John F. Kennedy, the light and shade

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From smart TVs to streaming sticks, here's everything you should add to your cart during the shopping holiday. The holiday season is in full swing, which means weekends are filling up with parties. JFK was never meant to be the president. His father, Joseph P. Kennedy, a millionaire businessman, Democratic political heavyweight and - it seems - former bootlegger, expected all his sons to serve in some capacity, but in his mind he had anointed Joe jnr for the White House. After Joe jnr, a bomber pilot, was killed in action in August , the responsibility fell to Jack, a Harvard graduate who had considered a career in journalism.

Kennedy's widow, Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis, and brother, Teddy, in the s. By then Jack had already become a war hero in unlikely circumstances. Originally the Navy had rejected him for service, citing a variety of illnesses and his chronically bad back, but Joe snr pulled strings. Eventually Jack was not only accepted but secured service as Patrol Torpedo Boat commander in the Solomon Islands, ensuring him the combat experience that would be crucial to any future political career.

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Two crewmen died outright and JFK towed an injured man six kilometres to a deserted island before swimming again into the darkness to seek rescue for his surviving crew. Today historians agree that his actions after the crash were heroic, just as some argue that his poor seamanship led to the disaster in the first place. The story burst across front pages and then found its way into the Readers Digest and The New Yorker. With his father's help, Kennedy used it as a springboard into Congress. In the election, Kennedy beat Richard Nixon for the White House by just two tenths of 1 per cent of the popular vote.

In order to win office he ran a populist campaign of such ruthlessness that it shocked Nixon, who had had a friendly relationship with him in Congress, says the historian Professor Thomas Whalen of Boston University. Politically, Kennedy's Cold War hawkishness was useful, but along with the Bay of Pigs fiasco that Kennedy inherited but failed to halt, it may also have contributed to Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev's decision to place nuclear missiles in Cuba just kilometres from the US coast leading to the crisis of October As Kennedy and Khrushchev faced off, advisers to both leaders lobbied for war.

What Kennedy and his military advisers did not know at the time was that the Soviets had not only moved missiles to Cuba, but also tactical nuclear weapons. It seems certain invasion would have rapidly escalated into all-out war. Kennedy stood fast against senior civilian and military advisers, eventually cutting a deal with Khrushchev. To the rest of the world it looked like a total US victory, perhaps contributing to Khrushchev's downfall, and certainly strengthening Kennedy domestically.

Having peered into the abyss together, the two leaders forged a brief detente that led to the treaty banning above-ground nuclear testing.

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Despite the crisis, the Kennedy doctrine of containing communism remained in place, leading to Kennedy's escalation in Vietnam. There is today an endless debate over Kennedy's plans in Vietnam, with many believing he was on the verge of pulling out at the time of his death. The massive escalation that took place under his successor, Lyndon Johnson, was typical of LBJ, for whom everything had to be "Texas big", Sabato says.

Whalen believes this is beside the point. The significance of this, Whalen says, cannot be exaggerated. Domestically Kennedy's record is equally mixed. His champions remember him as the father of the Civil Rights Act, a suggestion ridiculed by critics. As a senator he had opposed the civil rights movement and early in his presidency he and his brother, the attorney-general Robert Kennedy, had avoided the issue altogether, fearing it would cost them the party's southern base.

Sabato suggests Kennedy moved on the issue once emboldened by the Cuban crisis. Leamer thinks the ongoing violence in the south demanded a response. Either way, on June 11, , Kennedy acted forcefully, giving what Whalen calls the speech of his life, a television address from the Oval Office.

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They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice … this Nation … will not be fully free until all its citizens are free … Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. It was the first time since Lincoln's assassination that a president had put the authority of his office behind the civil rights of its black citizens. The Civil Rights Act would later be passed by LBJ, who brilliantly used Kennedy's martyrdom to shepherd it through a hostile Congress, just as he launched his own war on poverty in Kennedy's name.

It seems only when it comes to JFK's relentless infidelity are his critics and champions in accord. One of Kennedy's most enthusiastic critics was Christopher Hitchens, who in a piece for the Atlantic described his White House as "a picture of narcotic and sexual debauchery … that still has the power to make one whistle". While rumours of Kennedy's affairs circled during his career, after his death the evidence came in.

It soon became clear he had risked his presidency in dalliances with secretaries, with actresses, with gangsters' molls and perhaps with a spy. Even so, the biography of Mimi Alford, who had an affair with Kennedy as a year-old intern, still had the power to shock as recently as Alford's book revealed that Kennedy spent a deal of time with her during the Cuban missile crisis, and that he directed her to perform oral sex on his friend and aide in his presence. Even Sabato is briefly lost for words when asked what drove Kennedy's sexual appetite.