Chronique de la vallée (Memoria) (French Edition)

Sixty-eight mayors have headed the municipal administration of Granville, since the election of the first mayor in In the context of the elections, the population of Granville shows a relatively conservative tendency and votes as regularly as the entire national population, thus following the "vague rose" [pink wave] in the regional elections of , but instead voting by a large majority for the European Constitutional Treaty.

An opposition group published a journal, Le Sans-culotte de Granville and Coutances. District committees are located in the commune to enliven the local debate. In , the list led by the outgoing general counsel of the Miscellaneous left , Daniel Caruhel, ex- socialist but supported by outgoing UMP mayor, Marc Verdier, and housing nine members of the Miscellaneous right outgoing majority, won the municipal election against the official candidate of the Socialist Party. Thus, contrary to what the labels might suggest, Granville voters had once again made the choice of conservatism.

The town has two high schools: Paul schools for kindergarten and elementary education. In , a ministerial decision endorsed the closure of the maternity of the communal hospital [51] carrying deliveries per year. Granville is a founding member of the Douzelage , a unique town twinning association of 24 towns across the European Union.

This active town twinning began in and there are regular events, such as a produce market from each of the other countries and festivals. The commune has much cultural infrastructure, including three museums: It also hosts an aquarium located on the Pointe du Roc which shows many species of warm-water marine fish and three exhibition spaces: A municipal sports school and a municipal swimming school provide training for members. Sixty-two associations ensure the relay of communal services.

The commune will host the start of the third stage of the Tour de France. In August are organized: They depend on the parish of St. The bishop of this diocese is Stanislas Lalanne. Granville has hosted several congregations, which those of the Sacred Heart and Mercy. Also, between and , the Sisters Hospitaller of Saint-Thomas-de-Villeneuve were responsible for the hospice of Granville and for the St. Nicolas Care Centre from The upper town still houses Carmelites. Granville is located in the transmission area of the television channel France 3 Normandie.

A local correspondent of the Gazette de l'Avranchin and of the Mortainais officiates in the commune. It manages the port and airport of the commune. It has set up a business incubator and has three areas of activity or industrial areas: In , the unemployment rate was 7. A market is held every Saturday on the Cours Jonville. The port of Granville dates back to the 16th century. This part of the Channel is known for its many rocks off the coast, not always visible above sea level , and for the dangerous flows caused by tides.

The bay of Mont Saint-Michel experiences one of the greatest tidal ranges in the world, and this causes strong currents that generate dangerous flows into the international sea routes, adding to the normal tidal flow that goes along the Channel. The area also often experiences fog as well as easterly winds which can create dangerous storms during autumn and winter. The waters off Granville are regularly affected by pollution caused by modern shipwrecks, or by illegal fuel tank discharges into the sea. There is now an international agreement between France and the UK, as well as other European countries bordering the Channel, to severely punish ship-owners when such pollution can be proven.

The area is constantly under surveillance by aircraft and radar operated by civil and military authorities. Granville harbour hosts a small maritime emergency rescue team. The number of rocks and shipwrecks in the area creates an environment rich in seafood, which can be exploited from the small harbour of Granville. Fishing is dangerous in the area, and many small fishing boats have been involved in collisions with large commercial vessels such as container ships and oil supertankers.

In , Granville was placed at 32nd in the national rank with , tonnes of handled cargo and 44, passengers. A cod fishing and oyster port in the 19th century, it became:. A port redevelopment and expansion project will provide an additional seven hundred places for recreational boating , the excavation of basins and access channels to extend access times and beaching capacity, the addition of a quayside for cruise ships and of exception, a new port city link, with the study of a railway extension project a redevelopment of the road routes, respecting and valuing the environmental and architectural heritage including the piers of the 18th and 19th centuries.

The airport of Granville-Mont-Saint-Michel specialises in tourist and leisure aviation. The commune has been classified as a climate resort since 16 March , and a tourist and seaside resort since 12 March The commune has a tourist office which ensures the promotion of monuments , museums and natural sites, and has joined the association of the Most Beautiful Detours of France. For entertainment, the city offers an independent casino , four museums, an aquarium , a rich architectural and environmental heritage , four beaches , and four Wi-Fi access points. The town was awarded three flowers in the Competition of flowery cities and villages [79] thanks to its parks and gardens: In addition, the town has on its territory a sewage treatment plant and a waste processing plant for incineration and recycling.

It has also set up waste sorting and heads the Joint Association of Granville Coastal Areas for coastal protection against microbiological hazards. It was built by the English during the Hundred Years' War. The choir is of , the nave of , the apse chapels in and , and the sacristy is of , a listed historical monument since , [83] it is decorated with stained glass by Jacques Le Chevallier.

If the love of Mary is engraved on your heart, when passing do not forget to say Hail to her. There is also St. Paul's Church , the St. Nicholas Church and the Protestant temple. The lower town was partly built on land reclaimed from the sea. There is a museum located in one of the gates which preserves invaluable documents enabling visitors to discover the history of the town through the centuries. Granville also is the home of the Christian Dior Museum, which is located in the fashion designer's childhood home, Villa Les Rhumbs.

After a first bid at the beginning of the s, Granville postulated in to be labelled Town of Art and History. The festive year of Granville revolves around various events. It once celebrated the departure of the sailors who took advantage of the holiday before sailing for Newfoundland. The feast of the patron saint of the commune is organised at Pentecost.

Each year, the third week of July is dedicated to the Rue Sorties de Bains festival, of which the fifth edition took place in Outdoor concerts are held during the tourist season. The Night of Welders, a festival gathering metalworking artists, takes place during the first weekend of August.

Two fairs are held on the second Saturday in April and the third Saturday of September, a flea market is organised during the weekend of 14 July and an antique fair during the weekend before 15 August. A collectors fair is scheduled for the last Sunday in October.

In , the commune celebrated the centenary of the birth of Christian Dior by organising, across the town, exhibitions and retrospectives on the work and life of the couturier. The Christian Dior Museum sometimes serves as a framework for events, as was the case in for the exhibition entitled " Dandysmes - —, of Barbey d'Aurevilly at Christian Dior".

The Granville arms appear on the locomotives nos. The coat of arms of Granville has changed several times during its history. The Sun replaced the stars, this new coat of arms symbolised the importance of Granville in the monitoring of the coast of the Bay. In , the influence of the Revolution changed the azure to gules, but the arm is no longer armed and the sword became an honorary, which gives:.

In , the First Empire offered new arms to the town, Napoleon adding distinctive towns of second-order signs, a quarter charged with a capital N and a gold star and the exterior ornament of a mural crown:. Finally, in under the Restoration , the town returned to its coat of arms from , unable to pay the registration fee to return to the original coat of arms.

This coat of arms is now of the commune, the azure and Sun symbolising its seaside character, the sword recalling its military past of garrison town. The commune also has a flag representing a quarterly of blue and white, with a white cross encircled in blue and charged with a representation of the coat of arms in the centre. It is notably used on the commune's yawls. Granville is renowned for its marine products, including Granvillaise galette with scallops sprinkled with cream , sea bream in salt crust with virgin sauce mussels , shrimps , sea snails and whelks , and the Granvillaise sole accompanied with mussels and prawns.

A speciality of the island quarter of Chausey is also linked: On Saturday, a market is held in the town centre to purchase local produce. Beyond the Norman dialect, there a dialect of the Granville area with its expressions. An example expression is "achitrer" which means "to land a punch". From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Commune in Normandy, France.

The harbour of Granville, with Notre-Dame church in the background. List of twin towns and sister cities in France. For municipalities with more than 10,, the latest legal population is published by INSEE for all municipalities. Retrieved 10 October Archived from the original on Retrieved 14 October Les noms des communes et anciennes paroisses de la Manche [ The names of ancient parishes and communes of Manche ] in French. Presses Universitaires de Caen. Yves Lebrec in French. Archived from the original on 4 January Town hall of Granville in French. Retrieved 23 October Archived from the original on 11 December Jacques Legrand in French.

Retrieved 16 October Ministry of the Interior. Base Alize in French. Archived from the original PDF on 21 November Ministry of the Interior in French. Archived from the original on 29 June La Poste in French. Conseil National des Barreaux in French. Archived from the original on 18 October Chambre Nationale in French. Archived from the original on 24 February Archant Community Media Ltd. Retrieved 17 October League of Lower Normandy in French. Journal du Net in French. Archived from the original PDF on Check date values in: Archived from the original on 18 January Ministry of the Economy and Finance in French.

Villes et Villages Fleuris in French. Archived from the original on 20 October Archived from the original on 23 November Natura in French. Archived from the original on 3 October Conservatoire du Littoral in French. Archived from the original on 18 November Retrieved 24 October Archived from the original on 4 June Carnaval of Granville in French. This IS clearly proved by numerous passages scattered in his wotk.

As regards the other assumption, the question is complicated by the fact that we know of two geographical terms Vahga and Vahgala, used at least as early as the tenth century A. Phonetically Bhahgala may be more readily derived from Vahgala than Vahga. That Vahga and Vahgala originally denoted two different countries is now generally admitted.

Granville, Manche - Wikipedia

All these were called by the general name Koki p , 14 Cf. Here Vahgala could not possibly have been used in a restricted sense. The name Bangalah also occurs in a poem of Hafiz sent from Shiraz to Sultan Ghiasuddin who reigned in Bengal in the fourteenth century A. Here also the name is applicable to the province rather than to a small part of it.

Its former rulers raised mounds measuring ten yards in height and twenty in breadth throughout the province which were called al. How the name Vahgala came to denote, at first Vanga, and then the whole of the modern province of Bengal, it is not easy to explain. But some light may be thrown on this important and interesting problem by locating the original kingdom and tracing its early history. Banerji, as noted above, places the original kingdom of Vahgala to the east of the Brahmaputra.

His conclusion rests upon the assumption that Govindacandra of the Tirumalai Rock Inscription is identical with Gopicand. This identity, however, is open to serious doubts. What is more important IS that It was the kingdom of this Govicandra which came into pos- session of Gopala. It may, therefore, be presumed that the original kingdom of the Palas is also to be located in the region where Govicandra ruled. Taranatha also says that the sister of Bharthari, a member of the Malava royal family, was the mother of Govicandra p Besides, Jalandhari IS named as the spiritual preceptor of Govicandra both by Taranatha as well as in the popular ballads Cf al o f n 26 25 Bkah-babs-bditn or the Book of the Seven Mystic Revelations.

If we admit this we have to attach the greatest importance to the city of Bengala referred to by early European writers. We have already seen that Bengala is the European corruption of Vahgala, and if there was actually a city of this name near Chittagong which was referred to in later works as the capital of Vahgala, or very near It, we may not unreasonably conclude that this city was the capital of Vahgala and gave its name to the kingdom, or vtce versa, and that in either case the old kingdom of Vahgala must be located in the region round the city.

Varthema speaks of taking his route to this city of Bengala though it is doubtful whether he actually went there. Gupta, who has quoted the passage in his second edition of Vikrampurer luhas, just published, says that the city of Bengala is indi- cated in a map in the Travels of Cornelius Le Bruyan published in A D a copy of which he possesses p Dr H C.

He refers to Bangala as a vast country p. Sausson the city of Bengala is placed on the southern bank of the Karnaphuli more or less where Van den Broucke places Dianga. Vignorla in a map of assigns the same position to the city of Bengala. But in an old Portuguese map in Thevenot the city of Bengala is placed above Xatigan Chittagong or probably it is meant to be Chittagong itself. But this point is not very material for our present purpose.

Whether the city of Bengala or Vahgala was Chittagong or Dianga or included both, it is a reasonable conclusion that the original kingdom of Vahgala must be located in this region. This identification also solves another interesting historical problem. It is well-known that in the account of India written by the Arab merchant Sulaiman about A. The first two refer to the Pratiharas and the Rastrakutas, and there has never been any doubt that the third refers to the Palas, though the term Rahma and its connection with the Palas could not be ascertained.

The passage in Dpag- bsam-b on-bzang, on which S. Das presumably relies, merely in- cludes Ramma in a list of countries surrounding Jambudvipa. Das is confirmed by the accounts of the foreign 'travellers. Ralph Fitch, who visited India between and A. It was then the seat of a governor of the king of Arakan who was at the head of the Chancery of Arakan, all Farmans having to be endorsed by him.

Regarding the location of Ramu, Rev. Hosten supplies the following information in course of his annotation of the travels of Manrique: The Bengal Survey Map, Sheet no. It is a police outpost and an important market serving the south of the district. It must be mentioned in this connection that even as late as the sixteenth century A.

We learn from Ain-t-Akbart that the king of Tiippera had a force of , foot-men and a thousand elephants. On the other hand we know from inscriptions, coins, and Burmese chronicles that a long line of kings with names ending in Candra ruled in the Arakan region before the tenth century A. Now if we assume that the Palas originally ruled over Vahgala and gradually spread their power and authority over the rest of Bengal, it is not difficult to believe that their long and glorious reign IS mainly responsible for the application of the name of their home- territory to the whole of the province.

The rule of the Palas and Candras over this region and the similarity of the two names probably facilitated this earlier extended connotation. The name Priticandra is found both on the coins as well as in the inscriptions. The name read by Phayre on the coin as Vammacandra is clearly Dhammacandia The other name that can be read on the coins is Viiacandra The alphabets on these coins are to be referred to the seventh or eighth century A D if not earlier 50 The Jami'-ul-Twankh of Fakir Muhammad places Bhati the coast strip from the Hughly to the Mcghna, vide ]ASB , , p to die west of BangSla This supports the location of Vangala proposed in this paper The same book also states that die terniory which m after times was styled Bangalah, according to such writers as have written about it, consisted of Bihar, Gauda or Gaur Lakhana- wati, Bang and Jajnagar Orissa Ravetty, Tahakat-t-Nasm.

English Transl , p, f. The process of Vahgal-isation of the whole province must also have been very gradual. The name Vahga was anaent and sanctified by sacred texts, and hence rts use did not altogether die out at least in literary documents. The similarity of the name Vahga and Vahgala also often led to confusion, and at times, to the indiscriminate use of either for the other or the two combined. In any case, gradually the name Vahgala superseded Vahga in ordinary use and came to be the name of the province.

It IS difhcult to say how long the old kingdom of Vahgala con- tinued as a separate unit. For when we find references to a kingdom under this name we cannot always be certain whether it refers to the original kingdom or is used m its later meaning, denoting the whole province. This Bangala is generally taken to refer to the province of Bengal as a whole. For the province of Bengal or even old Vahga could haidly be regarded as outside India, or at any tune within the political jurisdiction of Burma.

But both of these would be truly applicable tb the Arakan-Clnttagong region. For, the territories beyond the Brahmaputra and the ,Meghna rivers have not unoften been regarded as outside India proper, and we have reliable evidence that as early as tht eleventh century A. JJiis is quite probable, as Bengala, as noted above, is shown in the maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries A. The epithet Bangal, applied even today by the inhabitants of Western Bengal to those hailing from the eastern part of the province, is probably a reminiscence of the old province of Vangala.

But we have no positive evidence of its existence as a separate territorial umt after the fifteenth century. In conclusion a few words may be said regarding the origin of the name Vangala. Modern writers derive it from Vahgalaya i. Vanga -f, alaya or home of Vanga. As this assumption has been proved to be erroneous we need not seriously consider these views. At the same time the proximity of the two localities and the resemblance of the names suggest that the name Vangala was derived from Vaiiga.

Ir is important in this connection to bear in mind that some ancient Sanskrit texts mention side by side Vanga and Upa-Vahga as the names of two different but neighbouring provinces. It may be easily surmised that Vahga-Upavanga of old days correspond to Vahga-Vahgala of later days. Now Upa-Vanga has been undoubtedly formed from Vanga by the addition of prefix Ufa. V, part I, p. In any case the mention of Vahga and Upa-Vahga in old literature shows that from early times there were two provinces side by side which were regarded as Vahga Major, and Vahga Minor.

The same condition seems to be reflected in the later nomenclature Vahga and Vahgala. The term Vahgala seems to have replaced the Sanskritic Upa- Vahga by adding the termination ala, in place of the prefix ufa. This ala may be derived from alt, as Abul Fazl supposes, but then it must have been used in a figurative sense, to denote that the territory called Vahgala was regarded as the boundary wall or em- bankment of Vahga, But it is not necessary to speculate on these hypotheses. It is enough for our present purpose to know that pro- bably Vahgala was derived from Vahga and stood in the same rela- tion to it, both in geographical position and literary meaning, as Upa-Vahga.

1. locations not for the faint hearted.
2. Gesetz über das Verfahren in Familiensachen und in den Angelegenheiten der freiwilligen Gerichtsbarkeit (FamFG) - E-Book - Stand: 01. Januar 2014 (German Edition).
3. .
4. Healthier Happier Now!

But several interesting facts have emerged from It — facts which have not hitherto received the attention they deserve. First, that the name Vahgala, and not Vahga, came to be the general name of the province. Secondly, that Vahgala ori- ginally denoted a small kingdom round modern Chittagong, and had as its capital the famous sea-port Vahgala, called by the Euro- peans Bengala, which was cither Chittagong or a place in its imme- diate neighbourhood. But the Lalttavtstara is not a poem, there is no probability that it was com- posed in Nepal, and it contains passages as old as anything in Pali.

It was against this attitude of the Pali scholars that the late L. The Lalitavistara and Sawasthada 7. Further, these accounts have an absolute value only for ui epoch relauvely late in the history of this Church. To describe the fortunes of the community, the constitution of the Sahgha, the formation of the Scriptures, and the life of the Master according to documents which date from the first or the fourth century of our era is an illusory undertaking Consecrated by the faith and piety of the schools, learnedly elaborated, proud of a regularity suspect, although exaggerated by certain authors , the Pah canon boasts of an authenticity of little probability Like tbe Buddhist monks of na'ive piety and imperfect critical sense European scholars have not hesitated to admit this authenticity It was only at a recent epoch that the books were fixed in writing, but does not India offer us in the fastidious preservation of the Ved.

They still stand as a protest against the idea that by excising the marvellous and the contradic- tory in the accounts of the Pali school it is possible to arrive at a sound historical basis. It may be here remarked that the recent investi- gations of Mrs. Rhys Davids have been equally destructive of the theories of Oldenberg and T. Rhys Davids, though without advancing on the lines suggested by La Vallee Poussin. Although this article is concerned with the doctrinal relations of the Laltta-vtstara with the Sarvastivada school, it is necessary to say something about the structure of the sutra.

When the Sans- krit text was first published it was found to contain many verse passages embedded in the prose. The question was raised as to which was the older, the prose or the verse; but it was a futile proceeding to try and solve the problem by setting up rival theories of the structure of the sutra without looking for the sources of the verse passages. On the other hand, when we find a passage in SardUlavikridita metre, it suggests a very late period of literary activity. It should be almost self-evident that the most widely-spread group of schools in India, the Sarvastivadins, a group that continued to flourish widely long after the Pali school had been cut off from its Indian home, should have had a canon of its own.

Although not entirely identical with the Pali, the structure of the Agamas and much of the wording is the same. It is not doubtful that a considerable body of scriptures served as basis for the two canons of Sthavirian sects, the canon in the Pali language and the Sanskrit canon of the Sarvastivadins. This body of scriptures may be referred to under the name of the Buddhist canon.

How the whole sutra was compiled will need more detailed investigation. Here we have only to consider how the Mahayana compiler or compilers of the Laltta-vtstara dealt with the doctrinal matters in the passages incorporated. Although the metaphysical doctrines of Mahayana are not Ignored, the whole interest is concentrated on the nature of a Bodhi- sattva and his attainment of Buddhahood, when he becomes an omniscient Tathagata. The Bodhisattva-doctnne itself was not new, for all the schools recognized it, as well as die doctrine of a Tathagata with his ten poweis.

Ebookstore Library Girl With A Pearl Earring Ibook By Tracy Chevalier 0452282152

But while according to the older doctrine the 2 Diettondry, preface, p. At the very beginning of the actual sutra ch. Then follow over four pages of epithets beginning thus: The Ldttavistara and Sarvastivada The Ldtta-vistara retains the accounts of his asking what an old man, a sick man and the others were, but adds the words, janann- eva, although he knew, for he was not really an ignorant youth, but a Bodhisattva already understanding the reality of existence, and he asked in accordance with the dharmata, the rule of action followed by all Bodhisattvas.

These are instances of direct modification of the story, but the latter portion of the Sutra gives examples of a different way of ex- pressing the special teaching introduced into the narrative. The traditional course of events remains unchanged. The contest with Mara is recounted with the addition of much mythological detail, then the attainment of the four dhyanas, the divine eye, the remem- brance of the former births, the chain of causation and the destruc- tion of the asravas, all given in the words of the older sutras.

The events at the Bodhi tree follow, the journey to Benares, and the first sermon. Most of the essential narrative is given in the words of the older texts and the Mahayana portions are distinct insertions. These display what may be called devotional Mahayana, for although sHnyata and such Mahayana doctrines arc taken for granted, no attempt IS made to emphasise them or expound them.

When the Bodhisattva is going to the Bodhi tree Brahma Sahampati informs the gods, and his speech consists of a repetition of the Bodhisattva s achievements. It might have been thought that after the recital of the chain of causation some explanation of the formula in the style of Nagar- juna would have been given, but what follows is chiefly a series of stutis by various gods.

That the standpoint is Mahayana can be seen from the The Lahtavistara and Sarvhtivada use of certaMi terms, such as dbarmatathata, bhUtakoU, tathagata- garbha, and sunya. The additions to the first sermon arc more extensive, but still without any tendency to develop the doctrine.

It is followed by a versified version of the cha'U of causation addressed to Kaundtnya, the first' of the five disciples Then Maitreya, one of the Bodhi- sattvas present asks Buddha for the sake of the Bodhisattvas present to ex X und how the Wheel of the Doctrine has been turned. Bur no exposition is given. What follows is little more than a string of epithets. If explained at length the Tathagata might expound for a kalpa or the rest of a kalpa. The compilers have aimed at harmonising the old accounts with the more exalted conception of the Bodhisattva. There is one place where a severe judgment is passed on the holders of other views.

But those who reject the excellent sutra, whether monks or lay people, will be hurled at death into the hell of Avici. Faith is needed, and Buddha illustrates by a parable: His fight with Mara is expressly said to be done in sport, and finally the whole sutra is said to be played yikrtdtta by the gicat Bodhisattva. Another classification, found in some late works, has been examined by L. At first sight, it seems that the distinction between what is founded or what IS not founded upon experience has replaced the former distinc- tion between Tradition and Revelation This change must probably be ascribed to a novel theory of knowledge The materialists used to put perception fratyaksaj at the source of knowledge, and denied kutt, intuition, any value Perception pratyaksa is thus opposed to intuition smtt: Finally, what wc find in the classification of knowledge by adrsUrtha and drstartha, is the con- trast between srHtt and pratyaksa.

The substitution of those two terms for the former categories named sruU and smrU shows the progress of philosophical speculation It throws light, moreover, on a part of the Buddhist terminology and, consequently, on some problems of religious and literary history. In Buddhist thought the notion of sruU is far more important than IS generally believed. DarsMnttka, Sautranttka and Sarvastwadm heard. The contrast srutt jdrsU allows perhaps to explain two obscure terms which hold an important place in the controversies among the Buddhist sects.

To my mind, these sects owe their respective names to two categories of texts: Let us examine this thesis in the light of the documents. Liiders published the fragments of the Kalfanamandt- lika, the attention of the learned world has been driven towards Kuniaralata, author of this collection and the founder of the Darstantika school. The most important texts will be found in the commented translation of the V fjnapttmatrata- stddht by L. The comment of the Stddht, alluded to in the above quota- tion, is a little more explicit.

Miila, that IS to say Kumaralata, 2. As a result Mula- sautrantika, disciples of Kumaralata and Darstentika are three ways of describing the same group. That Kumaralata the famous author of a DrstantapankU or Drstantamalya should have been called Darstantikacarya, is not astonishing. We know by the colophons of the Kalpanamandiuka that this collection was a DrstantapankU and that its author was precisely Kumaralata. How is it possible to reconcile this assertion with another one given by the same text, according to which Kumaralata would be the Sautrantika-mulacarya?

It seems that the Sautrantika separated from the Darstantika at a late date; then the latter could have been looked upon as the Mulasautrant,ika and Kumaralata, their founder, was really the Sautrantika-niulacarya because the Darstantika bore in them the future Sautrantika. Where does this name Darsuntika come from? In fact, darstanttka derives nor- mally from drstanta. If drstanta is opposed to sutranta, one docs not see at first how names derived from these two terms could have meant the same school. This difficulty can be solved if one admits that the two names were used during different periods and in different places.

The word darstanttka could only have been applied to them by their opponents.

Navigation menu

In the same way, the deprecative expression Hinayana was probably used only in the Mahayana school. Here is how things may be explained. At Mathura, the Vinaya IS composd of 8o chapters. There is besides a second part: At Kasmir we must dis- tinguish between a text in lo chapters and a vtbhasa eight times bigger; Avadana and Jataka are excluded from this Vinaya.

The Vinaya of Mathura and that of Kasmir mark undoubtedly two successive stages m the evolution. The Buddhist tales are literary compositions, the authorship of which could not be ascribed to the Buddha. Theoretically these productions must therefore have been excluded from the Canon, and this course must have been followed at first. Later on, this strictness relaxed and the tales were included in the one or the other basket. The Kasmir school is faith- ful to the old exclusiveness, whereas the Mathura school is inspired by the novel tolerance.

Darstantika, Sautrantika, Mathura or Kasmir schools, all these names refer, in the whole or in parts, to the great North-Western school, the texts of which were written down in Sanskrit and which was called Sarvastivadin. The formula sarvamasU proves a liking for metaphysical subtlety that is foreign to primitive Buddhism. However, we must not forget that some works, ascribed at a late date to Asva- ghosa, may have been composed long before his time.

Luders under the title of: Sylvain Levi has supposed that Asvaghosa was the author of the primitive work, which would have been remodelled later on by Kumaralata, and this new edition of the SHtralamkAra would have been called Drstanta- mala or fahkti. As indicated by the colophon of the original published by Luders, Kumaralata is the author of the collection of drstanta drstantapanku called Kalfanamandtuka. Later on, this work, remodelled, was given the name of Siitralarnkara and was ascribed under a new shape to the famous Asvaghosa.

Ta tchomng kmg louen stands for an original: Neither the contents, the title nor the classi- fication of the works were fixed. The literature was subject to perpetual transformations, like the composition of the canons, the grouping of the collections and the nomenclature of the sects. The testimonies that we have just gathered have permitted us to place in three successive periods the activity of three doctors belonging to neighbouring groups: The mere title of these works indicates that the first doctor belonged to the Darstontika school, the second to the Sautrantika school, the third one is attach- ed by tradition to the North-West of India and to the Sarvastivadin school.

We may then suppose that Darstantika, Sautrantika, Sarvastivadin are three successive names which correspond to the three phases in the development of the great North-Western school.

Granville, Manche

To the three stages that we have just noted correspond different doctrinal attitudes which are marked by some changes in the way the Scriptures are classified and the schools and texts are called. It seems that the drstanta was excluded at first from the Canon and this was reasonable: Later on, the basket of the Vinaya having separated from the Dharma, some schools, like that of Mathura, inserted in it narra- tive texts which were called avadana or jataka The authority re- cognized to the siitra at the time explains the fact that several groups claim the title of Sautrantika.

Finally, during a third period, the activity of the theologians, of the prose-writers and of the poets is shown by the multiplication of the texts of every kind. One observes then the development of the Abhidharma. The liking for metaphysical discussion brings into favour the name of Sarvasti- vadin, the use of poetical ornaments m order to enhance the style of the talcs cause the latter to be described as the ornaments alamkara of the sutra, and these new texts are considered as sastra, that IS to say, classified by the side of the Abhidharmapitaka treatises.

On the whole, the evolution marked by the names Darstan- tika, Sautrantika, Sarvastivadin is parallel with the movement that ends in the codification of the Scriptures At first, the dharma was an undistinguished mass. Later on, the two baskets of the Sutra and of the Vinaya separated. Finally, a third basket formed which IS the Abhidharma-pitaka.

In a paper read at the gathering of the German Orientalists in Bonn. A text with the same title is, he states, to be found in the Derge Tanjur. Bailey has subsequently brought out a facsimile reproduction of the whole manuscript, with a short introduction, m which he says that an edition of the text is in preparation. Bailey has also succeeded in getting photographs of the Jataka- stava of the Derge Tanjur, and published this text.

Remarks on the Kbotanese fatakastava 38 the Khotanese, but the contents are largely different. A less deve- loped type IS represented by the Pah Cartya-pitaka and the verses of the Rastrapala-pariprccha, p. Different too is the alternating prose and verse of the Jatakamala. The scribe has evidently at times misread his Sanskrit original, at times carelessly omitted letters and syllables.

The Tibetan gloss, besides being literal in the usual way, IS not always to be trusted to give a correct explanation. The text contains 20 verses in Sard ilavikri hta, of which give a short abstract of a jataka followed by an eulogy of the Buddha. Through these publications we have learnt to know a new type of Buddhist jataka literature. We also know that these Jatakas were largely taken from common Indian folk-lore, and only adapted to Buddhist notions, sometimes even rather loosely, and further that not all known Jatakas have been incorporated in the Canon.

But we are not able to say how the oldest canonical collec- tion was composed, or what was the original form of individual Jatakas in this collection. It has sometimes been maintained that the short collection of 35 jatakas in the Cartyapttaka represents an earlier stage m the development. But this view has not been accepted by leading scholars. The narrative is quite short and there is no attempt to make it particularly attractive and interesting.

There is more of learning than of propaganda, while the original aim in adapting such tales must have been to appeal to sentiment and imagination, in order to win as many as possible for the teaching of the Buddha. The work is however of a learned character and not intended for common people. The case is different with the Pah Jataka book, where as many scones as possible have been put together, arranged according to the number of gathas, and m a popular and interesting form. Bur then only the gathas are canonical, and the Atthakatha is comparatively late, and, as is well known, full of misunderstandings.

It is a pfiort likely that the oldest canonical collection was a kind of summary, meant to be supplemented by word of mouth by the preacher, and that it was a large collection. In the Rastrapalapartprccha short resumes of fifty Jatakas are pur in the mouth of the Buddha, in a discussion of the dharmas of the Bodhisattva. Each Jataka contains one stanza, with the exception of the last one, which has four. The case is similar with regard to the Jatakastavas.

The smries are put together with- out any attempt at making them interesting as attractive tales and apparently without any systematic arrangement, in order to recall some more or less well-known event, and ending with the praise of the Buddha. The two Stavas are absolutely different. Though several Jatakas have found place in both, they cannot be derived from a common source.

The common titles, on the other hand, point to the conclusion that we have to do with a type which was in favour at a certain period, just as we have more than one Jatakamala. It is written in an artificial style and apparently presupposes a full knowledge of the stories.

In the 40 Remarks on the Khotanese Jatakastava summing up we are told about some lasting effect of what the Bodhisattva did. Thus the Hati jataka ends with the tematk. Therefore even now on earth your fame is to be observed in the hare sign in the Moon. The Khotanese text is fuller, but does not contain more than indications of the principal traits, and more space is allotted to praise of the Buddha usually ending with some such sayings as: It bears a similar relation to the Khotanese text as the ataka passage of the Rastrafalapanprccha to the Canyapttaka.

Before trying to do so 1 shall put together all the indications contained in the introduction. But the Jatakastava was difficult, and he wished to see it in Khotanese He then summoned a great knower of the three Pitakas, in the Samanya monastery, named Vedyasila, well- versed in the vyahjanas, like a fisherman in water, asking him to translate it, foi the benefit, of king Visasura, so that every trouble in the country might be removed, after further wishes the first tale about the Bodhisattva as the balacakravartin Mahajasabhasa begins.

Kimasana is then later on, in the colophon, mentioned as the person who caused the manuscript to be written. Visasura belongs to a series of Khotan kings, who all use die designation visa, which Tibetan sources render as vfjaya. Several of them are known from Tibetan annals and from Khotanese docu- ments, but none of these sources are very old. All these forms seem to be so many renderings of Khotanese vtsa, i.

But vtza does not exactly correspond to Sanskrit vtjaya, which would be expected to result in vtze; cf. When we, finally, bear in mind that vipta and not vtfaya is the form this designation takes m the oldest known source, viz. Several kings of this line can be dated from the remarks m the T'ang-shu, and most of them belong to the 8th century, but some also to the 7th. Among the latter is Fu-tu Hiung, who visited China in A. On the other hand we do not seem to have any information of vtpta kings later than the 8th century, and it is allowed to assume that the Khotanese Jitakastava was translated in the 7th or the 8th century.

The Sanskrit text must consequently be older, since the jyotisa must have known ii, but found it too difficult, but we cannot say how much older. It is hardly possible to point out the original on which our Jatakastava is based. Our manuscript evidentlji contains several mistakes and is often difficult to understand. When Bailey, who is better acquainted with late Khotanese manuscripts than any other scholar, has brought out his edition, the matter will be different.

In the remarks which follow I have been obliged to leave some words and short sentences untranslated, but I am confident that they are not essential for our review of the position of the Jatakastava with leference to other collection of Jatakas. With regard to the relationship of our text to other collections I shall limit myself to some notes on the tale corresponding to Jataka of the Pall collection, Cariyapttaka, , 12, Jatakamala, Jataka gives a lengthy account of Sutasoma, the son of the Koravya raja of Indapattana.

He went to study in Sakkarita, and there became intimate with other princes, especially with prince Brahmadatta, the son of the Kail king. After having finished their studies, the princes returned to their respective countries, and Sutasoma gave them sound advice for the future. He had, we learn, some misgivings with regard to the Benares prince. Brahmadatta became king of Benares. He always had meat for his dinner, and once his cook, having run short of supplies, prepared some flesh taken from a human corpse. The king at once took a liking to such food, according to the Auhakatha, because he had been a yaksa in his last birth and eaten much human flesh.

When this became known and all remonstrances proved useless, he retired Remsrks on the Kbotanese Jatakastava 43 to the woods, killing human beings and eating tHeir flesh. On one of his expeditions he was wounded, and he promised the rukkha- devata to make her a baltkamma with ekasata ksatriyas, if she would heal him.

He was healed, and went about bringing back ekasata kings, whom he tied up with ropes through their hands and left hanging from the branches. The tree god was distressed and was referred to Sutasoma as the only one who could help. He went to the man-eater, who took him to be one of the kings, who had escaped, and now went to fetch Sutasoma instead.

Just then a brahmana had come to offer Sutasoma some sttbhasttas, knowing how fond he was of such. Sutasoma had no leisure to listen at once but took care that the brahmana was attended to till he returned, and went to perform his ablutions. Then the man-eater came and carried him off. He shed tears, what the man-eater misunderstood. As Sutasoma however convinced him that the reason was that he had promised the brahmana to come back to listen to him, he was finally allowed to do so, on the condition that he would return after having satisfied the brahmana.

True to his word he did so, to the astonishment of the man-eater, who had in the meantime prepared everythmg for the performance of the sacrifice. Now he himself became interested and wanted to hear the precious sayings which Sutasoma valued so much. Sutasoma at last complied with his wish, and the stanzas made such an impression on him that he reluctantly promised to desist from the evil ways.

Both went together to release the captured kings, who are described, as kammasapadena vthethtta harassed by kammasapada, a word which the commentator found in the gathas but d'd not evidently, understand. Sutasoma was informed of the reason: The terrible purusada Kalmasapada Saudasa had turned up. He was further told that this man-eater had been born to Sudasa by a lioness, that he had been brought to the king, who took care of him, because he had no other son, and whom he succeeded as king.

In consequence of his descent from a lioness he was addicted to human flesh, and when this became known, he had to leave his country. He made the vow to perform a bhiitayajha with loo princes to the bhutas who accept human blood and flesh as bait, if they would help him. Now he had earned off rajakftmaras and came to fetch Sutasoma, who knew his perversity, and deciding to cure him went to meet him. Like a lion Saudasa left everybody else alone and seized Sutasoma.

The Cartyapttaka is based on a similar account. Seized by a portsada king Sutasoma remembers his promise to the brahmana. After having starved ekasata ksatnyas, through whose hands he had put strings, he the portsada brought Sutasoma for his saenfice. He made up his mind to perform a bdt to the bhutas, in a sacrifice: Because you were such a good and skilful protector, therefore I proceed to worship you hundred ten thousand times. The Jataka Atthakatha has, as in many other cases, to a great extent recast the narrative and also introduced details and features which did not belong to the original tale The Benares king who took to eating human flesh is here called Brahma- datta, the most common name of Benares kings in the Atthakatha The occurrence of a misunderstood Kammasapada in two gathas shows that this is a secondary innovation The Cariyafttaka only speaks of a portsada, without giving any name, but the other sources give Kalmasapada Saudasa, and this name 15 known to belong to ancient Indian folklore, whence it was taken over by the Buddhists.

In the Mahabbarata, ed. Later on a dvija asked the king for food, and as the cook could not provide other meat, he told him to Remarks on the Khotanese Jatakastava satisfy the dvija even if he had to take human flesh. Kalmasapada now came to kill Vafistha, who was told by Adrsyanti that none but he could restrain the forisada. Subsequently he released him from his curses, and Saudasa promised never more to molest dvijas. This 15 evidently the same story, and even some minor features such as the number of victims and the statement that there is only one who can restiain the purusada arc easily recognizable in the Buddhist story.

The account of how Saudasa became a purusada is quite in accordance with current Indian notions in the A'lahabharata story.

The remark in the Atthakatha that Sudasa had, m his prev'ous b'rth, been a man-eating Yaksa, sounds like a pts alter, the author feeling the necessity of giving an explanation of a feature he knew belonged to the talc and which looked strange. The story about how he first came to test human meat, because his cook could not provide other meat, has as we have seen a parallel in the Alahabharata. The Cartyapuaka gives the number of intended victims as ekasata.

Hundred, and not hundred one, was evidently the number, and ekasata in the Cartya- pttaka may have been used in this sense. The author of the Auha- katha seems to have been in some confusion, and he had to explain why Brahmadatta wanted to fetch Sutasoma when he had already brought together ekasata, through the introduction of the tree god, whom he took to be one of the captured princes who had escaped.

It seems possible that this incident is due to the existence of some such remark as thar about Sutasoma being the only one who could help in the sources on which the Atthakatha drew. Cf the Maha- bharata tale. The Jatakastava here seems to be in better accord with what we are led to believe was the original story, that the number of victims was to be hundred, and that Sutasoma was carried off in order to fill this number, because it says that Kalmasapada had carried off 99 kings from their kingdoms.

In one detail the Jatakastava differs from all other sources, viz. In its oldest form the jataka was probably written in Ardha- magadhi, and the two names would not have been distinguishable. But just for that reason sruta may be a wrong Sanskritisation. Sutasoma is, as is well known, a well authenticated name, and Srutasoma only occurs as a variant. There is no reference to It in the Jatakastava, but this fact can only serve as a warning, and wc cannot as yet' arrive at certain results.

The Adahabharata story has nothing of the kind, but it is possible, and perhaps likely, that the Indian tale about Kalmasapada was combined with another tale about a Subhasttagavesm wlicn it was adopted by the Buddhists. The preceding remarks will have shown that even a compara- tively late text such as the Jatakastava may prove to be of interest for our understanding of the history of the Buddhist jatakas.

A thorough discussion of the various problems connected with this text can hardly be attempted before Bailey has published his edition. I have, however, thouglit that it might be useful to give an idea of the general character of the work, and I shall therefore add an account of a few of the Jatakas it contains. Six tusks, white like a conch, Of nich, or a pearl-liana Skt muktalata i e.

When a hunter came and asked for the tusks, you did not for a moment act niggardly. You pulled them out from the cavity of your mouth, as one would pluck sprouts from a branchy tree or as a man would tear lotus roots from Mount Himavat. At all times you will be my foremost teacher, you are my refuge; save me, O giacious one, in the whole world, in all the realm of living beings there is no salvation without you, O powerful great One.

• All About Hedge Funds, Fully Revised Second Edition (All About... (McGraw-Hill)).
• TRÖDEL NICHT, ADAM (German Edition).
• Bayeux - Wikipedia.
• .
• .

The Bodhisattva and the vyaghn Suvarnabhisa 18 etc ; When a female tiger, weakened by hunger and thirst. For the sake of that Remarks on the Khotanese Jatakastava 49 tigress you let yourself then fall from a hill, so that she would not eat her own small cubs. You made your mind suffer for the sake of the world.

Homage to You, the bestower of secunty, O gracious One. For many a long year you remained without speaking You lost the good name you had, VIZ. Your longing was for pravrajya, your striving towards renunciation, for the good state of emancipation When they put you into power, you were a rst. Unmeasured crores of beings you saved from evils. O Lord, you performed deeds of vigour there in that country. Many beings reached dhyana, settled in vratas. So for a long time you dispelled the evil darkness of torpor. Homage to you, O glorious One.

When you saw, wandering on the road, that teacher, you extended your matted hair in the dust before him and threw blue lotuses to- wards him. You received a prediction of Buddhahood. You are meritorious with immeasurable merits, O Lord, you are the Knower of the best path to Nirvana. Therefore homage to you. It will be seen from these extracts that the collection of eulogies of the Buddha is tlie cheif aim of the compiler. The various tales are more or less considered as well known and only indicated as giving occasion to this praise.

Nevertheless they are not without some interest of their own. Sten Konow The Pattern of the Nissaggiyas The Pall Vinaya-pitaka, Basket, Casket of Discipline is, as its name implies, a compilation whose mam emphasis is on control, on restraint, on training. That of the Vinaya known as the Sutta- vibhahga has, as its chief object, the regulation of the life of the individual as a member of a community by means of a body of rules or restrictions external to him. These rules numbering in the Pall Vinaya, together constitute the Patimokkha. The spheres which the Vinaya touches in operating these foundations of ethics, common to civilised societies, are those of monks and nuns as individuals, as members of a one-sided Order, male or female, and in relation to other members of that same side of the Order, as members of a two-sided Order, male and female, and in relation to members of the opposite side of the Order; as members of a community whose conduct may affect the life of the laity, of those still living in the world, or as members of a commu- nity whose life and actions are comparable to those of votaries of other existing communities also following a life of religion.

Generally speaking, this comprises a story leadmg up to the formulation of the rule, stkkhapada, and the penalty for breaking this, while m some cases there follows another story showing that it was necessary to remodel the rule, and at whose conclusion 'the amended draft is given; next comes the Old Commen- tary or Padabhajaniya, explaining the words of the rule, then cases where the penalty of the rule or some other heavier or lighter penalty is incurred, and finally a list of cases which entail no offence against the rule.

The Vinaya is said to contain many inconsistencies. Here I hope to show that, while usually following the general pattern outlined above, the Nissaggiyas also disclose some exceptions and irregularities, although even underlying the differences there may be, at all events on occa- sion, some recognisable, and perhaps purposive, unity of design. I have confined myself to the Nissaggiyas for this investiga- tion of the formal structure of rules and their attendant parts, princi- pally because their number is suitable.

Thirty rules with their auxiliary material is neither too large to handle comfortably, as would be the ninety-two Pacittiyas, nor too small to yield sufficient results, as might be the four Parajikas and, although to a lesser decree, the thirteen Sanghadisesas.

This survey, therefore, because it does not take into account a wider range of comparisons, because it does not marshal the Nissaggiyas beside the Parajikas, Sanghadisesas or Pacittiyas, but only one Nissaggiya beside another, is not a study in the com- I There is also a separate Vinaya or discipline for nuns The Nissaggiyas for nuns are not under consideration here 52 The Pattern of the Nissaggtyas parative structure of various classes of offence and rule.

It is no more than a preliminary investigation into the likenesses and contrasts, ap- parent in the scheme or pattern on which the Nissaggiyas arc arrang- ed, and in which ncccssaiily some account has been given of their subject matter. How closely or how distantly other calsses of offence resemble this scheme is a question whose answer will emerge when more widely comparative work on these lines has been accomplished.

Each of the thirty Nissaggiya rules for monks, if broken, gives rise to a mssaggtya paattiya offence, that is to an offence of expia- tion, paatttya, involving forfeiture, mssaggtya. In reality, the form of expiation enjoined by the Old Commentary, the Padabbajaniya, on these rules is confession of the offence A paatuya is a minor offence to be confessed, apaitt desetahha. Ntssaggtya means something to be forfeited or given up, and such a thing was that in respect of which the offence had been committed, for example a robe, a bowl oi a rug.

The thirty rules fall into three sections of ten rules each. Then there follows a kind of mnemonic verse, abbreviation or key, called uddana. But in the first section there is no mention of either kathma or ctvara, robes. The reason for this discrepancy IS, I think, that in the middle section only the first rule deals with silk, and in the third section only the first two rules deal with bowls. But in the first section, not only IS every rule concerned with robes or robe-material, but as many as the first three rules arc concerned with kathma privileges.

After the key at the end of tHe third section, it is said that these thirty rules have been recited. The reciter then says thrice to the monks present that he hopes they arc pure m respect of these thirty rules, and concludes that they are, since they keep silence. Twenty-two of the rules are said to have been formulated when Gotama was staying at Savatthi, three while at Rajagaha, two each while he was at Vesali and Kapilavatthu, and one while at Alavi. Of these thirty Nissaggiya rules for monks, as many as sixteen are concerned with robes, and fall into two groups, Nos.

No, XXX, is against a monk appropriating for his own use benefits intended for the Order. There aie moreover a few cross-sections. For example, in the matter of exchange of robes No, V , in the matter of washing, dyeing and beating robes No. There are offences regarding these which had to be confessed, and which occur in the Pacittiya section, but evidently there are no types of offences where lodgings and almsfood had to be forfeited in addition to their wrongful acquisition or usage being confessed. The most usual plan in each Nissaggiya is first to give an introductory story showing that a monk or monks behaved m a way that was thought unsuitable by someone who had seen it or wJio had been affected by it.

After this there comes the rule, always ascribed to Gotama, and designed to control such behaviour. The lule states the offence incurred for transgressing it, here, of course a ntssaggtya faettUya. Thirdly there follows the Old Commentary or Padabhajaniya, explaining words appearing in the rule, and in- cluding the method of forfeiting the article to be forfeited.

Fifthly there is a set of clauses giving offences incurred, ntssaggtya facitttya and dukkata, wrong-doing, if a monk thinks, whether rightly or wrongly, or is in doubt about some point raised in the rule, but acts wrongly. Lastly there comes a list of cases where there is no offence, anafath. These naturally bear some relation to the rule, while all end by saying that there is no offence if a monk is mad or is the first wrong-doer Nissaggiya XIX is alone in containing no more than these last two invariable exemptions from incurring offence.

As is to be expected the Nissaggiyas exhibit a certain amount of variation from this general plan. I will discuss some of these discrepancies shortly. But first let us consider the forfeiture which Is the distinguishing feature of this section of the Patimokkha. The article to be forfeited had, as a general rule, to be forfeited by the offending monk either to the samgha, a part of the Order, five or more monks residing within one boundary or one avasa, residence, or to a gam, a group of from two to four monks; or to an individual monk.

The offending monk had to state the reason, due to transgression of an important point in the rule, for forfeiting the article. Having forfeited it, he should confess the offence, and then,, if the article was forfeited to an Order or to a group, the offence should be acknowledged by an experienced, competent monk; if it was forfeited to an individual monk, the offence should 56 The pattern of the Mtssaggtyai be acknowledged by him.

Nissaggiyas XVIII, XIX, and XXII, but no others, decree that forfeiture should be made to the Order only, and not to a group or individual, they also preclude the customary return of the forfeited article to the monk who Had obtained it unlawfully and who had confessed his offence. The formulation of sixteen Nissaggiya rules resulted, as is iccordcd, from criticisms made of a monk or monks by the laity, eight rules resulted from criticisms made by modest monks, three from those by nuns, two from those by Ananda, and one from those made by a wanderer.

With the exception of Ananda, who com- plained for the sake of the Order and not because he himself had been specially inconvenienced, these various classes of critics put forward their complaints because they personally had been in some way affected by the monk's behaviour. Thus there is a parallelism between the sources of tlie criticisms and the sections of society annoyed. Once Gotama is iccorded to hear of unsuitable behaviour from Mahapajapati while he was talking to her No.

XVII , and once he came upon signs of it himself No, XV Four times a new rule IS formulated in place of one already existing, for occasions arose where its too scrupulous observance resulted in unfair situa- tions. Hence the rule was altered to allow for such occasions. It will be seen that the number of Nissaggiya rules formulated, according to this reckoning, is thirty-six. This means that six times the rule, as originally framed, had to be alteied, but that both versions, and there are never moic than two, together with their introductory stories, are set forth in six Nissaggiyas.

Indeed on these grounds the Nissaggiyas, in the interests of textual criticisms, may be divided into two sections. Section I, the smaller, may be taken to contain six Nissaggiyas: V and VI in which close adherence to the rule, as originally drafted, is shown to result in occurrences so unsuitable as to provoke complaints and criticism.

Section II, the larger, may be taken to contain the remaining twenty-four Nissaggiyas. In these the rule in its original form was able to stand and was in need of no remodelling. This section, because it is the larger, is naturally the more typical, but even here there are some exceptions to the general plan which merit attenoon. I do not know whether the occurrence of this phrase points to some older stratum in the Sutta- vibhanga, where only the rules so pointedly said to have been laid down by the lord genuinely were prescribed by him, or whether it any way supports the theory that the stones were invented after the drafting of the lules and in order to account for them.

The point of leaving in the original version, together with its attendant material, is doubtless to show why it would not work. Yet it seems queer so deliberately to ascribe to Gotam. This however does not explain the mystery why, in those more numerous Nissaggiyas where the rule is only once formulated, there is no addition of any phrase attnbuting the rule to Gotama.

In all these cases, except in Nissaggiya XXII, the pattern of which IS in any case unicjue, the anufandmi is inserted not imme- diately befoic but some way before the rule, here of course formulated only once. Thus in Section I, as I have called it, which comprises the six Nissaggiyas under consideration, there is first a story leading up to a uilc, and then another story showing that for some unforeseen reason the rule is not sufficiently elastic. An anitjdndmt is then made counteracting this rigidity, followed by the revised version of the lule.

In Nissaggiya I the the group of six monks are recorded to have used three different sets of the three robes for different occasions, while in Nissaggiya XXI they made a hoard of bowls. Such complaints are here, as always, taken up by the modest monks, but in both of these Nissaggiyas the modest monks shift the emphasis.



1. .
2. Full text of "Louis De Law Valle Poussin Memorial Volume"?
3. ;
4. The Accident (Point Horror Book 16);
5. Beyond the Castle!
6. !
7. ?

The consequence is that the first draft of the rule is more severe in character than it might otherwise have been. For these modest monks neither complained that the group of six monks wore various sets of the three robes, nor that they made a hoard of bowls. They complained that they wore an extra robe and used an extra bowl. In the light of the events which these stories recount, the rules came to be relaxed, and in one and the same respect.

For an extra robe, and an extra bowl, accrued to Ananda, and he, knowing that he must not keep them, wanted to give them to Sariputta. But Sariputta was in Saketa, and would not arrive for nine or ten days. When Ananda told th's to the lord, it is recorded that Gotama gave an allowance, one suspects because Ananda and Sariputta were among his most favourite disciples, enabling monks to wear an extra robe and use an extra bowl for at most ten days.

Before this allowance had been given it was an offence to wear the one or use the other in any circumstances. In each case this allowance forms the substance of the second which is the final ver- sion of the rule, and under it less uncompromising in tone than the first version. Here, in addition to the articles with which these two Nissaggiyas deal, Nissaggiya I differs from No. XXI, since it brings in a new time-clement, absent from No. For him who exceeds that period , there is an offence of expiation involving forfeiture. But here Nissaggiya XXI gives a description of bowls according to their size, while Nissaggiya I has no corresponding des- cription of robes.

Both go on to an identical explanation of the method to be used in forfeiting the robe and the bowl that has been used for more than ten days, and to an identical list of offences in- curred if the monk thinks that the ten days have elapsed when they have elapsed and acts against the terms of the rule, with per- mutations on this theme, due to doubt and modes of thinking wrongly, Oi he may think that various events; being allotted, assigned, bestowed, lost, destroyed or stolen, have overtaken his robe or bowl when in fact they have not done so.

Amongst these events there is only one which differs in these two Nissaggiyas, and naturally. It is perhaps worth while to draw attention to a curious con- vention prevailing here. As we have seen, in the enumeration of the ways m which a monk may incur an offence by wrong thinking or by doubt, he may think that his robe or bowl is stolen when it is not stolen, avtlmte vtluttasanni. Whoever should not give It back, there is an offence of wrong-doing.

Nissaggiya II, whose first rule emanated from criti- cisms made by Ananda, is concerned with the offence which a monk incurs if he should be away, separated from his three robes even for one night. Nissaggiya XIV, the first rule of which emanated from criticisms made by the laity, is concerned with the offence which a monk incurs if he should have a new rug made within six years. In both the lord is recorded to have been staying at Savatthi. In both of these Nissaggiyas, after the first version of the rule has been laid down, a monk is recorded to have become ill in Kosambi.

His realttons offered to nurse him if he would go to them. In Nissaggiya II the agreement that was allowed means that the Order was to agree to regard the monk who was ill as not away, separated from his three robes [Ucivarena avtppavasasammuU — although m fact he was separated from them. In each case the asking and giving is to be carried out in the same manner. When all this has been explained there follows immediately the second draft of the lule. Nothing of this kind occurs m any of the other Nissaggiyas.

In Nissaggiya XIV these clauses are replaced by others concerned with the offences, all ntssaggiya paMUya, into which a monk falls if he finishes by himself or gets others to finish for him what was incompletely executed by himself or by others. This theme on four variations also occurs in Rules XI. For the nice paralle- lism found in the clauses connected with the offences incurred if a monk thinks, whether rightly or wrongly, or doubts, but acts wrong- ly, IS not sufficient to set these two Nissaggiyas apart from all the rest.

It means, according to the anuianamt, exchange with five classes of people; monks, nuns, probationers, male novices, female novices. Here tlie explanation comes after the rule and the penalty for breaking it have been set forth. But if there is nothing, he must not come back to the monastery naked, but must come covered up by leaves oi grass. This is in older that he shall not be taken for a naked ascetic.

But here, this Nissaggiya strikes a new note. There are however three other occasions when an offence of wrong-doing is formulated in the Nissaggiyas, and is in each case attributed to Gotama. I shall now point out some of the more important exceptions to the general scheme of this larger group of the Nissaggiyas. The whole of this is arranged upon rather a different plan from all the other Nissaggiyas.

It begins with the introductory story, the criticism made by the laity and taken up by the modest monks, followed by their report on Gotama. He does not rebuke the offend- ing monks themselves, but says to those who tell him of their conduct. Then comes, as would be expected, a formulated rule with the offence for transgressing it.

Whoever should ask for one , there is an offence of wrong-doing. The criticism was not however levelled because a monk had been at fault in regard to the rule. The dukkata rule had, in fact, been tried and found wanting, for clearly it was not elastic enough to cover those times when it might be reasonable for a monk to ask for a bowl, and when close adherence to the rule only produced undesirable results. Again the laity and modest monks were critical Gotama rebuked the SIX monks, and set forth a rule, with the ofEence, a mssaggtya paatttya, for infringing it: