St Paul the Traveler and the Roman Citizen (Illustrated)

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II is controverted by the high authority of Dr. Sanday in Expositor, Feb. Vernon Bartlet informs me that Zhan dates Gal. The phrase "the God" p. While grateful for the publication of such essays by Lightfoot as that quoted on p. I know that some changes were made on the proofs even of the Ignatius, his maturest work.

Hence the reader finds pages in Lightfoot' s finest style side by side with some paragraphs, which it is difficult to believe that he expressed in this exact form, and impossible to believe that he would ever have allowed to go forth in print. The analogy with Acts I-V see below, p. It seems to me one of the strangest things that almost all interpreters reject the interpretation which Erasmus's clear sense perceived to be necessary in XVI 22 p. Some of the many difficulties involved in the interpretation that the praetors rent the clothes of Paul and Silas are 5 St.

Ramsay exposed by Spitta, Apostelgesch. To discuss the subject properly would need a chapter. It is not impossible that the title "praetors" may have been even technically accurate; but I have not ventured to go beyond the statement that it was at least employed in courtesy. The short paragraph about the politarchs should be transferred from p.

St. Paul, the Traveler and the Roman Citizen

The argument on P. My friend and former pupil, Mr. Wright, sends me a good note on p. In Paul's ship the sailors "slackened the sail-tackle," and thus lowered the yard some way, leaving a low sail, which would exercise less leverage on the hull p. The following notes are confirmatory of arguments in the text: The examination of the development of Christianity in Phrygia, contained in Chapters Xll and XVll of my Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia Part 11, , shows that Christianity spread with marvelous rapidity at the end of the first and in the second century after Christ in the parts of Phrygia that lay along the road from Pisidian Antioch to Ephesus, and in the neighborhood of Iconium, whereas it did not become powerful in those parts of Phrygia that adjoined North Galatia till the fourth century.

Further, in a paper printed in Studia Biblica IV, 1 have pointed out that Christianity seems to have hardly begun to affect the district of North Galatia which lies on the side of Phrygia until the fourth century. The first parts of North Galatia to feel the influence was so strong as in some parts of Phrygia. These facts obviously are fatal to the theory that St. It is probable that quiet meditation and self-preparation filled considerable part of these years.

Ramsay suggest that he was in an obscure position, and Gal. Lefroy points out to me in an interesting letter which prompts this note. But the facts, when looked at in this way, bring out even more strongly than my actual words do, that as is urged on p. The safe passage of the Jewish pilgrims from the west and north sides of the Aegean to Jerusalem was ensured by letters of many Roman officials, especially addressed to the cities of Cos and Ephesus.

It is obvious that these cities lay on the line of the pilgrims' voyage; and as the pilgrims were the subject of so much correspondence they must have been numerous, and pilgrim ships must have sailed regularly at the proper season. To illustrate the view that Paul used the School of Tyrannus in the forenoon and no later, Mr. Souter quotes Augustine Confess. I have changed p. The words of 2 Cor. The only time that is open for such a visit is as Rev. Lewis suggests after he left Ephesus and went to Troas; and the balance of probability is that such a visit was made, probably in March, 56 as soon as the sailing season began , by ship from Philippi.

The paragraph, XX, , is confessedly obscure and badly expressed; and it is probable that, if the book had been carried to its final stage by the author, both v. Ems lie Smith, Aberdeen, sends me a valuable note, the result of personal inspection of St. Paul's Bay, in which he completely clears up the difficulty which I had to leave. It will, I hope, form the subject of an early article in the Expositor.

It is practically certain that a Roman consul, with a career like that of Severus, must, at the period when he flourished, have been educated nearer to Rome, and probably in the metropolis. The scion of a Phrygian family, growing up amid Phrygian surroundings in the early part of the 7 St. Ramsay second century, would not have been admitted to the Roman senatorial career, as Severus was in his youth. His family, while retaining its Phrygian connection, had settled amid strictly Roman surroundings; and its wealth and influence procured for the heir immediate entry into the highest career open to a Roman.

The quotation from Aristides shows that the interpretation of Eusebius's expression given on p. The aim of our work is to treat its subject as a department of history and of literature. Christianity was not merely a religion, but also, a system of life and action; and its introduction by Paul amid the society of the Roman Empire produced changes of momentous consequence, which the historian must study.

What does the student of Roman history find in the subject of our investigation? How would an observant, educated, and unprejudiced citizen of the Roman Empire have regarded that new social force, that new philosophical system, if he had studied it with the eyes and the temper of a nineteenth century investigator?

As a preliminary the historian of Rome must make up his mind about the trustworthiness of the authorities. Those which we shall use are: Of the latter we make only slight and incidental use; and probably even those who dispute their authenticity would admit that the facts we use are trustworthy, as being the settled belief of the Church at a very early period.

It is, therefore, unnecessary to touch on the authenticity of the Epistles; but the question as to the date, the composition, and the author of the Acts must be discussed. If the main position of this book is admitted, it will furnish a secure basis for the Epistles to rest on. Works that profess to be historical are of various kinds and trustworthy in varying degrees. Some of the Apocryphal tales of the Apostles are of this class, springing apparently from a desire to provide Christian substitutes for the popular romances of the period.

Certain of the Apocryphal tales of the Apostles may belong to this class, and many of the Acta of martyrs and saints certainly do. In using works of this class the modern student has to exercise his historical tact, comparing the narrative with any other evidence that can be obtained from any source, and judging whether the action attributed to individuals is compatible with the possibilities of human nature. Such an author seizes the critical events, concentrates the reader's attention on them by giving them fuller treatment, touches 9 St. Ramsay more lightly and briefly on the less important events, omits entirely a mass of unimportant details, and makes his work an artistic and idealised picture of the progressive tendency of the period.

Great historians are the rarest of writers. By general consent the typical example of the highest class of historians is Thucydides, and it is doubtful whether any other writer would be by general consent ranked along with him. But all historians, from Thucydides downwards, must be subjected to free criticism. The fire which consumes the second-rate historian only leaves the real master brighter and stronger and more evidently supreme.

The keenest criticism will do him the best service in the long run. But the critic in his turn requires high qualities; he must be able to distinguish the true from the false; he must be candid and unbiased and open-minded. There are many critics who have at great length stated their preference of the false before the true; and it may safely be said that there is no class of literary productions in our century in which there is such an enormous preponderance of error and bad judgment as in that of historical criticism.

To some of our critics Herodotus is the Father of History, to others he is an inaccurate reproducer of uneducated gossip: But, while recognising the risk, and the probable condemnation that awaits the rash attempt, I will venture to add one to the number of the critics, by stating in the following chapters reasons for placing the author of Acts among the historians of the first rank. The first and the essential quality of the great historian is truth.

What he says must be trustworthy. Now historical truth implies not merely truth in each detail, but also truth in the general effect, and that kind of truth cannot be attained without selection, grouping, and idealisation. So far as one may judge from books, the opinion of scholars seems to have, on the whole, settled down to the conclusion that the author of Acts belongs either to the second- or the third-rate historians.

Among those who assign him to the third rate we may rank all those who consider that the author clipped up older documents and patched together the fragments in a more or less intelligent way, making a certain number of errors in the process. Theories of this kind are quite compatible with assigning a high degree of trustworthiness to many statements in the book; but this trustworthiness belongs not to the author of the work, but to the older documents which he glued together.

Such theories usually assign varying degrees of accuracy to the different older documents: But this way of judging, common as it is, assumes the truth of the critic' s own theory, and decides on the authenticity of ancient documents according to their agreement with that theory; and the strangest part of this medley of uncritical method is that other writers, who dispute the first critic's theory of early Church history, yet attach some value to his opinion upon the spuriousness of documents which he has condemned solely on the ground that they disagree with his theory.

The most important group among those who assign the author to the second rank of historians, consists of them that accept his facts as true, although his selection of what he should say and what 10 St. Ramsay he should omit seems to them strangely capricious. They recognise many of the signs of extraordinary accuracy in his statements; and these signs are so numerous that they feel bound to infer that the facts as a whole are stated with great accuracy by a personal friend of St.

But when they compare the Acts with such documents as the Epistles of Paul, and when they study the history as a whole, they are strongly impressed with the inequalities of treatment, and the unexpected and puzzling gaps; events of great importance seem to be dismissed in a brief and unsatisfactory way; and, sometimes, when one of the actors such as Paul has left an account of an event described in Acts, they find difficulty in recognising the two accounts as descriptions of the same event.

Bishop Lightfoot's comparison of Gal. II with Acts XV may be quoted as a single specimen out of many: We never feel on firm historical ground, when discrepancies are cleverly explained away: Witnesses in a law court may give discrepant accounts of the same event; but they are half-educated, confused, unable to rise to historical truth.

But when a historian is compared with the reminiscences of an able and highly educated actor in the same scenes, and when the comparison consists chiefly in a laboured proof that the discrepancies do not amount to positive contradiction, the conclusion is very near, that, if the reminiscences are strictly honest, the historian's picture is not of the highest rank.

But there is a further difficulty. How does it come that a writer, who shows himself distinctly second-rate in his historical perception of the comparative importance of events, is able to attain such remarkable accuracy in describing many of them? The power of accurate description implies in itself a power of reconstructing the past, which involves the most delicate selection and grouping of details according to their truth and reality, i. Acts, as Lightfoot pictures it, is to me an inconceivable phenomenon; such a mixture of strength and weakness, of historical insight and historical incapacity, would be unique and incredible.

If the choice for an intelligible theory of Acts lay between Lightfoot's view and that which is presented in different forms by Clemen, Spitta, and other scholars, I could only adopt the same point of view as these critics. Lightfoot, with all his genius, has here led English scholarship into a cul de sac: But my belief is, that all the difficulties in which Lightfoot was involved spring from the attempt to identify the wrong events.

In this attempt he naturally found discrepancies; but by a liberal allowance of gaps in the narrative of Acts, and the supposition of different points of view and of deficient information on Luke's part, it was possible to show why the eye-witness saw one set of incidents, while Acts described quite a different set. The historian who is to give a brief history of a great period need not reproduce on a reduced uniform scale all the facts which he would mention in a long history, like a picture reduced by a photographic process.

If a brief history is to be a work of true art, it must omit a great deal, and concentrate the reader's attention on a certain number of critical points in the development of events, elaborating these sufficiently to present them in life-like and clearly intelligible form.

True historical genius lies in selecting the great crises, the great agents, and the great movements, in making these clear to the reader in their real nature, in passing over with the lightest and slightest touch numerous events and many persons, but always keeping clear before the reader the plan of composition. Ramsay The historian may dismiss years with a word, and devote considerable space to a single incident.

In such a work, the omission of an event does not constitute a gap, but is merely a proof that the event had not sufficient importance to enter into the plan. A gap is some omission that offends our reason and our sense of harmony and propriety; and where something is omitted that bears on the author' s plan, or where the plan as conceived by the author does not correspond to the march of events, but only to some fanciful and subjective view, there the work fails short of the level of history. I may fairly claim to have entered on this investigation without any prejudice in favour of the conclusion which I shall now attempt to justify to the reader.

On the contrary, I began with a mind unfavourable to it, for the ingenuity and apparent completeness of the Tiibingen theory had at one time quite convinced me. It did not lie then in my line of life to investigate the subject minutely; but more recently I found myself often brought in contact with the book of Acts as an authority for the topography, antiquities, and society of Asia Minor. It was gradually borne in upon me that in various details the narrative showed marvellous truth. In fact, beginning with the fixed idea that the work was essentially a second-century composition, and never relying on its evidence as trustworthy for first-century conditions,.

I gradually came to find it a useful ally in some obscure and difficult investigations. But there remained still one serious objection to accepting it as entirely a first-century work. According to the almost universally accepted view, this history led Paul along a path and through surroundings which seemed to me historically and topographically self -contradictory. It was not possible to bring Paul's work in Asia Minor into accordance with the facts of history on the supposition that an important part of that work was devoted to a district in the northern part of the peninsula, called Galatia.

It may appear at first sight a mere topographical subtlety whether Paul travelled through North Galatia or through Lycaonia; but, when you consider that any details given of his journeys must be false to the one side just in proportion as they are true to the other, you will perceive that, if you try to apply the narrative to the wrong side of the country, it will not suit the scene, and if it does not suit, then it must appear to be written by a person ignorant of what he pretends to know.

The case might be illustrated from our own experience. Suppose that an unknown person came to Auburn from New York, and you wished to find out whether he was an impostor or not. In our country we are exposed to frequent attempts at imposition, which can often be detected by a few questions; and you would probably ask him about his experiences on his journey from New York to Auburn. Now suppose you had been informed that he had come not along the direct road, but by a long detour through Boston, Montreal, and Toronto, and had thus arrived at Auburn; and suppose that you by questioning elicited from him various facts which suited only a route through Schenectady and Utica, you would condemn the man as an impostor, because he did not know the road which he pretended to have travelled.

But suppose further that it was pointed out by some third party that this stranger had really travelled along the direct road, and that you had been misinformed when you supposed him to have come by the round-about way, your opinion as to the stranger's truthfulness would be instantly affected. Precisely similar is the case of Acts as a record of travel; generations and centuries have been attempting to apply it to the wrong countries. I must speak on this point confidently and uncompromisingly, for the facts stand out so clear and bold and simple that to affect to hesitate or to profess any doubt as to one's judgment would be a betrayal of truth.

Ramsay I know the difficulties of this attempt to understand rightly a book so difficult, so familiar, and so much misunderstood as Acts. It is probable that I have missed the right turn or not grasped the full meaning in some cases. I am well aware that I leave some difficulties unexplained, sometimes from inability, sometimes from mere omission. But I am sustained by the firm belief that I am on the right path, and by the hope that enough of difficulties have been cleared away to justify a dispassionate historical criticism in placing this great writer on the high pedestal that belongs to him.

With regard to the trustworthiness of Acts as a record of events, a change is perceptible in the tendency of recent criticism. Setting aside various exceptional cases, and also leaving out of sight the strictly "orthodox" view, which accepts Acts as truth without seeking to compare or to criticise a view which in its simplicity and completeness needs neither defence nor examination , we may say that for a time the general drift of criticism was to conceive the book as a work composed in the second century with the intention of so representing or rather misrepresenting the facts as to suit the writer' s opinion about the Church questions of his own time.

All theories of this class imply that the atmosphere and surroundings of the work are of the second-century type; and such theories have to be rounded on a proof that the details are represented in an inaccurate way and coloured by second-century ideas.

St. Paul the Traveler and the Roman Citizen by William Mitchell Ramsay (eBook) - Lulu

The efforts of that earlier school of critics were directed to give the required proof; and in the attempt they displayed a misapprehension of the real character of ancient life and Roman history which is often astonishing, and which has been decisively disproved in the progress of Roman historical investigation.

All such theories belong to the pre-Mommsenian epoch of Roman history: But while one is occasionally tempted to judge harshly the assumption of knowledge made by the older critics where knowledge was at the time difficult or impossible, it is only fair also to emphatically acknowledge the debt we owe them for practising in a fearless and independent spirit the right and much needed task of investigating the nature and origin of the book. Warned by the failure of the older theories, many recent critics take the line that Acts consists of various first century scraps put together in the book as we have it by a second-century Redactor.

The obvious signs of vivid accuracy in many of the details oblige these critics to assume that the Redactor incorporated the older scraps with no change except such as results from different surroundings and occasional wrong collocation. Some hold that the Redactor made considerable additions in order to make a proper setting for the older scraps. Others reduce the Redactor' s action to a minimum; Spitta is the most remarkable example of this class.

In the latter form the Redaction-theory is the diametrical opposite of the old tendency theories; the latter supposed that the second century author coloured the whole narrative and put his own views into every paragraph, while, according to Spitta, the Redactor added nothing of consequence to his first century materials except some blunders of arrangement. The older theories were rounded on the proof of a uniformity of later style and purpose throughout the book; the later theories depend on the proof of differences of style between the different parts.

The old critics were impressed by the literary skill of the author. Ramsay while the later critics can see no literary power or activity in him. Any argument in favour of the one class of theories tells against the other; and, if we. Certain theorists, and especially Clemen in his extraordinarily ingenious and bold work Chronologic der Paulinischen Brief e, see clearly that such a bald scissors-and-paste theory as Spitta's is quite inadequate to explain the many-sided character of this history. Clemen supposes that three older documents, a history of the Hellenistic Jews, a history of Peter, and a history of Paul, were worked into one work by a Judaist Redactor, who inserted many little touches and even passages of considerable length to give a tone favourable to the Judaising type of Christianity; and that this completed book was again worked over by an anti- Judaist Redactor 11, who inserted other parts to give a tone unfavourable to the Judaising type of Christianity, but left the Judaistic insertions.

Finally, a Redactor III of neutral tone incorporated anew document VI , and gave the whole its present form by a number of small touches. When a theory becomes so complicated as Clemen's, the humble scholar who has been trained only in philological and historical method finds himself unable to keep pace, and toils in vain behind this daring flight.

We shall not at present stop to argue from examples in ancient and modem literature, that a dissection of this elaborate kind cannot be carried out. Style is seen in the whole rather than in single sentences, still less in parts of sentences; and a partition between six authors, clause by clause, sentence by sentence, paragraph by paragraph, of a work that seemed even to bold and revolutionary critics like Zeller and Baur in Germany and Renan in France to be a model of unity and individuality in style, is simply impossible.

Moreover, the plan of this study is not to argue against other theories, but to set forth a plain and simple interpretation of the text, and appeal to the recognised principle of criticism that, where a simple theory of origin can be shown to hold together properly, complicated theories must give way to it. One feature in Dr. Clemen's theory shows true insight.

No simple theory of gluing together can exhaust the varied character of the Acts: Clemen has not gone far enough. There is only one kind of cause that is sufficiently complex to match the many-sided aspects of the book, and that cause is the many-sided character of a thoughtful and highly educated man. Clemen seems to assume that every instance where Paul adopts an attitude of conciliation towards the Jews is added by a Judaistic Redactor, and every step in his growing estrangement from them is due to an anti- Judaistic Redactor.

He does not, I venture to think, allow due scope to the possibility that an historian might record both classes of incidents in the interests of truth. It is admitted that a dislocation occurred in the early Church, and that the contention between the Judaising and the Universalising to adopt a convenient designation parties was keen for a time.

It is natural that the estrangement should be gradual; and the historian sets before us a gradual process. It is hard to find a sufficient foundation 14 St. Clemen' s theory without the preliminary assumption that an early Christian must necessarily be incapable of taking a broad and unbiased view of history as: Grant that assumption, and his theory is built up with marvellous skill, patience and ingenuity.

Our hypothesis is that Acts was written by a great historian, a writer who set himself to record the facts as they occurred, a strong partisan, indeed, but raised above partiality by his perfect confidence that he had only to describe the facts as they occurred, in order to make the truth of Christianity and the honour of Paul apparent. To a Gentile Christian, as the author of Acts was, the refusal of the Jews to listen to Paul, and their natural hatred of him as untrue to their pride of birth, must appear due to pure malignity; and the growing estrangement must seem to him the fault of the Jews alone.

It is not my object to assume or to prove that there was no prejudice in the mind of Luke, no fault on the part of Paul; but only to examine whether the facts stated are trustworthy, and leave them to speak for themselves as. I shall argue that the book was composed by a personal friend and disciple of Paul, and if this be once established there will be no hesitation in accepting the primitive tradition that Luke was the author..

We must face the facts boldly. If Luke wrote Acts, his narrative must agree in a striking and convincing way with Paul's: This is not a case of two commonplace, imperfectly educated, and not very observant witnesses who give divergent accounts of certain incidents which they saw without paying much attention to them. We have here two men of high education, one writing a formal history, the other speaking under every obligation of honour and conscience to be careful in his words: If ever there was a case in which striking agreement was demanded by historical criticism between two classes of documents, it is between the writings of Paul and of Luke.

There is one subject in particular in which criticism demands absolute agreement. The difference of position and object between the two writers, one composing a formal history, the other writing letters or making speeches, may justifiably be invoked to account for some difference in the selection of details. But in regard to the influence of the Divine will on human affairs they ought to agree.

Both firmly believed that God often guided the conduct of His Church by clear and open revelation of His will; and we should be slow to believe that one of them attributed to human volition what the other believed to be ordered by direct manifestation of God p. We shall try to prove that there is a remarkable agreement between them in regard to the actions which they attribute to direct revelation..

Further, we cannot admit readily that peculiarities of Luke's narrative are to be accounted for by want of information: We shall find no need of this supposition. Finally, it is hard to believe that Paul's letters 15 St. Ramsay were unknown to Luke; he was in Paul's company when some of them were written; he must have known about the rest, and could readily learn their contents in the intimate intercommunication that bound together the early Churches.

We shall try to show that Luke had in mind the idea of explaining and elucidating the letters. In maintaining our hypothesis it is not necessary either to show that the author made no mistake, or to solve every difficulty. From them that start with a different view more may be demanded; but here we are making a historical and literary investigation.

The greatest historians of other periods are not above error; and we may admit the possibility that a first-century historian has made errors. We shall not make much use of this proviso; but still the conditions of the investigation must be clearly laid down. Again, in almost every ancient writer of any value there remain unsolved problems by the score. Where would our philological scholars be, if every question were satisfactorily disposed of?

The plan and the date of Horace' s longest work, the Art of Poetry, are unsolved and apparently insoluble; every theory involves serious difficulties; yes that does not make its authenticity doubtful. That there remain some difficulties not explained satisfactorily in Acts does not disprove its first-century origin. Further, it is necessary to study every historian' s method, and not to judge him according to whether or not he uses our methods.

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For example, Thucydides makes a practice of putting into the mouths of his character speeches which they never delivered; no modern historian would do this: They might be truly called unhistorical; but the critic who summed up their character in that epithet would only show his incapacity for historical criticism. Similarly the critic must study Luke's method, and not judge him according to whether he writes exactly as the critic considers a history ought to be written. Luke's style is compressed to the highest degree; and he expects a great deal from the reader.

He does not, attempt to sketch the surroundings and set the whole scene like a picture before the reader; he states the bare facts that seem to him important, and leaves the reader to imagine the situation. But there are many cases in which, to catch his meaning properly, you must imagine yourself standing with Paul on the deck of the ship, or before the Roman official; and unless you reproduce the scene in imagination, you miss the sense.

Hence, though his style is simple and clear, yet it. It is always hard to recreate the remote past; knowledge, imagination, and, above all, sympathy and love are all needed. But Asia Minor, in which the scene is often laid, was not merely little known, but positively wrongly known. I know of no person except Bishop Lightfoot who has seriously attempted to test or revise or improve the traditional statements often, the traditional blunders about Asian antiquities as bearing on Acts; but the materials were not at his disposal for doing this successfully.

But it is bad method to found theories of its composition on wrong interpretations of its meaning: Ramsay Luke was deficient in the sense for time; and hence his chronology is bad. It would be quite impossible from Acts alone to get a true idea of the lapse of time. That is the fault of his age; Tacitus, writing the biography of Agricola about 98 A. Luke had studied the sequence of events carefully, and observes it in his arrangement minutely, but he often has to carry forward one thread of his narrative, and then goes back in time to take up another thread; and these transitions are sometimes rather harsh.

Yet, in respect of chronology, he was, perhaps, less careless than would appear: His plan leads him to concentrate attention on the critical steps. Hence he often passes lightly over a long period of gradual development marked by no striking incident; and from his bad chronological sense he gives no measure of the lapse of time implied in a sentence, a clause, or even a word.

He dismisses ten years in a breathe and devotes a chapter to a single incident. His character as an historian, therefore, depends on his selection of topics. Does he show the true historian's power of seizing the great facts, and marking dearly the stages in the development of his subject? Now, what impresses me is the sense of proportion in Acts, and the skill with which a complex and difficult subject is grouped to bring out the historical development from the primitive Church ch.

Where the author passes rapidly over a period or a journey, we shall find reason to believe that it was marked by no striking feature and no new foundation. The axiom from which we start must be that which is assumed in all literary investigations — preference is to be given to the interpretation which restores order, lucidity, and sanity to the work.

All that we ask in this place is the admission of that axiom, and a patient hearing, and especially that the reader, before condemning our first steps as not in harmony with other incidents, will wait to see how we can interpret those incidents. The dominant interpretation rests avowedly on the principle that Acts is full of gaps, and that "nothing is more striking than the want of proportion".

Those unfortunate words of Bishop Lightfoot are worked out by some of his successors with that "illogical consistency" which often leads the weaker disciples of a great teacher to choose his errors for loving imitation and emphasis.

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With such a theory no historical absurdity is too gross to be imputed to Luke. But our hypothesis is that Luke's silence about an incident or person should always be investigated as a piece of evidence, on the principle that he had some reason for his silence; and in the course of this study we shall in several cases find that omission is a distinct element in the effect of his narrative.

There is a contrast between the early chapters of Acts and the later. In the later chapters there are few sentences that do not afford some test of their accuracy by mentioning external facts of life, history, and antiquities. But the earlier chapters contain comparatively few such details; the subject in them is handled in a vaguer way, with a less vigorous and nervous grasp; the facts are rarely given in their local and historical surroundings, and sometimes seem to float in air rather than to stand on solid ground.. This fundamental difference in handling must be acknowledged; but it can be fairly attributed to difference of information and of local knowledge.

The writer shows himself in his later narrative to be a stranger to the Levant and familiar with the Aegean; he could not stand with the same confidence on the soil of Syria and Palestine, as on that of Asia Minor or Greece. Moreover, he was dealing with an earlier period; and he had not the advantage of formal historical narratives. Ramsay such as he mentions for the period described in his First Book the Gospel. Luke was dependent on various informants in the earlier chapters of Acts among them Paul and Philip ; and he put together their information, in many cases reproducing it almost verbatim.

Sometimes the form of his record gives a clue to the circumstances in which he learned it. That line of investigation is liable to become subjective and fanciful; but modem historical investigation always tries to get behind the actual record and to investigate the ultimate sources of statements.

It is rare to find a narrative so simple and so little forced as that of Acts. It is a mere uncoloured recital of the important facts in the briefest possible terms. The narrator's individuality and his personal feelings and preferences are almost wholly suppressed. He is entirely absorbed in his work; and he writes with the single aim to state the facts as he has learned them. It would be difficult in the whole range of literature to find a work where there is less attempt at pointing a moral or drawing a lesson from the facts.

The narrator is persuaded that the facts themselves in their barest form are a perfect lesson and a complete instruction, and he feels that it would be an impertinence and even an impiety to intrude his individual views into the narrative. It is, however, impossible for an author to hide himself completely. Even in the selection of details, his personality shows itself.

So in Acts, the author shows the true Greek feeling for the sea. He hardly ever omits to name the harbors which Paul sailed from or arrived at, even though little or nothing in the way of incident occurred in them. But on land journeys he confines himself to missionary facts, and gives no purely geographical information; where any statements of a geographical character occur, they serve a distinct purpose in the narrative, and the reader who accepts them as mere geographical specifications has failed to catch the author's purpose see p.

Under the surface of the narrative, there moves a current of strong personal affection and enthusiastic admiration for Paul. Paul is the author's hero; his general aim is to describe the development of the Church; but his affection and his interest turn to Paul; and after a time his narrative groups itself round Paul. He is keenly concerned to show that Paul was in perfect accord with the leaders among the older Apostles, but so also was Paul himself in his letters.

That is the point of view of a personal friend and disciple, full of affection, and jealous of Paul's honour and reputation. The characterisation of Paul in Acts is so detailed and individualised as to prove the author' s personal acquaintance. Moreover, the Paul of Acts is the Paul that appears to us in his own letters, in his ways and his thoughts, in his educated tone of polished courtesy, in his quick and vehement temper, in the extraordinary versatility and adaptability which made him at home in every society, moving at ease in all surroundings, and everywhere the centre of interest, whether he is the Socratic dialectician in the agora of Athens, or the rhetorician in its University, or conversing with kings and proconsuls, or advising in the council on shipboard, or cheering a broken-spirited crew to make one more effort for life.

Wherever Paul is, no one present has eyes for any but him. Such a view could not have been taken by a second century author. The Church in the second century had passed into new circumstances and was interested in quite different questions. Ramsay catastrophe of the persecution of Domitian, and the effect produced for the time on the attitude of the Church by the deliberate attempt to suppress and destroy it on the part of the imperial government, made a great gulf between the first century and the second century of Christian history.

Many questions that were evidently vital to the author of Acts were buried in oblivion during the persecution of Domitian, and could not have been present in the mind of a later author.

Our view classes Acts with 1 Peter, intermediate between the Pauline letters and the literature of the last decade of the century such as Revelation. Luke shows the same attitude as Paul, but he aims at proving what Paul feels. The question must be fairly considered whether Luke had completed his history. There is one piece of evidence from his own hand that he had not completed it, but contemplated a third book at least. His work is divided into two books, the Gospel and the Acts, but in the opening line of the Acts he refers to the Gospel as the First discourse irpcoToc; Had he not contemplated a third book, we expect the term Former Discourse Trporepoc; In a marked position like the opening of a book, we must take the word first strictly.

Perhaps we may thus account for the failure of chronological data. In Book I there are careful reckonings of dates in one case by several different eras at the great steps of the narrative. Tacitus, as we 1 Church in R. The commentators universally regard this as an example of the misuse of TtpWToq; but they give no sufficient proof that Luke elsewhere misused that word.

