Lettera ai giovani (Italian Edition)

Per lui, autore di vari libri - l'ultimo, Blowback Contraccolpo , uscito l'anno scorso, ha del profetico -, si tratterebbe appunto di un ennesimo "contraccolpo" al fatto che, nonostante la fine della Guerra Fredda e lo sfasciarsi dell'Unione Sovietica, gli Stati Uniti hanno mantenuto intatta la loro rete imperiale di circa installazioni militari nel mondo. Con un'analisi che al tempo della Guerra Fredda sarebbe parsa il prodotto della disinformazione del KGB, Chalmers Johnson fa l'elenco di tutti gli imbrogli, complotti, colpi di Stato, delle persecuzioni, degli assassini e degli interventi a favore di regimi dittatoriali e corrotti nei quali gli Stati Uniti sono stati apertamente o clandestinamente coinvolti in America Latina, in Africa, in Asia e nel Medio Oriente dalla fine della seconda guerra mondiale a oggi.

Il "contraccolpo" dell'attacco alle Torri Gemelle e al Pentagono avrebbe a che fare con tutta una serie di fatti di questo tipo: Secondo Johnson sarebbe stata questa politica americana "a convincere tanta brava gente in tutto il mondo islamico che gli Stati Uniti sono un implacabile nemico". Il tutto senza dover passare dall'Iran. Il tuo attacco, Oriana - anche a colpi di sputo -, alle "cicale" e agli intellettuali "del dubbio" va in quello stesso senso. Io non pretendo affatto d'aver risposte chiare e precise ai problemi del mondo per questo non faccio il politico , ma penso sia utile che mi si lasci dubitare delle risposte altrui e mi si lasci porre delle oneste domande.

In questi tempi di guerra non deve essere un crimine parlare di pace. Ma non c'era anche lui nelle marce contro la guerra americana in Vietnam? Non li invidio, i politici. Siamo fortunati noi, Oriana. Abbiamo poco da decidere e, non trovandoci in mezzo ai flutti del fiume, abbiamo il privilegio di poter stare sulla riva a guardare la corrente. Le tue argomentazioni verranno ora usate nelle scuole contro quelle buoniste, da libro Cuore, ma tu credi che gli italiani di domani, educati a questo semplicismo intollerante, saranno migliori?

Che a lezione di letteratura leggessero anche Rumi o il da te disprezzato Omar Khayyam?

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Lo sai che al ministero degli Esteri di questo nostro paese affacciato sul Mediterraneo e sul mondo musulmano ci sono solo due funzionari che parlano arabo? Mi frulla in testa una frase di Toynbee: Dove sono oggi i santi e i profeti? Davvero, ce ne vorrebbe almeno uno! Ci rivorrebbe un san Francesco. Anche i suoi erano tempi di crociate, ma il suo interesse era per "gli altri", per quelli contro i quali combattevano i crociati.

Fece di tutto per andarli a trovare. Venne catturato, incatenato e portato al cospetto del sultano. Ti ricordi, Oriana, padre Balducci che predicava a Firenze quando noi eravamo ragazzi? Riferendosi all'orrore dell'olocausto atomico pose una bella domanda: Ma non possiamo rinunciare alla speranza. La sua conclusione fu che c'era da sperare: Ed anche in questo possono esserci delle giuste eccezioni. Viaggia su una barca assieme ad altre persone. Il brigante affoga e gli altri sono salvi. Ma per punire con giustizia occorre il rispetto di certe regole che sono il frutto dell'incivilimento, occorre il convincimento della ragione, occorrono delle prove.

Le prove contro ognuno di loro erano schiaccianti. Ma quelle contro Osama bin Laden? Aspettiamo che ce lo estradiate", scrive in questi giorni dall'India agli americani, ovviamente a mo' di provocazione, Arundhati Roy, la scrittrice di II Dio delle piccole cose: Come te, sempre pronta a cominciare una rissa, la Roy ha usato della discussione mondiale su Osama bin Laden per chiedere che venga portato dinanzi a un tribunale indiano il presidente americano della Union Carbide, responsabile dell'esplosione che nel , nella fabbrica chimica di Bhopal, in India, fece Un terrorista anche lui?

E la centrale nucleare che fa ammalare di cancro la gente che ci vive vicino? E la diga che disloca decine di migliaia di famiglie? I governi occidentali oggi sono uniti nell'essere a fianco degli Stati Uniti; pretendono di sapere esattamente chi sono i terroristi e come vanno combattuti. Molto meno convinti sembrano invece i cittadini dei vari paesi. L'interesse nazionale americano ha la meglio su qualsiasi altro principio. Nel giro di due anni da una bella strada del centro, via Tornabuoni, in cui fin da ragazzo mi piaceva andare a spasso, sono scomparsi una libreria storica, un vecchio bar, una tradizionalissima farmacia e un negozio di musica.

Per far posto a che? A tanti negozi di moda. Guarda un filo d'erba al vento e sentiti come lui. Ti saluto, Oriana e ti auguro di tutto cuore di trovare pace. Nell'Himalaya indiana, 17 gennaio Mi piace essere in un corpo che ormai invecchia. Posso guardare le montagne senza il desiderio di scalarle. Quand'ero giovane le avrei volute conquistare. Ora posso lasciarmi conquistare da loro. Le montagne, come il mare, ricordano una misura di grandezza dalla quale l'uomo si sente ispirato, sollevato.

Per questo siamo attratti dalle montagne. Era accompagnato da un discepolo, anche lui un rinunciatario. Io ci vengo, come questa volta, a cercare di mettere un po' d'ordine nella mia testa. Le impressioni degli ultimi mesi sono state tortissime e prima di ripartire, di " scendere in pianura" di nuovo, ho bisogno di silenzio. Le montagne sono sempre generose. Scrivo seduto sul pavimento di legno, un pannello solare alimenta il mio piccolo computer; uso l'acqua di una sorgente a cui si abbeverano gli animali del bosco - a volte anche un leopardo -, faccio cuocere riso e verdure su una bombola a gas, attento a non buttar via il fiammifero usato.

Vogliamo eliminare le armi? Prima risolviamo la questione morale. Quella economica l'affronteremo dopo. Per cui continueranno ad esserci", si dice. Non ci sono dubbi che nel corso degli ultimi millenni abbiamo fatto enormi progressi. Siamo riusciti a volare come uccelli, a nuotare sott'acqua come pesci, andiamo sulla luna e mandiamo sonde fin su Marte.

Ora siamo persino capaci di donare la vita. Idee assurde di qualche fachiro seduto su un letto di chiodi? Queste sono idee che, in una forma o in un'altra, con linguaggi diversi, circolano da qualche tempo nel mondo.

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Si tratta di non continuare incoscientemente nella direzione in cui siamo al momento. Immaginiamoci il nostro momento di ora dalla prospettiva dei nostri pronipoti. Guardiamo all'oggi dal punto di vista del domani per non doverci rammaricare poi d'aver perso una buona occasione. Come sarebbe il giorno senza la notte?

La vita senza la morte? Se Bush riuscisse, come ha promesso, a eliminare il Male dal mondo? Vivekananda, il grande mistico indiano, viaggiava alla fine dell'Ottocento negli Stati Uniti per far conoscere l'induismo. Anche se volessi, non potrei dimenticarmi della loro presenza e di una storia che gli indiani raccontano ai bambini a proposito dei corvi. Thich Nhat Hanh, il monaco vietnamita, lo dice bene a proposito di un tavolo, un tavolino piccolo e basso come quello su cui scrivo. Se un solo elemento di questa catena, magari il bisnonno del falegname, non fosse esistito, questo tavolino non sarebbe qui.

I giapponesi, ancora quando io stavo nel loro paese, pensavano di proteggere il clima delle loro isole non tagliando le foreste giapponesi, ma andando a tagliare quelle dell'Indonesia e dell'Amazzonia. Presto si son resi conto che anche questo ricadeva su di loro: O dagli uomini o dalla natura stessa. Come il sentirci divisi dai nostri simili.

Per riparare quei rapporti, nell'ospedale di Emergency, dove ripara ogni altro squarcio del corpo. Strada ha una corsia in cui dei giovani soldati talebani stanno a due passi dai loro "nemici", soldati dell'Alleanza del Nord. Gli uni sono prigionieri, gli altri no; ma Strada spera che le simili mutilazioni, le simili ferite li riavvicineranno. Il dialogo aiuta enormemente a risolvere i conflitti. L'odio crea solo altro odio. Un cecchino palestinese uccide una donna israeliana in una macchina, gli israeliani reagiscono ammazzando due palestinesi, un palestinese si imbottisce di tritolo e va a farsi saltare in aria assieme a una decina di giovani israeliani in una pizzeria; gli israeliani mandano un elicottero a bombardare un pulmino carico di palestinesi, i palestinesi Tutti assieme possiamo fare migliaia di cose.

Diciamo quello che pensiamo, quello che sentiamo essere vero: Parliamo di pace, introduciamo una cultura di pace nell'educazione dei giovani. Educhiamo i figli ad essere onesti, non furbi. Alla lunga, anche questo fa una grossa differenza. Soprattutto dobbiamo fermarci, prenderci tempo per riflettere, per stare in silenzio. Spesso ci sentiamo angosciati dalla vita che facciamo, come l'uomo che scappa impaurito dalla sua ombra e dal rimbombare dei suoi passi. A volte ognuno per conto suo, a volte tutti assieme. Ma preferiamo quello dell'abbrutimento che ci sta dinanzi?

Sia fuori che dentro. From the daily newspaper "Il Manifesto". I think of you in New York, as you look out of your windows at the panorama of skyscrapers from which the Twin Towers are now missing. I recall going for a long walk with you one afternoon many, many years ago, along the little roads through the olive-trees which give our hills their silvery colour. I was starting out on my career, a novice in the profession where you were already a giant.

I remember you suggested we exchange "letters from two different worlds", me from China, where I had gone to live in the immediate aftermath of the Mao era, you from America. It was my fault it never happened. But I've taken the liberty of writing to you now, in response to the offer you so generously made back then and certainly not to engage you in a correspondence which both of us would rather avoid. I can honestly say, I've never felt as keenly as I do now that though you and I share the same planet, actually we live in two different worlds.

I'm also writing, publicly, for those of your readers who, perhaps like me, were almost as stunned by your outburst as they were by the collapse of the Towers. I'm writing to let them know they're not alone. Thousands of people perished in those Towers, and with them our sense of security. What seemed to die in your words is reason, the noblest part of the human mind, and compassion, the noblest sentiment of the human heart. Your outburst struck me, and it wounded me. It made me think of Karl Kraus.

For Kraus, to be silent meant to pause for breath, to look for the right words, to think before speaking. He used this conscious silence to write The Last Days of Mankind , a work which even today seems disturbingly topical. You have every right to think and write what you do, Oriana. But the problem is, your fame ensures your brilliant lesson in intolerance is now making its way into schools and influencing our children. These are extraordinarily important days. The unspeakable horror has hardly begun, but we still have time stop it and turn it into a chance to rethink things on a large scale.

It's also a time of enormous responsibilities. Impassioned words from loosened tongues merely awaken our basest instincts.

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They rouse the beast of hatred which lies dormant in us all. They provoke the kind of blind emotions which render every crime conceivable, which make us, like our enemies, entertain the possibility of suicide and murder. You, Oriana, have put yourself in the highest place in this crusade against everyone who is not like you and everyone you dislike. Do you really believe you're offering us salvation? There's no salvation in your burning anger, just as there's no salvation in the calculated military campaign called "Enduring Freedom" to make it more acceptable.

Or do you really think that violence is the best way to defeat violence? No war has ever put an end to war, and nor will this one. Something new is happening to us. The world is changing around us. We too must change our way of thinking and the way we relate to the world. Let's not waste it. Let's throw everything open to discussion and imagine a different future for ourselves from the one we thought we'd have before 11 September. Above all, let's not give in to anything as if it were inevitable, least of all to war as an instrument of justice or pure revenge.

All wars are dreadful. The modern tendency to refine the techniques of destruction and death simply makes them more so. If we're prepared to fight this war using every weapon at our disposal including the atomic bomb, as the American Secretary of Defence has been suggesting, then we must expect our enemies, whoever they are, to be even more determined than they were before to do exactly the same, to disregard the rules and ignore every principle.

If we respond to the attack on the Twin Towers with even more terrible violence, first in Afghanistan, then Iraq, then who knows where, this too will be met with violence which is worse still, then we will be forced to retaliate once again, and so on and so forth. Why not just call a halt to it all now?

We've lost all measure of who we are. We've forgotten how fragile and interconnected the world we live in is. We've deceived ourselves into thinking that a dose of violence, if applied "intelligently", can put an end to the dreadful violence of others. We should think again. We should ask those of us who possess nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, chief among whom is the United States, to give their solemn pledge that they will never be first to use them, rather than ominously reminding us of their existence.

Now this really would be ground-breaking. Not only would it give those who make such a pledge an advantage in moral terms, which in itself could prove to be a handy weapon in the future, but it might also be just enough to defuse the unspeakable horror which has been set in motion by this chain reaction of vengeance. In the past few days I've rediscovered a lovely book by an old friend of mine, which came out in Germany a couple of years ago. It's called Die Kunst, nicht regiert zu werden: Ethical Politics from Socrates to Mozart", and it's by Ekkehart Krippendorff, who taught in Bologna for years before returning to the University of Berlin.

Krippendorff's fascinating thesis is that politics in its noblest form arises from the need to transcend revenge. Western culture, according to this view, has its deepest roots in certain myths, such as the story of Cain and Abel or the Erinyes, which have always served to remind man of his need to break out of the vicious cycle of revenge if civilization is to be established.

For instance, Cain murders his brother but God forbids man to avenge Abel's death. Instead, he marks Cain with a sign, which also serves as a form of protection, and condemns him to exile where he founds the first city [Kabul, according to an Afghan legend]. Vengeance thus belongs to God, not man. According to Krippendorff, theatre from Aeschylus to Shakespeare has had a crucial role in shaping Western man.

Putting all the characters in a conflict on stage, with their different points of view, their second thoughts and their possible choices of action, encourages the audience to reflect on the significance of the passions, and on the futility of violence which can never achieve its aim. Sadly, the only protagonists and spectators on the world stage today are us Westerners. Through our television and newspapers we hear only our own reasons and experience, only our own sorrow.

The world of others is never represented. The kamikaze might not interest you, Oriana, but I'm very interested in them. I spent days in Sri Lanka with some young Tamil Tigers who had made vows to suicide. I'm interested in the young Palestinian Hamas who blow themselves up in Israeli pizzerias. Perhaps even you would have felt a moment's compassion if you'd visited the centre where the first kamikaze were trained at Chiran on the island of Kyushu in Japan, and read the tragic, poetic words they wrote in secret before setting out, reluctantly, to die for flag and Emperor.

The kamikaze interest me because I'd like to understand what makes them so willing to commit an act as unnatural as suicide, and perhaps even find out what could stop them from doing so. Those of us who are fortunate enough to have children without having to write posthumous letters to them are deeply concerned today at the thought of seeing them burn in the fire of this new, rampant kind of violence, of which the massacre of the Twin Towers may be no more than one episode.

It is not a question of justifying or condoning but of understanding, because I'm convinced that the problem of terrorism will not be resolved by killing terrorists, but by eliminating the causes that make people become such. Nothing in human history is simple to explain, and there's rarely a direct, precise correlation between one event and another. Even in our own lives, every event is the product of thousands of causes, which work together with that event to produce thousands of other effects, which in turn cause thousands more. The attack on the Twin Towers was one such event, the consequence of countless previous complex events.

It's certainly not the act of "a war of religion" perpetrated by Muslim extremists to conquer our souls, a crusade in reverse as you call it, Oriana. Nor is it "an attack on freedom and western democracy", as the simplistic formula used by politicians would have it. An elderly academic at Berkeley University, a man whom no-one would suspect of anti-Americanism or leftist sympathies, has given a completely different interpretation of the event.

For Johnson, the author of several books, the latest of which, Blowback, was published last year and has an almost prophetic quality, it represents the umpteenth "blowback", deriving from the fact that the United States has managed to maintain its imperial network of some military installations around the world despite the end of the Cold War and the break-up of the Soviet Union.

In an analysis which during the Cold War years would have seemed like a product of KGB disinformation, Johnson lists all the dirty tricks, conspiracies, coups, persecutions, murders and intervention in favour of corrupt dictatorial regimes in which the United States has overtly or covertly been involved in Latin America, Africa and Asia, including the Middle East, from the end of the Second World War to the present day. He claims that the attack on the Twin Towers and the Pentagon is a "blowback" forming part of a whole series of such events, which started with the CIA's operation to overthrow the government of Mossadegh in Iran and install the Shah in power in , and goes right up to the Gulf War, and the permanent stationing of American troops in the Arabian peninsula, especially Saudi Arabia, the home of Islam's holy places.

According to Johnson, this policy "helped convince many capable people throughout the Islamic world that the United States was an implacable enemy". This explains the virulent anti-Americanism which has spread throughout the Muslim world and today so surprises the United States and its allies. However precise or imprecise Chalmers Johnson's analysis may be, it's clear that the main reason for all our and America's problems in the Middle East, apart from the Israeli-Palestinian question, is the West's obsessive concern to ensure the region's oil reserves remain in the hands of regimes which are "friendly", whatever else they may be.

This is a trap, and now we've got an opportunity to escape from it. Why not review our economic dependence on oil? Why not look closely at every alternative potential source of energy, as we could have done at any point in the past twenty years? We could thus have avoided getting involved with regimes in the Gulf which are no less repressive or odious than the Taliban.

We could thus also avoid the increasingly disastrous "blowbacks" which the opponents of such regimes will unleash on us. At the very least, we could help to maintain a better ecological balance on the planet. We could even save Alaska, which just a couple of months ago was opened up to drilling by President Bush himself, whose political roots, as we all know, are in the oil business.

And while we are on the subject of oil, Oriana, I'm sure you too will have noted how, with everything that's being written and said about Afghanistan in these days, hardly anyone has mentioned that much of the interest in that country is due to the fact that any pipeline carrying the immense resources of natural gas and oil from Central Asia, i.

No-one in these days has mentioned the fact that as recently as , two delegations from the horrible Taliban were received to discuss this matter in the Department of State in Washington, and that Unocal, a large American oil company advised by Henry Kissinger no less, signed an agreement with Turkmenistan to build a pipeline through Afghanistan.

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Behind all the speeches stressing the need to protect freedom and democracy, the imminent attack on Afghanistan may thus conceal another less high-sounding but no less significant motive. For this reason some American intellectuals have begun to express concern that the combined interests of the oil and arms industries, a combination which is very well represented in the administration which currently runs Washington, should decide that American foreign policy will operate in one way only, and in the name of counter- terrorist emergency regulations restrict those extraordinary freedoms which make life there so special.

The fact that an American television journalist was reprimanded from the White House pulpit for wondering if Bush's use of the adjective "cowardly" was appropriate to describe the suicidal terrorists, along with the fact that certain programmes have been censured and certain correspondents deemed heterodox and removed from their newspapers, has obviously done nothing to dispel such anxieties. Dividing the world into "those who are with us and those who are against us" in a way which strikes me as being typically Taliban, clearly creates the necessary conditions for the kind of witch-hunts that America suffered in the s under McCarthy, when so many intellectuals, academics and state officials were unjustly accused of being communists or sympathizers, and were persecuted, tried, and very often left jobless.

The tirade you spat out against the people you call "cicadas" and "intellectuals of doubt" goes in much the same direction, Oriana. Doubt is an essential function of thought. It's the basis of our culture. To try and remove doubt from our heads is like trying to remove air from our lungs. I make no claim whatsoever to have clear, precise answers to the world's problems, which is why I'm not a politician. But I do think it's useful for me to be allowed to have doubts about other people's answers, and to ask honest questions concerning them. It shouldn't be a crime to speak of peace in times of war such as these.

Unfortunately, there's been a desperate clamour for orthodoxy even here in Italy, not least in the "official" world of politics and the media. It's as if we were already frightened of America. We may switch on the television and hear a post-communist holding an important office in his party inform us that Private Ryan is an important symbol of America, the country which twice came to our rescue. But did that same politician not also take part in marches against American involvement in Vietnam? I realize this is a very difficult time for the politicians.

I understand them, and I particularly appreciate the difficulties of someone such as our own Prime Minister who, having chosen the path of power as a shortcut to solving his little conflict of earthly interests, now finds himself caught up in a huge conflict where the interests are all divine, a war of civilization being fought in the name of God and Allah.

No, I don't envy the politicians. We're very lucky, Oriana. We have precious little to decide, and not actually being in the river ourselves, can enjoy the privilege of standing on the bank and watching the current flow. But with privilege comes responsibility, and one responsibility we bear is the far from easy task of getting behind the truth to try to "construct fields of coexistence rather than fields of battle", as Edward Said, a Palestinian professor now at Columbia University, wrote in an essay on the role of the intellectual which appeared just a week before the massacres in America.

Part of our trade involves simplifying what is complicated. But we can't exaggerate by presenting Arafat as the quintessence of duplicity and terrorism and accusing our Muslim immigrant communities of being incubators of terrorists. From now on your arguments are going to be used in schools to counteract the kind of position which makes a virtue out of goodness, as exemplified by Edmondo De Amicis's Cuore. But do you really believe the Italians of tomorrow will be any the better for being nurtured on this kind of intolerant over-simplification?

Wouldn't it be better to spend a moment looking at Islam in religious education classes, or study Rumi or Omar Khayyam, whom you despise, in literature lessons? Wouldn't it be better for at least a handful to study Arabic, alongside the many who already study English and even Japanese? Did you know that there are only two officials who speak Arabic in the Italian Foreign Ministry, even though Italy looks directly onto the Mediterranean basin and onto the Muslim world?

Or that, as is the way of things here, one of them is currently consul in Adelaide, Australia?

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A phrase of Toynbee's keeps going round in my mind: Poets and philosophers go further than historians. But the saints and prophets are worth more than the rest put together". Where are the saints and prophets today? We could certainly do with at least one! We need a St Francis. There were crusades in his day, too, but he was concerned with the others, the ones the crusaders were fighting against. He did all he could to go and find them. The first time he tried, the ship he was sailing on was wrecked, and he only just survived.

He tried again, but fell ill on the way and had to turn back. Then, in the siege of Damietta in Egypt during the fifth crusade, embittered by the crusaders' behaviour "he saw evil and sin" , but deeply moved by the sight of the dead on the battlefield, he finally crossed the front line. He was taken prisoner, chained and brought before the Sultan. It's a shame CNN didn't exist in , because it would have fascinating to see this meeting on television. It must have been remarkable, because after a conversation which doubtless lasted deep into the night, the Sultan allowed St Francis return unharmed to the crusaders' encampment the next morning.

I like to imagine each putting his viewpoint to the other, St Francis speaking of Christ, the Sultan reading passages from the Koran, and them ultimately agreeing with each other on the message that the poor friar of Assisi repeated wherever he went: I also like to imagine there was no aggression between them, given that the friar knew how to laugh as well as preach, and that they parted on good terms in the knowledge that they couldn't stop the course of history anyway.

But today, not to stop history might mean bringing it to an end. Do you remember Father Balducci, Oriana, who used to preach in Florence when we were young? Referring to the horror of the atomic holocaust, he asked a very pertinent question: Looking around, I think the answer must be "no". But we can't give up hope. He concluded that there were grounds for hope. To get the free app, enter your mobile phone number.

Would you like to tell us about a lower price? In questa sua lettera Umberto Veronesi si rivolge ai giovani affrontando i temi fondamentali della nostra epoca. Parla di tolleranza, religione, amore, futuro, crescita, pace, cultura, famiglia. Read more Read less.



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