Le statue parlanti (Italian Edition)
Read the note to trigger the quest. You can get more information about the so-called talking statues in the city of Cyseal itself.
Read tub/le-statue-parlanti
Go south from the southern corner of this building to find a different building. A man named Beggar is outside, and he'll tell you that the talking stones wished him to burn down all his possessions. You won't be able to resolve this until you're at Level 6. Trace your way through the cave, climb the narrow hill on the other side, then exit out the cave mouth.
This grassy path is generally linear, but it splits near a new Waypoint Portal. Greek pottery was also well represented. The deity worshipped at the sanctuary appears to have been a local deity, Batas, who was assimilated to a cult of Zeus. It was in use from a similar date and continued to be an important cult centre until well into the Roman Empire. Like Grotta Porcinara, there are two distinct phases of activity—an early phase that involved sacrifices and votive offerings on the terrace outside the cave, and a later phase, dating from the 4 th century, from which ritual activity took place inside the cave.
The portable votives are of a similar type to those from Grotta Porcinara, but the main significance of the cave lies in the large number of rock-cut votive inscriptions, written in Messapic and Latin, incised into the walls of the cave figure 5. In other words, they are very much in line with other votives from their respective sites, and there is no clear distinction in terms of class or quality between inscribed and non-inscribed votives.
All of these sanctuaries have produced significant quantities of votives of Greek manufacture, and two Grotta Porcinara and Monte Papalucio have also produced Greek votive inscriptions.
This suggests that they were, at least, centres used by people with economic and cultural contacts outside the region. The fact that the two coastal sanctuaries were located on shipping routes, and the two inland sanctuaries were on political and cultural boundaries, has led some scholars to suggest, very plausibly, that they were cult centres for Greeks as well as Italians, and that they may have acted as emporia at which different populations could meet and exchange goods and ideas.
On the basis of comparison with undamaged examples, however, it seems safe to say that most were very short. Very few contain more than a single name, and many are restricted to abbreviations, or single letters. In some of the fragmentary cases, there is reason to believe that the surviving portion represents all or most of the inscription, rather than a fragment of a significantly longer text.
In some cases, enough of the inscription survives to allow for a secure identification of the language in which it is written, but in many cases it is impossible to establish on the basis of one or two letters whether the inscription is written in Messapic or Greek. Latin is used for some of the later cave inscriptions from both Grotta Porcinara and Grotta della Poesia. A fragment from a vessel of local manufacture from Monte Papalucio is inscribed [d]azzi[m--] , 43 which is clearly a personal name, Dazos or Dazimos. As it turns out, this was the most common male name from the region.
Another inscription on local pottery from Grotta Porcinara, which reads Ainas , may also be a personal name. For instance, from Grotta Porcinara there are several examples of Idde , Batas , and Atiaxte , or fragments of these, which are believed to be names or epithets of the god worshipped there. Several Greek inscriptions from the site are dedications to Zeus Batios. Fragments with a possible abbreviation of the same name Tha have been found at Ruffano and at S. This is in marked contrast to votive practices elsewhere in Italy, where the emphasis is on the personal name of the person making the dedication.
This is, in itself, not unusual. The corpus of known deities from the region includes many whose names are clearly adapted from those of Greek deities. Cults of Damat i ra Demeter , are especially numerous, but other examples include Aprodita Aphrodite , Venas possibly Venus, although this is problematic , Artamas Artemis , Athana Athena and possibly several different cults of Zeus Zis. Certainly, the cult places and cult practices of Southeast Italy seem very different from those of the Greek world, something that suggests contact and adaptation of cultural influences and deity names rather than an extensive Hellenisation of local cults and cult practices.
The corpus of inscribed potsherds includes a number of sherds inscribed ]idde[ , which has been identified as a Messapic deity name or epithet. Another name or epithet that occurs there is Batas , likewise also probably the name of a deity. Other pottery inscriptions, dedications written in Greek to Zeus Batios, suggest a possible syncretism between a Greek cult of Zeus and a Messapic deity, Batas. It has been suggested that references in Greek sources to a cult of Zeus Kataibates may relate to the cult of Zeus and Batas. The Latin inscriptions on the inside of the cave name the deity as Jupiter Batius.
This sanctuary was dedicated to a Messapic deity—probably male—called Taotor, whose cult appears to have been prominent in the region. The votive objects and the later rock-cut inscriptions demonstrate that it was used by a significant number of people from outside the region. The votives include Greek as well as local pottery and the inscriptions—in this case mainly incised on the cave walls rather than the portable votives—include dedications in both Apulian and Latin as well as numerous non-alphabetic symbols.
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Many sanctuary sites have copious evidence for animal sacrifice and burnt offerings on altars. Several of the inscriptions from Grotta della Poesia, both in Messapic and in Latin, corroborate this. Many appear to be written as records of promises to give perishable—and often quite costly—offerings, such as amphorae of wine or mulsum a mixture of wine and honey , or sacrificial animals. We can therefore infer that both libation and animal sacrifice were an important parts of ritual practice. The prominence of stelae in sanctuaries suggests that they may also have had ritual significance.
The offering of votive objects to the gods was clearly practiced, but how and why this was done is unknown. The survival of votive material in sanctuary areas demonstrates clearly that both cult-specific and purpose-made votives, as well as more generic items such as pottery, were offered.
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Although most of the surviving evidence is of low-value pottery or terracotta items, higher-value objects are occasionally found, such as a bronze statue of Zeus found near Ugento and the bronze laminae from Oria. We have no way of knowing, however, what the proportion of high-value to low-value votives might have been. Inscribed votives do not differ from non-inscribed objects, neither in the nature nor in the quality of object. Most inscriptions are on portable objects of low intrinsic value and on generic objects that could be and may have been in everyday use before being offered as votives.
No inscriptions have been found on objects that were probably made specifically as votives, such as miniature pottery or cult-specific images or figurines. Superficially, this seems to suggest that many of these items were low-value offerings, and therefore possibly offered by dedicators of low status or limited economic means.
However, the presence of inscriptions on even a small number of objects raises important questions about this assumption. The actual practice of literacy may have been in the hands of non-elite groups such as scribes and particularly for inscriptions on durable objects artisans such as potters and metal workers, but the selection and commissioning of a written text is likely to have been an elite prerogative. Literacy also appears to have been restricted to a small number of mainly ritual spheres, with a strong emphasis on elite funerary commemoration.
In other words, the very presence of writing is likely to have signalled a level of prestige and importance. This raises some interesting questions about: Apart from the inscribed laminae , which we can reasonably assume to have been purpose-made for votive use, most of the inscribed votives seem to have been ordinary items. It is possible that some of the pottery fragments came from miniature vessels that were not functional items but were specially produced as votives, but most seem to have come from normal-sized vessels.
This suggests at least the possibility that these were produced as ordinary domestic wares but later used as votive offerings. In addition, most of the inscriptions seem to have been added after manufacture. Dipinti or inscriptions added before firing are rare. Therefore, it is possible that one of the functions of the inscription is to mark the transition from one state— everyday object to another sacred object and to make that transition permanent. Funerary inscriptions in the region, for example, place great emphasis on personal names.
The epigraphic culture of the Salento seems to be very much one in which inscriptions are part of an elite display culture and in which the role of the inscription is usually to display and commemorate personal or family identity. In Etruria, which is much better documented, most votive inscriptions emphasise the identity of the donor and the act of dedication rather than the god to whom the dedication is made. These offerings were not necessarily made by the non-elite.
The consistent nature of the votives found at the sites in question, both inscribed and non-inscribed, suggests that in most cases the nature of the offering was largely dictated by what was appropriate to the nature of the cult rather than the status, personality, or even ethnicity of the donor. It is possible, therefore, that the role of writing on a votive object of low value also had another function other than to irrevocably mark it as a votive.
It is a cave sanctuary with long occupation and a pattern of Archaic activity on the external terrace and Hellenistic and Roman activity in the interior. As noted previously, these inscriptions record verbal promises of high-value offerings to the deity, Taotor. The aspirations suggests that—however banal some of the votive objects may look to modern eyes—the people who made offerings at Grotta della Poesia and similar sanctuaries were not necessarily of low social and economic status.
Chronologically, the practice of inscribing votive objects seems confined to the Archaic and early Hellenistic periods.
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It declines markedly just at the point when epigraphic density in the region starts to rise sharply, and the emphasis shifts almost exclusively to the sphere of elite display, with inscriptions appearing in elite tombs and on stone votives and buildings, rather than on portable objects. Geographically, inscribed votives seem to cluster at sites with a very international character, and evidence of their use by people, notably Greeks, from beyond the region. This has important implications for our understanding of the adoption and diffusion of literacy.
Perhaps, as elsewhere in Italy, sanctuaries acted as focal points for the teaching and dissemination of literacy. The sanctuary at Baratella, near Este, had an important role in disseminating literacy in the Veneto and may have been a centre of teaching of literacy.
Some sanctuaries in southern Etruria may have had a similar role. There is no evidence that these sanctuaries had a formal role in the teaching of literacy, as has been argued for Baratella. These other statues included Marforio, which was sometimes used to post responses to writings posted on Pasquino, creating a repartee between the two statues.
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Abate Luigi , Piazza Vidoni. Madama Lucrezia , Piazza San Marco. Fontana del Facchino , Via Lata. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Not built in a day: An Oxford archaeological guide. A literary companion to Rome.
Talking statues of Rome. Retrieved from " https: