LHISTOIRE DABBY NEWTON- TOME 1: LE OUIJA (French Edition)

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There's a problem loading this menu right now. Get fast, free shipping with Amazon Prime. Get to Know Us. English Choose a language for shopping. Amazon Music Stream millions of songs. As a skeptic, I did a little experiment that was published in the academic, peer-reviewed journal Communication Research.

We showed research participants either an episode of Lie to Me or a different crime drama, Numb3rs. A third group viewed no show at all. Then, we had our [Page xxvi] participants try a deception detection task. Watching Lie to Me did not make people any better at distinguishing truths and lies, but it did make subjects more cynical than either of the two control conditions.

Lie to Me was more about entertaining fiction than solid science, but it exemplifies the draw of the topic. Deception detection is also big business.

Web sites such as http: Reid and Associates train thousands of people, especially law enforcement professionals, each year in the Reid Technique. The Encyclopedia of Deception covers the gamut of deception detection methods, from the scientifically discredited to the most promising. In the realm of deception, things are often not what is expected or what they seem. It is a very common belief, for example, that liars will not look one in the eye while lying.

However, one might be surprised just how widespread that belief is. Research by psychologist Charley Bond has found that the gaze aversion belief is widespread around in the world. He and his team surveyed people in more than 70 different countries and found that the liars-won't-look-you-in-the-eye belief was nearly universal. But much experiential works reveal that belief to be objectively false.

Gaze is unrelated to actual honesty. It has zero validity as a lie-detection clue. There has been much research on nonverbal cues to deception dating back to the original work of Ekman and his idea of leakage. My research and that of many others has strongly supported people's reliance on observations of others' nonverbal behaviors when assessing honesty.

Many psychological theories also specify a link between lying and nonverbal behaviors, as portrayed on Lie to Me. However, social scientific research on the link between various nonverbal behaviors and the act of lying suggests that the link is typically not very strong or consistent. In my research, I have observed that the nonverbal signals that seem to give one liar away are different than those given by a second liar. Further, people do not give away their lies the same way every time, and there are often honest people enacting those supposed lie-revealing behaviors.

What's more, the scientific evidence linking nonverbal behaviors and deception has grown weaker over time. People infer honesty based on how others nonverbally present themselves, but that has very limited utility and validity. Research on lie detection suggests that without the aid of technology such as the polygraph, people are often poor lie detectors. In most deception detection experiments, people typically do statistically better than chance, but usually not by much. However, very recent research suggests promising new approaches, such as the strategic use of evidence and content in context.

Strategic use of evidence involves withholding what one knows to see if the person contradicts that knowledge. Even with the aid of technology such as the polygraph, lie detection is not perfect. Research is progressing on other technologies such as fRMI and thermal imaging, but the polygraph in conjunction with a skilled examiner may be the best approach for now.

All of these methods and many more are covered in the Encyclopedia of Deception. Deception is not limited to humans; in fact, deception is nature is commonplace and varied. Examples of deception in nature include camouflage and mimicry. Primatologists have also observed gorillas engaged in deception. For example, a band of gorillas is seen walking along a jungle path in single file. One gorilla, which spies a desired food in a nearby tree, stops by the side of the trail and grooms until the others are out of sight. Then, the gorilla grabs the food, quickly eats it, and hurries to join the band.

There are many famous lies and deceptions throughout history. As long as people have communicated, there have been honesty and deception. As long has history has been recorded, there has been a record of deception in human affairs. Biblical examples of deception are numerous. Besides the serpent lying to Eve about the [Page xxvii] forbidden fruit, Abraham's wife told the Egyptians that she was Abraham's sister. Jacob was deceived by his sons about the death of his favorite son, Joseph. The entry on deception in ancient civilizations describes at least eight stories of lies that are told in the book of Genesis alone.

World War II is another source of well-known deceit. Nazi propaganda was rife with deceit targeted toward internal and external audiences. However, deception was not exclusively practiced by Germany during the war. For example, the Allies caught Germany largely by surprise with the invasion of Normandy on June 6, The successful Allied plan was to fool Germany into believing that the real invasion at Normandy was merely a diversion, and that the actual invasion would happen elsewhere.

False orders and fake troop movements were created to mask actual troop buildups. Lies happen around the world. The concepts of lies and deception are pancultural. Although every major world religion frowns on deception, people everywhere engage in it. However, culture also shapes how deception in enacted and understood. These volumes cover deception around the world, such as how the Spanish conquistador Francisco Pizarro deceived the Inca Empire, and how deception is approached in the Arab culture in the Middle East.

No encyclopedia of lies and deception could be complete without covering lies and deception in politics. When this introduction was written, it seemed that the last major national U. Lies abound in business and commerce. There is puffery in advertising and false claims on resumes.

There are Ponzi schemes and defective product coverups. Finally, there are lies in our personal lives. For example, Notre Dame's linebacker Manti Te'o fictitious girlfriend was a recent example that captured wide media attention. One study found that as much as Another study found that only about one-quarter of people thought that complete honesty was important in maintaining a romantic relationship, and that most people think that being honest depends on the situation.

However, discovered lies can also harm relationships, especially when the lies are about important issues. While one might think that one is better able to detect lies from people close to one as opposed to strangers, the opposite seems to be the case. Steven McCornack's well-known research finding was that as one develops close relationships, trust and truth bias increases, and truth bias blinds one to a partner's lies. This two-volume Encyclopedia of Deception provides nearly entries examining all facets of lying and deception. Philosophical and historical perspectives are offered.

Examples of deception from around the world and throughout history are recounted. The new social science of deception receives compressive examination, and deception in relationships and popular culture are also covered. On behalf of the excellent contributors, we hope you find this both a valuable reference set and an entertaining and engaging reading experience. If it is made of solid gold, it will displace the same amount of water as an equal weight of pure gold, whereas if it is made of gold combined with a lighter metal, it will displace more water.

A forged document, the Donation of Constantine, is used to justify papal supremacy. Christian crusaders in the Holy Land create forged versions of the coins used by the local population. The British collector William Charlton claims to have found a rare yellow butterfly with an unusual pattern of black spots on its wings.

It is included in the 12th edition of Carl Linnaeus's Systema Naturae , but is later found to be a hoax, a common Brimstone butterfly with painted spots. Fragments of Ancient Poetry Collected in the Highlands , marketed as an English translation of work by the 3rd-century Gaelic poet Ossian, is published.

It is later revealed to be the work of James Macpherson, a contemporary Scotsman. The French Academy of the Sciences investigates the works of Anton Mesmer, who claims that he can heal illness through the use of magnets. The academy concludes that Mesmer's results were from the power of suggestion. The European naturalist Constantine S. Rafinesque claims to have discovered the Walam Olum , a document written in the Lenape language used by the Delaware Indians on bark, describing how the Indians populated North America. It is believed for decades to be genuine; not until was it demonstrated to be a hoax, as an examination of Rafinesque's papers proved that he first wrote it in English, and then translated it into Lenape.

The Scottish author Charles Mackay publishes Extraordinary Popular Delusion and the Madness of Crowds , reporting on a number of historical phenomena including economic bubbles, prophecies, fortune telling, and witch hunts. American sisters Katherine and Margaret Fox report hearing strange rappings in their home, reportedly the result of spirit communications, and later put on public exhibitions of similar rappings. Scientist Sir William Crookes, among others, is taken in by their performance, which the sisters later reveal in that they produced by cracking their toe joints.

Horsford, and Louis S. Agassiz, professors at Harvard. Several well-known mediums try and fail to produce evidence sufficient to claim the prize. Congress passes the False Claims Act, also known as the Lincoln Law because it was passed during Abraham Lincoln's presidency, in response to high levels of fraud perpetrated during the Civil War. The act allows people to report cases of suspected fraud against the government and collect a portion of the damages recovered. Samples from a meteor shower in southern France are collected and sent to various museums around Europe.

In the s, several researchers examined the samples in the Musee d'Histoire Naturelle in Montauban, France, and found that they had been tampered with. Fragments of plants and coal had been inserted into the meteorite fragments, and the results were coated with glue to recreate an apparent fusion layer on the outside of the fragments.

A human skull is discovered in a mine in Calaveras County, California. It is originally accepted as authentic, and is judged to be from the Pliocene age, making it the oldest human skull discovered in America. However, in the early 20th century, it was determined to have been planted at the site as a practical joke.

Sarah Howe establishes the Ladies' Deposit Bank in Boston, offering returns of 8 percent monthly, and only accepting deposits from women. Howe was sentenced to three years for obtaining money on false pretenses. Smith as having genuine telepathic powers. In , Blackburn revealed the methods they used to fool the examiners.

This skill was later shown to be the result of unconscious signaling by the owner to his horse, a type of cuing now known in psychology as the ideomotor effect, or the Clever Hans phenomenon. The Ouija Board, a purported method of contacting spirits, is patented in the United States. American psychologist Norman Triplett writes his Ph. Triplett also believed that deception was common among young children, and as part of his work collected over examples of spontaneous deception by children aged 3 and younger. Charles Dawson launches the Piltdown Man hoax, displaying a fossilized skull reportedly discovered in a gravel pit in East Sussex, England.

In , the Piltdown Man was determined to be a forgery, made up of a modern human skull and the jawbone of an orangutan. President Woodrow Wilson creates the Committee on Public Information when the United States enters World War I; this government office is the first in modern history to engage in large-scale propaganda dissemination. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle was among the many people fooled by these photographs; the girls who created them, Elsie Wright and Frances Griffiths, later admitted that they faked the pictures using paper cutouts from a children's book.

Italian immigrant Charles Ponzi is arrested in the United States for running a scheme, which coined the term Ponzi scheme. Ponzi claimed to produce a 50 percent return in 90 days, which was temporarily supported by the attraction of money from new investors rather than any actual plan of investment. Ponzi was deported to Italy in after his involvement in another scam involving Florida real estate.

John August Larson develops an early version of the lie detector, or polygraph, to aid in determining the truth of answers given by those suspected of crimes. He automatically records a subject's blood pressure and breathing depth as he or she is asked a series of routine questions and questions related to a specific crime. Adolf Hitler publishes Mein Kampf , a combination of biography and political statement; it includes comments on how to successfully use propaganda.

In an attempt to demonstrate that acquired characteristics can be inherited Lamarckian genetics , Austrian scientist Paul Kammerer conducts a series of experiments on the midwife toad. However, his apparent success in demonstrating that these toads, if forced to mate in water, would develop the black scaly bumps typical of toads that naturally mate in water is demonstrated to be a hoax, caused by injecting ink under the frogs' skin.

Lloyd's of London begins offering a discount on their insurance rates to banks that require their employees to take lie detector tests. An astonishing number 10 to 25 percent of employees admit to stealing, usually from petty cash.

Encyclopedia of Deception

Edward Filene establishes the Institute of Propaganda and Analysis to help educate Americans to spot techniques commonly used in propaganda and reducing the effects of such techniques. Wilson, newly appointed head of the U. Secret Service, begins a strenuous campaign against counterfeit currency that is credited with reducing losses from counterfeiting by 93 percent. American linguist David W.

Maurer, a specialist on the language used by members of marginal American subcultures, publishes The Big Con , based on interviews with hundreds of con artists and other criminals. Leonarde Keeler is brought in to conduct polygraph tests on German prisoners in an Arizona prisoner-of-war camp to determine which of them harbors Nazi sympathies or otherwise poses a threat to the United States.

The Dutch painter Hans van Meegeren is convicted of forgery. His most notable work was a number of paintings that he claimed were painted by Vermeer, and which had been accepted by experts as genuine. Workers at the nuclear facility in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, are subjected to numerous polygraph tests, partly in response to the belief that Soviet spies had infiltrated the facility. Flying Saucers Have Landed , the first of several books by George Adamski that purport to describe his experiences traveling in outer space and communicating with extraterrestrial beings, is published.

The London Society for Psychical Research publishes a report on the Borley Rectory, a purportedly haunted house built in in England, concluding that all reported phenomena could be explained by ordinary, natural causes. In the United States, the National Labor Relations Board rules that polygraph tests can be required as a condition of employment. Unsolved Mysteries of the Past , arguing that the knowledge and technology required to produce various aspects of ancient religion and culture e.

In fact, the road-like features are part of a now-submerged coastline of the island. Israeli performer Uri Geller frequently appears on television, demonstrating his apparent ability to exert physical effects e. However, skeptic James Randi and others have since demonstrated that all of Geller's performances could be produced using tricks known to many magicians. Bransford and Marcia K. Johnson publish research showing that contextual information, such as providing titles to brief paragraphs to establish a context, affected encoding of the information in the paragraph.

Providing such information before the subjects read the paragraph produces greater comprehension and recall than providing it after the paragraph. Charles Berlitz publishes The Bermuda Triangle , claiming that mysterious forces within an area defined by Florida, Bermuda, and Puerto [Page xxxiii] Rico pose grave dangers to ships and airplanes. The book is partially based on a incident in which five U. Navy planes were lost in that region. Summerlin, working at the Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center in New York City, claims to have successfully grafted skin from a black mouse to a genetically unrelated white mouse.

John Nance publishes The Gentle Tasaday: A Stone Age People in the Philippine Rain Forest , describing an isolated tribe living a primitive and peaceful lifestyle in the rain forest, without corruption or conflict. The story, originally perpetuated in by Manuel Elizalde Jr. American Morris Lamar Keene publishes The Psychic Mafia , describing how he previously posed as a psychic, tricking thousands of people into believing that he had powers to contact spirits.

British painter Tom Keating is charged with forgery; although the charges are later dropped, he admits that he produced paintings attributed to a number of noted artists, including John Constable, J. American psychologist Philip Zimbardo and colleagues coin the term the illusion of personal invulnerability to refer to the reaction of people when they hear of someone else victimized by a hoax; it rests on the probably unwarranted assumption that the listeners would have seen through the hoax.

Although some experts believe them to be genuine, they are later revealed as fake. Crop circles, complex geometric patterns created by flattening parts of grain fields, begin to appear in the United Kingdom. Although some believe that they are evidence of visitors from outer space, in , two British men admitted to creating the first crop circles. Psychologist Elizabeth Loftus becomes the first person in Washington State to provide expert testimony about eyewitness identification. She testifies on the behalf of the defense in a murder trial, explaining how memory distortion can influence eyewitness testimony.

Poltergeist phenomena are reported in the Columbus Dispatch , a newspaper in Ohio. The story received widespread coverage, but it was later shown to be the result of tricks by a year-old girl, Tina Resch. DePaulo and colleagues establish that while young children frequently attempt to lie to adults, they are seldom successful; however, by the time they are fifth graders, children can often construct lies that fool adults, including their parents. Dutch primatologist Frans de Waal reports that chimpanzees engage in many apparently deceptive behaviors, such as pretending to ignore the presence of hidden food when another chimp is present.

However, de Waal also acknowledges that it is impossible to establish intentionality in such cases. Delanoy and colleagues report on the results of a teenager who claimed to have psychic abilities and took part in over 20 testing sessions at the University of Edinburgh. The teenager was able [Page xxxiv] to bend metal objects under informal conditions, but never when strict controls were in place.

In the final testing sessions, a hidden camera captured evidence that the teenager was performing tricks to produce his results. Delanoy and colleagues note that they were easily fooled by the teenager, and found him convincing until the hidden camera revealed how he was achieving his results. John Jacob Cannel investigates score inflation in standardized educational tests. The Innocence Project is founded at Yeshiva University with the purpose of using DNA evidence to exonerate individuals who have been wrongfully convicted.

As of , over people have been released as a result of the Innocence Project's work and, because the trials of many of the wrongfully convicted included eyewitness testimony, the Project also played a key role in questioning eyewitness accuracy, reinforcing similar evidence found in scientific research. Isabella , Gary Ramona successfully establishes that his daughter's psychotherapists implanted false memories in his daughter's mind, leading to her accusations of his sexual abuse of her as a child. Williams publishes a study supporting the contention that memories of sexual abuse are sometimes repressed.

For the study, she interviewed women who were known to have been sexually abused—based on hospital records of their treatment for the abuse—and found that 38 percent of them failed to mention the abuse, even when specifically questioned about it. Nicholas Leeson, a British broker for Barings Bank in the United Kingdom, is convicted in Singapore of forgery and other acts of fraud. He later reveals that the article was a hoax, submitted to demonstrate the lack of intellectual rigor in the journal and in the field of cultural studies more generally. British physician Andrew Wakefield publishes case studies claiming to support a link between autism and the childhood measles, mumps, and rubella vaccine.

This report is later determined to be based on faked data, and in , Wake-field's name is struck off the Medical Register and he is barred from practicing medicine in the United Kingdom. Many of his supporters still believe that vaccines can cause autism, and refuse to have their children injected with the vaccine. The journalist Stephen Glass is discovered to have falsified all or part of at least 27 stories he wrote for the New Republic magazine from to In , both were convicted of fraud and forgery in Canada; they remain under fugitive arrest warrants in the United States.

The National Geographic Society announces that a fossil discovered in China establishes the validity of the hypothesized link between dinosaurs and modern birds; it has the body of a bird and the tail of a dinosaur. However, this discovery is quickly recognized as a fraud, made up of two separate fossils. In March , National Geographic published an admission of the error. In the United States, the Department of Energy resumes the use of mandatory polygraph tests for people working in nuclear weapons labs.

Eastgate Elementary School in Columbus, Ohio, is praised by President Clinton for the improved standardized test scores of its students. However, several students from the school later come forward and say that they were given correct answers on the test by a teacher's aide. Professors Barbara Tversky and Elizabeth J. Marsh publish research indicating that memories are altered by retelling events and changing the context in which they are retold because retelling involves selectively retrieving and using information.

Jonathan Lebed, a New Jersey high school student, becomes the youngest person to face charges of stock fraud. The case was settled in , when Lebed agreed to forfeit a share of his profits. On December 2, American energy company Enron files for bankruptcy amid widespread indications of fraud. Martha Stewart, an American publisher and media personality, is accused of engaging in insider trading by ordering her broker to sell shares of ImClone Systems immediately before news became public that the U. Food and Drug Administration would not approve a new drug created by ImClone. Stewart is later convicted of obstruction of justice, and is sentenced to six months in jail.

Accounting firm Arthur Anderson is found guilty of obstruction of justice over its part in destroying documents related to the Enron scandal. Although this decision was overturned by the U. Supreme Court in , the company did not resume operations because its reputation was destroyed. Economists Stephen Levitt and Brian Jacob examine standardized test results from the Chicago Public Schools from to and charge that cheating occurs in 4 to 5 percent of classrooms each year. Their results, which are based on the examining patterns of answers on test sheets, are supported when students in classes suspected of cheating retake the test under close supervision and score substantially lower.

Bernie Ebbers, cofounder and chief executive officer of WorldCom, is convicted of fraud. WorldCom's bankruptcy in was the largest in history until Lehman Brothers went bankrupt in The Brennan Center for Justice, part of the New York University School of Law, reports that voter fraud is extremely rare; for instance, it occurred about 0. John Paul Lewis, Jr. In , he was sentenced to years in federal prison.

Securities and Exchange Commission SEC announces that it has halted a Ponzi scheme targeting the Haitian American community through a series of investment clubs. Lou Pearlman, well known for his work creating and promoting boy bands such as 'N Sync and the Backstreet Boys, is convicted of conspiracy, money laundering, and other charges as part of a Ponzi scheme he operated for over 20 years. Schrenker, an investment adviser facing charges of defrauding investors, attempts to fake his own death in January through a plane crash.

He also faces charges in Canada for impersonating a lawyer in connection with the sale of financial instruments to the Ontario Teachers' Pension Plan. A True Financial Thriller , detailing how he uncovered Bernard Madoff's financial deceptions years before the scandal became public, and his difficulties in having the SEC take note of his investigations. Inside Job , a documentary directed by Charles Ferguson, examines the causes behind the global financial crisis of ; it wins the Oscar for Best Documentary.

In the United States, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services begins screening Medicare fee-for-service claims through its Fraud Prevention System, a process similar to the screening technology used by credit card companies. In Los Angeles, the director of Crescendo charter schools is found to have ordered the principals in its six schools to literally teach to the test to raise student scores on the state standardized tests. The principals were ordered to open the seal on the state exams and teach students using the actual test questions.

Raj Rajaratnam is convicted on fraud charges in connection with his activities with Galleon Group, one of the world's largest hedge funds. Dutch social psychologist Diederik Stapel is suspended from his post at Bilburg University on the basis of alleged scientific misconduct, including fabricating data. The scientific journal Nature issues a report stating that published retractions of scientific papers has increased 10 times over the past [Page xxxvii] decade, while the number of published papers has increased only 44 percent in the same period.

The most common reason cited for retraction is misconduct, including falsified data and plagiarism. Production of the Broadway musical Rebecca , based on the Alfred Hitchcock film, is delayed when about one-third of the show's financing evaporates, reportedly due to the death of an investor who was later determined to be fictional. Several individuals are under criminal investigation in the matter, and a civil lawsuit is filed against Mark Hotton, who acted as a middleman between the show's producer and the alleged investor.

About one-third of the mortgage loans in question went into default. About 70 students at New York City's prestigious Stuyvesant High School are placed under investigation in a cheating scandal. The students are accused of electronically sending or receiving answers including by smartphone to Advanced Placement exams given at the school in June.

Gupta, a former director of Goldman Sachs, is convicted of passing insider information to Raj Rajaratnam, the former head of the hedge fund Galleon Group. As of October, 19 U. Brown pleads guilty in November to charges of criminal fraud. Brown, the former president of DocX, one of the largest foreclosure-processing companies in the United States, admits to participating in the falsification of over 1 million mortgage documents, many of which were used in foreclosure proceedings.

A cheating scandal at Harvard implicates about half the students in a person undergraduate class, including a number of prominent athletes. The basis for the allegations are identical or nearly identical responses submitted as part of the class's take-home final. Falko Bindrich, a German chess grandmaster, is accused of cheating during a November match by using his smartphone to access a chess program during breaks.

He refuses to let officials inspect his phone, and forfeits the match. Cycling champion Lance Armstrong admits that he engaged in an organized and long-term program of blood-doping and the use of performance-enhancing drugs, despite previously having denied the use of artificial enhancements while he was competing. Europol, the law enforcement agency of the European Union, announces that an month investigation yielded evidence suggesting match-fixing in soccer games played in 15 countries, including World Cup qualifiers and Champions League games.

This study addresses the frequency and the distribution of reported lying in the adult population. A national survey asked 1, U. The pattern is replicated in a reanalysis of previously published research and with a student sample. Substantial individual differences in lying behavior have implications for the generality of truth-lie base rates in deception detection experiments. Explanations concerning the nature of lying and methods for detecting lies need to account for this variation.

Humans are ambivalent about deception. On one hand, virtually all human cultures have some prohibition against lying. On the other hand, the ability to deceive well may be essential for polite interaction and, at times, self-preservation. Considerable research exists on the topic of deception, yet surprisingly little is known about the base prevalence of deception. Instead, much of this research has relied on untested assumptions and anecdotal evidence or on a few studies with small and nonrepresentative samples.

The dearth of deception prevalence research is a symptom of a broader systemic concern regarding research in the social sciences. In line with Rozin's critique, more than 30 years of experimental detection research has proceeded without much attention to the basic nature of the phenomena itself. We believe that inquiry into deception and related behaviors associated with deception detection requires basic descriptive research examining the extent and distribution of deceptive communication in the population.

In the extensive literature on deception, [Page ] the question of prevalence remains without a clear, well-documented answer. Thus, our research investigates reports of how often people lie. In order to study the prevalence of lying, it is necessary to consider what constitutes a lie. Simply and broadly put, lying occurs when a communicator seeks knowingly and intentionally to mislead others. Thus, it is not sufficient that something is false for it to be a lie; it is the intent that distinguishes the lie. As Bok observes: Bok argues for the principle of veracity that involves a moral asymmetry between honesty and lies.

Lying requires justification, whereas truth telling does not. Given prohibitions against deceit, people may try to avoid situations in which there is pressure to lie. But this tells us about the situations in which people lie and not how often people lie. Despite this moral asymmetry, most deception research has presumed the ubiquity of lying and moved past the question of frequency to focus on the behavioral correlates of lying or lie detection.

The frequency question remains mostly unanswered. A notable exception, and the best and most cited prevalence research, however, is the diary study of lying in everyday life by DePaulo, Kashy, Kirkendol, Wyer, and Epstein Using two small samples, students and recruited members of the local community, DePaulo et al. Importantly, the aim of the second sample was to replicate findings regarding the nature and reasons for lying with a different but not necessarily representative sample of the population.

More recently, two smaller and lesser-known studies have sought to replicate and extend elements of the DePaulo et al. Hancock, Thom-Santelli, and Ritchie examined differences between reports of face-to-face lies and reports of lying through computer-mediated communication. Results from a student sample yielded an average of 1. George and Robb replaced the pencil-and-paper diary with a personal digital assistant PDA. Thus, the current literature provides estimates ranging from 0. Variation in estimates from study to study is expected due to small sample sizes and large standard deviations.

Other broad estimates of prevarication cited by deception researchers have come from nonacademic sources. Some studies report on various facets of prevalence but provide limited insight into the overall extent of lying because they deal with specific situations such as lying by job applicants, students lying to parents, or lying about spousal infidelity.

Jensen, Arnett, Feldman, and Cauffman examined lying to parents by adolescents and young adults, and quantified the extent of lying by topic over the course of a year. Much of the research that seeks to quantify lying behavior is concentrated in the area of relational communication. It is not difficult to understand why many scholars believe lying is a frequent event.

Life experiences and anecdotal evidence encourage acceptance of the proposition. A typical research report discussion statement illustrates this view: General acceptance of the ubiquity assumption has implications for studies on lying and deception detection. If everyone lies and lying is an everyday occurrence for most people, this would suggest that individual differences should not have much influence on the identification of lying behaviors.

If this is the case, it should be possible to understand the nature of lying and deceptive behavior and find ways to [Page ] detect it by studying anyone telling lies. For example, this presumption is recurrent in studies that look for regularities in nonverbal cues, microexpressions, and the leakage of emotions. Individual differences are typically considered of less relevance than situational considerations such as whether the lie is a minor everyday lie or if the lie is a consequential, high-stakes lie.

If, on the other hand, base rates for lying the frequency with which one lies or the ratio of truths to lies vary across groups of individuals or if the ubiquitous average masks variation that is not normally distributed in the population, researchers looking into the nature of the phenomenon need to take into account this variation. Research designs and sample selection procedures ought to control for this variation, or they should examine the nature of the variation itself.

Examination of the literature reveals few attempts to document the extent to which everyday lies occur. The few studies that offer behavioral rates have performed so as an adjunct to the main objectives of the research and the rates obtained are restricted to the specific conditions of the studies. This situation is exemplified by the DePaulo et al. Although lie frequency is among the interests that prompted their research, most of the design and analysis is devoted to the topics of what people lie about, to whom they lie, and what motivates them to lie.

Still, DePaulo et al. The goal of Study 1 is to test this claim by obtaining data from a large cross-section of the adult population. In order to examine the proposition that most people tell one to two lies per day with projectable data, an Internet survey of 1, American adults 18 years of age or older was conducted using the Synovate eNation omnibus panel. Panelists are recruited into a pool of more than 1 million subject households using banner advertisements, mailing lists, and related procedures to promote participation; subjects must formally opt-in to confirm awareness that they are participating in research and consent to participation.

Responses exceeding the 1, daily quota are deleted using systematic random start, nth selection sampling. The panel is matched on age, gender, income, and region to the U. Results are poststratification weighted Kish, to these CPS criteria. In addition, Synovate uses weighting in order to adjust partially for underrepresentation of Hispanics and ethnic minorities in the sample.

Similar authors to follow

Subjects were included in a prize drawing as the incentive to participate. Table 1 provides the unweighted and weighted sample demographics and compares them to recent U. Census data and to eNation weighting targets, which are based on U. Census Data and eNation Demographic Targets. This study used a nonexperimental survey design in order to obtain descriptive measures for the incidence of lying in the population. Results from this survey are compared with the popular standard established by the DePaulo et al.

Subjects received an invitation e-mail asking them to participate in an omnibus survey on the date of the study. The invitation was directed to a specific member of the household identified by age and gender. The invitation instructed that individual to click on a link to the survey website.

When subjects accessed the site, they were provided with instructions, asked questions confirming participant identification, asked the omnibus survey questions for several unrelated topics, and asked a series of demographic questions. On the day of the lying study, subjects were asked about four topics in order of presentation: The DePaulo et al.

Training of survey respondents was not possible, so to encourage accurate reporting, the self-report lying question was preceded by a definition of lying that incorporated the elements of foreknowledge and intent described at the beginning of this article. A brief description of types of lies was also included. Both were presented in a nonpejorative manner:.

We are interested in truth and lies in people's everyday communication. Most people think a lie occurs any time you intentionally try to mislead someone. Some lies are big while others are small; some are completely false statements and others are truths with a few essential details made up or left out. Some lies are obvious, and some are very subtle. Some lies are told for a good reason. Some lies are selfish; other lies protect others. We are interested in all these different types of lies. To help us understand lying, we are asking many people to tell us how often they lie.

Response categories were used as [Page ] a mnemonic device and to proved additional detail for the analysis. The results of the 10 receiver-mode combinations were aggregated. Specifically, the question was worded:. Think about where you were and what you were doing during the past 24 hours, from this time yesterday until right now.

Listed below are the kinds of people you might have lied to and how you might have talked to them, either face-to-face or some other way such as in writing or by phone or over the Internet. In each of the boxes below, please write in the number of times you have lied in this type of situation. The subjects were presented with a response grid showing the five types of people and two modes of communication. Subjects were instructed to enter a number in each box. The Internet questionnaire required a response in each of the 10 boxes before allowing the subject to continue to the next Web page.

Figure 1 presents a screen shot of the lying description used in the Web survey; Figure 2 is a screen shot of the survey question. As Figure 3 illustrates the majority of people report telling no lies during the past 24 hours and most of the reported lies are told by few people. Results indicate that one-half of all reported lies are told by just 5. Figure 4 indicates that, among those who reported lying, the proportion of people who report a particular number of lies per day decreases as a function of the number of lies.

Moreover, observation of this curve suggests that the decrease is a standard power function. The function's sizeable intercept indicates that the majority of respondents who report lying do so in moderation, and the steep negative slope indicates the substantial decrease in frequency as the number of daily lies increases. Figure 4 also indicates that this pattern holds regardless of mode of communication. Although the slopes for both face-to-face lies and mediated lies are even steeper than that of the aggregated data, both retain the power law character of the total data set.

Regardless of mode, most people report telling no lies and as the curve-fitting for number of lies reinforces, among those who report lying, most tell very few lies; but in each case, there are a few subjects who account for a large proportion of the lies being told. Similarly, Figure 5 among those telling face-to-face lies and Figure 6 among those telling mediated lies indicate that lying behavior replicates the fractal character of power functions observed in other disciplines such as biological systems Brown et al. Although each group of lies told to family members or friends or other types of message receivers represents only a small portion of the total lies, within each of the 10 mode-receiver combinations, the power function pattern is repeated.

Most of the variation is among the intercepts and reflects that more lies are typically told to family members or friends than to acquaintances or total strangers. These data do not include the number of interactions by type; therefore, it is possible that this variation is as much due to the number of opportunities for lying as it [Page ] is that people are more likely to lie to others with whom they are familiar.

Establishing the proportion of interactions involving lies may be more difficult than establishing the rate of lying for a prescribed time period. All of the diary studies to which these results are compared are flawed with regard to the interaction ratio. In order to capture as many lies as possible, DePaulo et al. Subjects were told to record all lies that occurred during these interactions and, importantly, record lies occurring during shorter interactions as well. As a result, the ratio of total lies, regardless of interaction duration, to minute interactions distorts the true relationship.

If the number of minute interactions varies across respondents or modes of communication, these comparisons may be more misleading than comparisons of the number of lies in each category during the fixed hour time frame. Subsequent diary studies incorporate the lie per interaction distortion created by the DePaulo et al. In order to consider more fully the possibility of individual differences in the propensity to lie, a multiple regression analysis was performed.

Initially, a natural logarithm transformation was applied to the continuous lying measure as a means of reducing its nonnormality. Although not eliminating the nonnormality completely, this transformation had the effect of decreasing skewness by a factor of approximately 4 and kurtosis by a factor of approximately To assess the impact of the demographic measures on lying, the natural logarithm transformed lying measure was regressed onto all demographic measures. Second, race Caucasian vs. No sex differences were observed when controlling for other demographic predictors.

The results of this national study are consistent with the DePaulo et al. However, the important findings are that many people do not lie on a given day, the majority of lies are told by a few prolific liars, and because the distribution is highly skewed, the mean number of lies per day is misleading. This pattern is consistent across modes of [Page ] communication and varies little on the basis of who is being lied to.

Examination of individual differences suggests some variation but in most cases the differences are small. The representativeness of online panel data is debatable. Use of poststratification such as employed by Synovate and propensity likelihood of response weighting schemes are the usual solutions to matching panel samples to the population. In general, the use of a large number of small and internally homogeneous strata will enhance the proportional fit of the sample to the population.

These representativeness issues are of particular concern when the measured values are correlated with the underlying reasons for the selection bias. However, when measuring socially undesirable behavior, assessment of representativeness is confounded.

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Loosveldt and Sonck obtained measures for validation of questions influenced by social desirability using face-to-face interviews; this introduces potential mode effects. Even with the selection problem, the social distance advantage of the Internet may actually produce better data. Birnbaum provides an argument for representativeness when the results are homogeneous across strata. Because selection bias tends to vary across the levels of a stratified sample, small individual differences for a measure across the stratification variables is evidence that the aggregate finding transcends the sampling issues and is indicative that the sample result is representative of the phenomenon in the population as a whole.

In Study 1, confidence in representativeness is enhanced by the homogeneity of the results across strata, and convergent validity is subsequently established by consistency with the results in Studies 2 and 3, and by the advantage of the Internet for creating social distance in the measurement of a sensitive topic. Although the findings were generally homogenous across the sample of adult Americans, some small demographic differences were apparent. Further, the difference between reports of lying by men and women approached statistical significance. These findings may have theoretical, social, and cultural implications.

Perhaps the most interesting individual difference is the negative association between lying and age. Lying is acquired by children in early childhood and the ability to lie is correlated with the acquisition of perspective-taking, theory of mind, and communication skills Vasek, ; see Knapp, , pp.

As the child reaches adolescence, lying skill is perfected, but lying declines in acceptance in early adulthood Jensen et al. The difference between rates of lies reported by the DePaulo et al. With regard to the finding that Caucasians report fewer lies than those of other ethnic or racial groups, it would be irresponsible to simply conclude that White people are more honest in general than those of other races.

Research on race and [Page ] deception is limited, and more research is required to make sense of this finding. The current study also found a marginally significant trend toward men reporting more lies than women. Some studies suggest men lie more than woman while others suggest the opposite e. The results of Study 1 replicate, with a large and nationally representative sample, the often repeated conclusion that people lie, on average, once or twice per day. The results also document that the distribution of lies per day is substantially skewed. Most reported lies were told by a few prolific liars.

These findings have important implications. Most importantly, the nature of the distribution makes conclusions drawn from sample means misleading. Although the mean lies per day reported in the literature appear reflective of aggregate reality, the mean as a central tendency does not reflect the lying behavior of the typical person. Instead, most people reported telling no lies at all on a given day, with the median and mode both being zero. We are not the first to note this shape for the lie frequency distribution.

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A similar pattern, with many telling a few lies and a few telling most of the lies, was reported by Feldman, Forrest, and Happ in a laboratory study on self-presentation. But in their analysis of the data, the skew was treated as a methodological limitation rather than as a finding. The clarity of the results observed in the national study raises a question of whether or not this pattern existed in previous studies reporting lying frequency. The raw data were obtained from the student phase of the DePaulo et al.

A distribution of lie frequency was partially reconstructed from the results reported by Feldman et al. The shape of each of the four distributions excluding those reporting no lies is examined, and the resulting distributions are compared with the overall results from the national survey. Data from the DePaulo et al. Of the 77 students sampled by DePaulo et al.

Even so, the [Page ] data exhibit the overall distributional properties of a few lies told by most of the subjects and most of the lies told by a few liars. Of the total students in this study, Conversely, the seven most frequent liars 9. Although raw data for the community sample are not available, DePaulo et al. Two studies were conducted following the diary methodology used by DePaulo et al.

The objective of the two studies was to examine variations in deceptive behavior by media use. A key difference between these studies and the prior diary studies was the use of PDAs instead of paper and pencil to record interactions and lies. In the first study, George and Robb used the minute minimum time established in the prior diary studies to define an interaction; in the second study, the minimum interaction time was reduced to 5 minutes. In both studies, subjects were instructed to record lies even when the interaction was shorter than the prescribed time.

Results of this research are notably different from the prior diary studies. In each study, the mean number of lies was small. Even with this poor fit, the distributional properties of the study demonstrated a positive skew similar to the national survey and the DePaulo et al. In George and Robb's second study, the length of interaction was shortened in order to encourage more reporting. The total number of lies reported was and the most lies told by one individual was 14 the equivalent of two lies per day.

Similar to the first study, and despite the overall low number of lies told, those reporting lies told a minimum of two lies; consequently, a power function could not be fit to the data. Nonetheless, the positive skew is again apparent in the pattern of responses. Just three subjects This study examined lying as a component of self-presentation; a sample of students was divided into two induction groups and an experimental control. Across all subjects, a total of lies were analyzed with a mean of 1. The maximum number of lies was The remaining 31 subjects When prior research reporting the frequency of lies is reexamined, results show the small diary samples, the experimental self-presentation study, and our large, national self-report survey have similarly skewed distributions.

In all cases, the infrequent liars are a large part of the sample and account for a disproportionately small share of the lies reported. Conversely, each study includes a small number of individuals who account for a disproportionately large share of the lies. Several issues are of concern despite the consistency of the findings across studies and the face validity obtained by reanalysis of prior studies reporting lie frequency. Primarily, these concerns have to do with the accuracy of the study findings using the survey approach to obtaining self-report data.

Further, the apparent discrepancy between the numbers of nonliars when the time frame is 1 day versus the number when the time frame is 1 week needs to be resolved. For these reasons, the national survey was replicated using student samples and additional measures. An obvious concern with self-report, mass survey research is accuracy of reporting. Bias in the national study data, if it exists, would likely manifest itself as underreporting. Given the pervasive cultural prohibitions against lying, self-presentation motives favor under- rather than overreporting.

The diary method used by DePaulo et al. Because the mean number of lies per day in the national survey data was greater than the mean observed in the diary research, concern that the national study may be underreporting due to the use of the self-report questionnaire method is not consistent with results of most comparisons of survey research to an alternative diary method. Thus, the [Page ] observed frequency of lying reported is not likely attributable solely to the survey methodology used to collect the national study data. Nonetheless, a survey of lying behavior invites the question: Tourangeau and Yan identify four techniques for asking sensitive questions that might contribute to improved prevalence measurement: Use of self-administered rather than interviewer-administered questions, forgiving wording, randomized response techniques RRT , and use of the bogus pipeline BPL approach.

The national survey of lying was conducted as a self-administered study and used a forgiving wording preamble. The meta-analysis by Tourangeau and Yan provides clear evidence that self-administration yields more behavioral reporting for sensitive topics than does interviewer-administration.

There is limited evidence that forgiving wording may also be helpful. Alternatively, Fisher and Katz suggest the validity of reports of a socially undesirable behavior such as lying can be assessed indirectly, for example, by comparing the self-report of that behavior to subjects' estimates of the extent of that behavior in others. Subjects in Study 3 were asked to report the total number of times others had lied to them in the past 24 hours.

A second key issue raised by the results of the national study is the minimum observable difference of one lie per day. Those who lie but do so less than once a day maybe recorded as having told no lies. Because the frequency of lies is typically reported as the rate of lying in a fixed interval of time i. In order to observe those who lie once a week or once a month or even less frequently, it is necessary to use a wider time aperture. In the student sample of the DePaulo et al. Students were recruited from communication, advertising, and marketing classes at two large universities in the Midwestern United States.

Of the subjects, two failed to provide complete information regarding the number of lies told and two provided answers that were determined to be statistical outliers using a discordancy test. These subjects were excluded from the analysis. Of the remaining respondents, were female The primary purpose of this study was to cross-validate the results of the national study using a separate sample.

A nonexperimental survey design similar to that of the national study was used in order to obtain comparable descriptive measures for the incidence of lying in the student sample. Results from this survey are compared with those of Study 1 and the reanalysis of prior studies in Study 2. The study was administered in five separate classroom settings using a paper questionnaire.

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Blank cells were coded as zero lies. In addition, those subjects who reported telling no lies in the past 24 hours were asked a follow-up closed-ended question regarding when they last told a lie. One group of subjects was asked about the difficulty of the lie reporting task. The pattern of lie frequency for the total student sample is consistent with the distribution of lies for the national survey using the same frequency measure.

The pattern of many telling few lies versus a few telling many lies is reproduced in the student sample frequencies. Of the total subjects in the student sample, On the basis of the relationship [Page ] of the means in the DePaulo et al. Those subjects who reported telling no lies in the past 24 hours Combining those who indicated their most recent lie was within the past week though not in the past 24 hours with those who reported at least one lie in the past 24 hours, a total of This result is reasonably consistent with the DePaulo et al.

Since there is a legitimate concern about SDB in the self-report of lying, a check on the subjects' reported rate of lying lies per day was obtained by asking subjects in the student sample how many times they believe they were lied to by others in the past 24 hours. Subjects reported that others told an average of 2.



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It is important to note that individual subject's reports of others' lies did not mimic their self-report of lying. Participants were also asked what proportion of the U. The mean estimate is The proportion of students who are a subsegment of the adult population telling at least one lie in the past 24 hours is Although not directly comparable due to the different ways in which the proportions were derived, in both instances one percentage falls within the confidence interval of the other, suggesting that the two proportions would not be significantly different.

The results of Study 3 fit a power function similar to that of the national survey and further indicated that, based on self-reports of lying behavior, most people tell few or no lies in a given day but a few prolific liars tell a disproportionately large share of the daily lies.

Survey results, diary studies, and the distribution of lies in an experimental setting share this pattern, and the consistency of results provides strong evidence that the frequency of lying has a strong positively skew. The similarity of subjects' estimates of others' lies and the distribution of number of lies told provides convergent validity for the self-report measure of lying. The mean reported by this student sample is 2. The mean for the student survey is significantly higher than the mean of the national survey of American adults.

This is similar to the relationship observed by DePaulo et al. Consistent with the Study 1 finding that younger people tend to lie more than older people, the predominantly young student sample has a higher frequency of lying. Two measures were obtained to assess the validity of the reported lying frequency. One measure estimated the proportion of the population that lies on a given day; the result of Either the subjects truly believe that other people lie more than they do or the subjects are slightly but systematically underestimating their own lying behavior.

Regardless, the difference is one of degree and not magnitude, and the relevant finding is the consistent skew of the distribution and not the average number of lies told. In fact, the mean of a long-tail power distribution is in part a function of sample size. As the sample size increases, the probability of rare but legitimate extreme values that are not statistical outliers being reported also increases.

Study 3 consisted of five subsamples separate classroom administrations of the survey and the maximum number of lies told was closely associated with sample size. A question related to accuracy may be raised with regard to the difficulty of the task since it might be expected that a more difficult task would produce increased variance. We note that researchers familiar with the topic of deception tend to struggle more with the question asked in the self-administered survey than do naive subjects. Those familiar with the deception literature wrestle with the explication of lying and, perhaps because of this cognitive effort, their own ability to recall precisely over a hour period.

Naive subjects seem to have no such problem. As a check, 25 students in one Study 3 subsample completed the recall of lies task and were subsequently asked to rate the difficulty of answering the question. Most subjects seemed to feel that they were able to complete the task with little difficulty.

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During a verbal debriefing of this subject group, subjects reiterated that most had made an earnest effort to estimate the number of times they had lied and most felt the task was not difficult. Finally, Study 3 appears to have resolved the discrepancy in the proportion of nonliars reported in the daily survey and weekly diary results.

However, many of those subjects lie at a rate that translates to less than one lie per day. When Study 3 subjects who did not report lying in the 24 hours preceding the survey were asked when they last told a lie, results indicate that most did lie in the previous week. Therefore, the apparent discrepancy is due to the precision of the question being asked. The daily questions do not allow for fractional responses, whereas the conversion of weekly data to daily data inherently creates fractional reporting. When the precision issue is accounted for by additional measurement, the discrepancy disappears.

The results of Study 1 reproduce with a large, national sample the conclusion that people lie, on average arithmetic mean , once or twice per day. More importantly, the results document that the distribution of self-reported lies per day is substantially skewed. Most people report telling few or no lies on a given day and most reported lies are told by a few prolific liars. The reanalyses in Study 2 and the replication of the survey methodology in Study 3 provide strong evidence in support of this finding.

All the data reported here are consistent with the claim that most lies are told by a few prolific liars. The highly skewed, long-tail distribution that results from reports of lying may be emblematic of a larger class of behaviors. The latter describes a pattern consisting of a few very large nodes that are connected with extremely high frequency e. But it is the human tendency to search, use, and link to these few extreme large sites while ignoring so many others that creates this apparent scale-free pattern in the first place.

It may be less the case that lying is some unique form of communicative behavior that divides people into those who do it with vigor and those who do not than an indicator that we need to reexamine a broad range of social and symbolic behaviors, look for scale-free distributions, and consider broadly the implications for all forms of communication research. Our finding with regard to the distribution of reported lies has specific implications for the conclusions drawn from deception detection accuracy experiments.

The finding that most people are honest most of the time suggests that experiments employing nonrepresentative base rates i. Findings from this general population study indicate that truth bias may be functional.