptiste Schwartz.

Jumping ahead to , the remainder of the novel revolves around intrigues by the Habits Noirs. Readers learn about the background of this secret society, an international band of criminals across Europe that numbers in the hundreds of thousands. Supplementing the activities of the secret criminal society, a multitude of intrigues—including concealed identities and unrequited romances—surround the family of the Baron and Countess Schwartz.

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Following the death of the colonel, who is publicly venerated at his funeral as a great philanthropist, Lecoq commands Trois-Pattes to organize the Habits Noirs to carry out a grand theft under the cover of a great ball being hosted by the Baron Schwartz. Lecoq has orchestrated a deception, however, as he and Trois-Pattes instead sneak off to the safe room on their own. Once Lecoq has opened the massive safe, however, he finds it filled with counterfeit bank notes, and Trois-Pattes reveals himself as.

A mortal struggle between Lecoq and Maynotte ensues, just as the Baron and Countess Schwartz Julie appear in the doorway. His criminological theories have often been linked with a series of well-known aphorisms, linked to the Milieu Social School with which he was so closely identified, and are worth quoting again here: It is not that his criminological theories have since been rehabilitated; rather that his life and work have been the subject of detailed study by historians in the last twenty years or so.

He was also an avid collector. Indeed, it has been argued that his voluminous collections of tattoos, songs, poems and autobiographies by prisoners are fundamental to an understanding of his conception of criminology. Borrowing from these two sources, Lacassagne argued that criminal proclivities were not in-born, but the consequence of interaction between individuals and their environment.

Society, he argued, is composed of individuals whose nervous systems have not evolved in the same way.

Just as contemporary society was divided into three social classes, so the human brain could be divided into three zones: Each of these socio-phrenological groups was associated with a particular category of criminal: Criminal lunatics were, Lacassagne reasoned, to be found mainly in the first category, while it was on the second, parietal, group that penal sanctions could be expected to have an effect.

Lacassagne considered that in order to fight crime effectively, the criminal justice system needed to take on board the expertise which criminal anthropology had to offer. Both deterrence and public safety entered into the equation when determining sentencing policy. However, for a certain category of incorrigible offender, he argued, there was no alternative but permanent sequestration, transportation or death penalty. However, he also has an important place in our story. The criminal, he argued, did not bear the marks of primitive Man, but rather carried with him the signs of the profession to which he belonged, since each occupation, he reasoned, possessed its own distinctive slang, tattoos and moral code or lack of one.

His later falling-out with Durkheim concerned above all how crime should be defined and more generally how society should be conceived. For Tarde, on the other hand, crime was by definition abnormal , indicating that particular delinquent individuals were unable to adapt to the shared rules of society.

The difficulty of course was how to reconcile these two principles.

La fabrique de crimes by Paul Féval

We can state, without fear of exaggeration, that it is possible to find in the Archives a trace of every major court case which has come to light during the past quarter century. It constitutes a veritable goldmine of information for the researcher of the future. The first of the two sections contained mainly articles on the subject of forensic medicine, its techniques and how it could be used as an aid to criminal identification.

As far as the latter was concerned, under this heading could also be found theoretical articles on Criminal Law, discussions of criminal responsibility, studies of individual prisons, comparative analyses of criminal justice legislation, together with articles on sentencing, criminalistics ballistics, anthropometry, etc. Every aspect of this new science was covered in the journal; all concerned, in various ways, to identify the springs of criminal behaviour, whether they be physical, social, moral or biological.

In this section can be found reports on conferences, book reviews, summaries of foreign journals, reports on the latest scientific discoveries and court cases, and information on recently-defended doctoral dissertations. It is here too that we find opinions expressed in the most forthright fashion, often echoing the controversies being played out in the seminar rooms of the various international congresses on criminal anthropology referred to earlier. In this respect, the journal reached the objective given it by its creators of providing a forum for free-ranging discussion and exchange.

The Milieu Social School, as it would come to be known, would dominate the field of criminal anthropology in France for half a century. Let us consider those two aspects in turn.

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Of that number, as many as published only once in the Archives. For Martin, it would be forensic medicine and for Locard, criminalistics. If the Archives are to be considered the organ of a criminological school of thought, it is problematic to say the least that only a relatively small proportion of its articles were penned by authors who unequivocally belonged to that school. One of the clues to this enigma derives from the fact that the French school straddled two criminological perspectives with radically different assumptions and methodologies.

The first had its roots in the fields of forensic science, psychiatry and anthropology as practiced in the first half of the nineteenth century; what today might be termed a bio-psychological approach to crime. This school of criminology seeks to establish the differences between the mental and physical characteristics of the criminal population and those of the law-abiding majority. The second strand of the Milieu Social School drew on the Durkheimian sociological paradigm of the s, and considered as irrelevant any data relating to the biological traits of an individual.

The criminology of Alexandre Lacassagne combined elements from both of these models. Part medicine, part sociology, his theories were one of the last expressions of naturalism in the social sciences. Ambiguity was thus at the heart of the French school.

In , its last year of publication, the Archives launched a new section, devoted specifically to forensic science. The new section was the brainchild of Edmond Locard , a regular contributor to the journal during the previous decade, and future head of the forensic science division of the Lyons police. The Annales would remain a medical journal through and through. Less than fifty years after the launch of the journal, however, it is possible to observe a reversal of this trend.

Criminal anthropology in France returned to the scientific fold from which it had originally emerged; reduced effectively to the status of a sub-title in a Paris-based medical journal. It was the end of an era. It was now up to criminology to step in to take on the mantle and the ambitions of the criminal anthropologists. Research on crime and the criminal would henceforth be carried out in France in other contexts, and in other journals.

Penal reform was in the air. A second project in to re-write the French penal code would not ultimately prove any more successful despite eight years having been devoted to its elaboration , but by this period the criminological context was radically different. The polemical debates of the s had been replaced by a spirit of pragmatic collaboration between jurists and the medical profession. Significantly, one of the results of a series of reforms in penal policy in this period was a greater role for the psychiatric profession in prison.

Part of the reason for this rapprochement was the fizzling out of the once heated arguments about the born criminal type. More important, however, was the growing influence of the concept of prophylaxie criminelle in French criminological circles. It is thus possible to detect a certain consensus emerging in these years; a common approach to crime and the criminal. Criminal aetiology was conceived in terms of a combination of individual and social factors; part nature, part nurture. Men were thus not considered equal either before or after committing a crime. Offenders had to be given the appropriate punishment, in terms of their antecedents as well as their crime.

A new kind of criminal justice policy was emerging in Europe in this period, built on these foundations; supported by the International Association of Penal Law, as well as a range of other learned societies and scientific bodies.

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What this meant in practice was that forensic psychiatry was given a key diagnostic and therapeutic role in the protection of society from crime. The plan to reform the French penal code needs to be situated in a broader international context. In its final version, it was an attempt to put into practice the principles of the new eclectic school of criminology just described.

As a result, the criminological debates and the inter-personal networks of this period, both political and scientific, remain largely unexplored. This is a pity, for the rapprochement between Medicine and Criminal Justice in the inter-war period was a crucial development. The debate about the born criminal had faded into the background, and indeed by this period was perceived as belonging an earlier, pre-scientific era.

In its place were discussions about subjects like the clinical diagnosis of sexual offenders and the potential for psychoanalysis to contribute to forensic medicine. Some medical specialists saw the new importance given to their clinical expertise in the criminal justice system as the signpost to an exciting future in which legislation would give doctors a leading role in the creation of a new biocratic society.

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Some jurists concurred, at least with the first part of this equation, considering expert medical opinion as the necessary accompaniment of tailor-made penal solutions for offenders, seen as the only effective way of combating recidivism. Although they approached the subject from very different perspectives, there was thus a great deal of common ground between the various professional groups active in the criminal justice arena in this period.

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In fact, during the period of the Vichy regime whose reforms in the criminal justice field deserve further study , and later, after the return of peace in , that cooperation between the Law and Medicine would continue. But that is a story for another day. The Birth of the Modern Prison , trans.