In Stephen's speech VII 12 the adverb itpcoTov misused for npotepov occurs, but a dispassionate consideration of the speeches in Acts must convince every reader that they are not composed by the author, but taken verbatim from other authorities in this case from Philip at Ccesareia, XXI 8. But such changes do not affect all words simultaneously; and the distinction between itporepoc; and iipcoTOc; might be expected to last longer than that between most other pairs. We observe that Paul uses both, and distinguishes them correctly though he blurs the distinction in other words: IV 13, triv npotepav dvaoTpoSriv Eph.

Blass, with the grammarian's love for making absolute rules, conjectures the last example away, in order to lay down the law that the adjective Ttpotepoc; is not employed in N. We find several instances where Luke uses TipWTOc; correctly in Acts XII 10 there were obviously three gates and three wards to pass Peter was allowed to pass the first and the second, being taken presumably as a servant; but no servant would be expected to pass beyond the outermost ward at night, and a different course was needed there: And, if there survived in Luke the slightest idea of any difference between comparative and superlative, the opening of a book is the place where wc should expect to find the difference expressed.

We conclude, then, that the use of npWToq there is more easily reconcilable with the plan of three books, than of two; but certainty is not attainable, as Ttpotepoq does not actually occur in his writings. Ramsay saw, appends the dates to his Agricola: Luke incorporates his dates, but they have all the appearance of being put into an already finished narrative. If other reasons prove that Acts wants the finishing touches, we may reckon among the touches that would have been added certain calculations of synchronism, which would have furnished a chronological skeleton for the narrative.

If the work was left incomplete, the reason, perhaps,, lay in the author's martyrdom under Domitian. It was my wish to take no notice here of differences of reading, but simply to follow Westcott and Hort except in two impossible cases, XI 20, XII This, however, proved impracticable; for there are some cases in which over-estimate of the two great MSS. In several places I have been driven back on the Received Text and the Authorised Version, and in others the Bezan Text either contains or gives the clue to the original text; and wherever the Bezan Text is confirmed by old Versions and by certain Greek MSS.

It is universally admitted that the text of Acts was exposed to very careless or free handling in the second century. This came about in various ways, for the most part unintentionally, but partly by deliberate action. At that time great interest was taken in gathering from trustworthy sources supplementary information, beyond what was contained in the Gospels and Acts. Eusebius, III 39, quotes a passage from Papias describing his eager inquiries after such information from those who had come into personal relations with the Apostles, and another, V 20, from Irenaeus, describing how Polycarp used to tell of his intercourse with John and the rest that had seen the Lord.

Now there was a natural tendency to note on the margin of a MS. There is also a certain probability that deliberate additions might be made to the text as deliberate excisions are said to have been made by Marcion. The balance of evidence is, on the whole, that Mark XVI is a later composition, designed to complete a narrative that had all the appearance of being defective.

Again, explanatory notes on the margin of a MS. But, beyond this, when translations were made into Syriac and Latin the former certainly, the later probably, as early as the middle of the second century , the attention of scholars was necessarily directed to the difficulties in interpretation of the text, with its occasional archaic expressions, obscure words, and harsh constructions; and the practical usefulness of a simplified and modernised text was thus suggested.

Tatian's Harmony of the Four Gospels, and Marcion' s doctored editions, show how attempts were made from different points of view and in different ways to adapt the sacred narrative for popular use: Tatian changed the order, Marcion altered the text by excision or worse. Thus the plan of a simplified text was quite in keeping with the custom of the second century; 20 St. Ramsay and the Bezan Text seems to be of that kind. As a whole it is not Lukan: But it has a high value for several reasons: Thus we can often gather from the Bezan comment what was the original reading commented on; and it vindicates the great MSS.

It reveals to us the first beginnings of Pauline legend p. With the help of these two authorities, combined with early Christian inscriptions which begin only about , but give retrospective evidence , we can recover some faint idea of the intellectual life of the second-century Christians in Asia Minor and North Syria.

The Bezan Text will, indubitably, afford much study and some discoveries in the future. Its explanatory simplifications often show the influence of the translations which first suggested the idea of a simplified text. When the need for an explanation arose in connection with a rendering in Latin, or in Syriac, the simplification took a Latin or Syriac colour; but this was consciously adopted as a simplification, and not through mere blundering. Several of the errors that have affected the two great MSS. Only in the Bezan Text can we confidently say that deliberate alterations were made in the text.

I believe that the Bezan Reviser made many skillful changes in passages relating to Asia Minor and some foolish changes in European passages. In some of these cases, the view remains open that the Bezan reading is the original; but evidence is as yet not sufficient to give certainty. The home of the Revision is along the line of intercourse between Syrian Antioch and Ephesus, for the life of the early Church lay in intercommunication, but the Reviser was connected with Antioch, for he inserts "we" in XI In the growth of Christianity we observe that all the threads of development which had been formed in the life of the great races of older history are gathered together into one complex whole.

Hence we have just the same assurance of the truth of Christianity that we have of the trustworthiness of earlier history: The correspondence is in itself a guarantee of truth. Each exists for the other: We must accept the general outline of early history as a whole, or we must reject it as a whole on the plea of insufficient evidence.

There is not a fact of early history, whether Christian or pre-Christian, which is not susceptible of being disputed with a fair show of rational and logical argument: Let any one test the evidence for any point in regard to the battles of Salamis or of Marathon; and he will find that everywhere he is reduced to a balance of evidence, and frequently to a balance so delicate that no one can feel any assured confidence on the point.

Yet our confidence in the general facts regarding each battle and its results is not, as a rule, affected by our uncertainty as to the details. Doubtless there will always be some who argue that the trustworthiness of the whole must be proportionate to the trustworthiness of the parts, and conclude that, where all details are so uncertain, the whole is unworthy of study; and those who cannot see — or rather feel — for themselves the fallacy of the argument will not be convinced by any reasoning that can be adduced.

But for those who do not adopt the extreme agnostic position, there is no other logical position except that of accepting the. The life of Paul partakes of the uncertainty that envelopes all ancient history. As regards every detail we shall find ourselves in the position of balancing evidence; as to almost every detail we shall find ourselves amid a bewildering variety of opposite opinion and assertion among modem scholars of every school and shade; and, strangest of all, in regard to two or three points where there exists the nearest approach to a general agreement between all the various schools, we shall find ourselves unable to agree.

Owing to the peculiar character of the evidence, we shall find it best to begin in the middle of Paul's life and study the events of the years 44 to 61, and thereafter to sketch in outline the first half of his life. At present, however, we must emphasise the complex influences amid which Paul grew up. According to the law of his country, he was first of all a Roman citizen. That character superseded all others before the law and in the general opinion of society; and placed him amid the aristocracy of any provincial town.

In the first century, when the citizenship was still jealously guarded, the civitas may be taken as a proof that his family was one of distinction and at least moderate wealth. It also implies that there was in the surroundings amid which he grew up, a certain attitude of 22 St. Ramsay friendliness to the Imperial government for the new citizens in general, and the Jewish citizens in particular, were warm partisans of their protector, the new Imperial regime , and also of pride in a possession that ensured distinction and rank and general respect in Tarsus.

Paulus, his cognomen, was not determined by his nomen: He was not merely a person born in Tarsus, owing to the accident of his family being there: We may confidently assume that Paul was careful to keep within demonstrable law and custom, when he claimed to be a Tarsian citizen in describing himself to the Tribune. According to the strict interpretation of the Roman law, the civitas superseded all other citizenship, but this theoretical exclusiveness was opposed to the Imperial spirit; and it is clear that Roman cives in a provincial city commonly filled the position of high-class citizens, and even had magistracies pressed upon them by general consent.

Now, if Paul's family had merely emigrated to Tarsus from Judea some years before his birth, neither he nor his father would have been "Tarsians," but merely "residents" incolce. It is probable, but not certain, that the family had been planted in Tarsus with full rights as part of a colony settled there by one of the Seleucid kings in order to strengthen their hold on the city. The Seleucid kings seem to have had a preference for Jewish colonists in their foundations in Asia Minor. Citizenship in Tarsus might also have been presented to Paul's father or grandfather for distinguished services to the State; but that is much less probable.

In the third place, Paul was "a Hebrew sprung from Hebrews ". The expression is a remarkable one. It is used not to a Jewish audience, but to a Greek Church Phil. Ill 5 , and it is similar to a familiar expression among the Greeks: He was a Jew at least as much as he was a Tarsian and a Roman, as regards his early surroundings; and it is obvious that the Jewish side of his nature and education proved infinitely the most important, as his character developed. But it is a too common error to ignore the other sides. Many interpreters seem to think only of his words, XXII 3, "I am a Jew born in Tarsus," and to forget that he said a few moments before, "I am a Jew, a Tarsian, a citizen of no mean city".

To the Hebrews he emphasises his Jewish character, and his birth in Tarsus is added as an accident: Now, there is no inconsistency between these descriptions of himself. Most of us have no difficulty in understanding that a Jew at the present day may be a thoroughly patriotic English citizen, and yet equally proud of his ancient and honourable origin. In the extraordinarily mixed society of the Eastern provinces, it was the usual rule in educated society that each man had at least two nationalities and two sides to his character.

If we would clearly understand the society in which Paul worked, and the mission of Rome to make the idea of cosmopolitanism and universal citizenship a practical reality — an idea that had been first conceived by the Stoic philosophy in its attempt to fuse Greek and oriental thought into a unified system — we must constantly bear in mind that double or even triple character, which was so common.

Ramsay To the Hebrew of that period it was specially easy to preserve the Hebraic side of his life along with his Greek citizenship; for the Jewish colony in a Seleucid city preserved as a body its double character. It was not merely a part of the city, whose members were citizens, but it was also recognised by the Seleucid Empire and afterwards by the Roman Empire as "the Nation of the Jews in that city".

Thus arose a strange and often puzzling complication of rights, which caused much heart-burning and jealousy among the non- Jewish citizens of the city, and which was at last terminated by the action of Vespasian in A. From this wide and diversified training we may understand better Paul's suitability to develop the primitive Judaic Church into the Church of the Roman World for beyond that he never went in practice, though in theory he recognised no limit short of universal humanity , his extraordinary versatility and adaptability which evidently impressed Luke so much, p.