Declarations: Living and Leading above Your Circumstances

California need never make plans to deal with a drought. In the example above, though the inferential process itself is valid, the conclusion is false because the premise, There is no such thing as drought in the West , is false. A syllogism yields a false conclusion if either of its propositions is false. A syllogism like this is particularly insidious because it looks so very logical—it is, in fact, logical. But whether in error or malice, if either of the propositions above is wrong, then a policy decision based upon it California need never make plans to deal with a drought probably would fail to serve the public interest.

Assuming the propositions are sound, the rather stern logic of deductive reasoning can give you absolutely certain conclusions.

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However, deductive reasoning cannot really increase human knowledge it is nonampliative because the conclusions yielded by deductive reasoning are tautologies -statements that are contained within the premises and virtually self-evident. Therefore, while with deductive reasoning we can make observations and expand implications, we cannot make predictions about future or otherwise non-observed phenomena. You could say that inductive reasoning moves from the specific to the general. Much scientific research is carried out by the inductive method: Conclusions reached by the inductive method are not logical necessities; no amount of inductive evidence guarantees the conclusion.

This is because there is no way to know that all the possible evidence has been gathered, and that there exists no further bit of unobserved evidence that might invalidate my hypothesis. Thus, while the newspapers might report the conclusions of scientific research as absolutes, scientific literature itself uses more cautious language, the language of inductively reached, probable conclusions:.

What we have seen is the ability of these cells to feed the blood vessels of tumors and to heal the blood vessels surrounding wounds. The findings suggest that these adult stem cells may be an ideal source of cells for clinical therapy. For example, we can envision the use of these stem cells for therapies against cancer tumors [ Because inductive conclusions are not logical necessities, inductive arguments are not simply true.

Rather, they are cogent: Nor are inductive arguments simply false; rather, they are not cogent. It is an important difference from deductive reasoning that, while inductive reasoning cannot yield an absolutely certain conclusion, it can actually increase human knowledge it is ampliative.

American Dream

Kloppenberg, The Virtues of Liberalism Leo Lemay and P. Futures, Forms, and the Will of Literature". Braschi's novel is a scathing critique How to Be South Asian in America: Narratives of Ambivalence and Belonging. Retrieved 27 November Teaching American Ideals through Literature.

Government Printing Office, The Role of the Judge in the Twenty-first Century. Boston U Law School, Arnold Barton, A Folk Divided: The Nation , May 6, In the contemporary United States, the structure of wealth systematically transmits race and class inequalities through generations despite deep-rooted belief otherwise. Ambrose, Douglas Brinkley, Witness to America p.

American Dream - Wikipedia

Sandy Maisel, Jeffrey M. George Carlin "It's called the American Dream because you have to be asleep to believe it. Days of Destruction, Days of Revolt. Projecting the End of the American Dream: Hollywood's Vision of U. The Road Movie Book Blum, "Lincoln's American Dream: Atwater, "Senator Barack Obama: Pierre Trudeau and the Question of Canada's Survival pp. Rhodes, The Ethnic Press: American Dream and Power Wealth. Chasing the American Dream: Understanding What Shapes Our Fortunes. Retrieved August 8, The Betrayal of the American Dream. The United States in Comparison".

Archived from the original PDF on January 20, Is the American Dream Alive and Well? Archived May 3, , at the Wayback Machine.

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The American Dream moves to Denmark. Retrieved December 12, How economic inequality harms societies transcript. Quote featured on his personal profile on the TED website. Retrieved December 13, Want to get ahead? Looking for the American Dream? This country has figured out the only way to save the American Dream. Retrieved September 18, Rohe and Harry L. Watson, Chasing the American Dream: Tarapacki, Chasing the American Dream: Polish Americans in Sports ; Steve Wilson. The Boys from Little Mexico: A Season Chasing the American Dream is a true story of immigrant boys on a high school soccer team who struggle not only in their quest to win the state championship, but also in their desire to adapt as strangers in a new land.

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The two premiers were brought together in person in late January , when Smith travelled to London for Sir Winston Churchill 's funeral. Following an episode concerning Smith's non-invitation to a luncheon at Buckingham Palace after the funeral—noticing the Rhodesian's absence, the Queen sent a royal equerry to Smith's hotel to retrieve him, reportedly causing Wilson much irritation—the two Prime Ministers inconclusively debated at 10 Downing Street. They differed on most matters, but agreed on a visit to Rhodesia the next month by Bottomley and the Lord Chancellor, Lord Gardiner , to gauge public opinion and meet political and commercial figures.

The RF called a new general election for May and, campaigning on an election promise of independence, won all 50 "A"-roll seats the voters for which were mostly white. Opening parliament on 9 June, Gibbs told the Legislative Assembly that the RF's strengthened majority amounted to "a mandate to lead the country to its full independence", and announced that the new government had informed him of its intent to open its own diplomatic mission in Lisbon , separate from the British embassy there.

The UK's refusal of aid, the Lisbon mission, the informal arms embargo and other issues combined with this to cause the Rhodesian government's sense of alienation from Britain and the Commonwealth to deepen. Amid renewed rumours of an impending Rhodesian UDI, Smith travelled to meet Wilson in London at the start of October , telling the press that he intended to resolve the independence issue once and for all.

During these discussions, Smith referred to the last resort of a UDI on many occasions, [] though he said he hoped to find another way out of the quandary. He offered to increase black legislative representation by expanding the electorate along the lines of "one taxpayer, one vote"—which would enfranchise about half a million, but still leave most of the nation voteless—in return for a grant of independence.

The Rhodesians were horrified by this prospect, particularly as Wilson's suggestion of it seemed to them to have removed the failsafe alternative of keeping the status quo. Stalemate drew closer as the Rhodesian Cabinet resolved that since Wilson had ruled out maintenance of the status quo , its only remaining options were to trust in the Royal Commission or declare independence. Smith said these conditions amounted to a "vote of no confidence in [the commission] before they commenced", and therefore rejected them. Amid frantic efforts by Beadle and others on both sides to revive the Royal Commission, the Rhodesian government had Gibbs announce a state of emergency the same day on the grounds that black Rhodesian insurgents were reportedly entering the country.

Smith denied that this foreshadowed a declaration of independence, [] but the publishing of his letter to Wilson in the press provoked a worldwide storm of speculation that UDI was imminent. When Jack Howman , Minister of Tourism and Information, said that he was also preparing a draft, the Cabinet decided to wait to see his version too.

The ministers agreed that if an independence proclamation were issued, they would all sign it. Attached to the declaration of independence was a copy of the constitution amended for the circumstances, which became the constitution. In the eyes of the Smith administration, this document removed Whitehall's remaining authority over Rhodesia. However, the Smith government still professed loyalty to Elizabeth II, and accordingly the document reconstituted Rhodesia as a dominion with Elizabeth as "Queen of Rhodesia". The new constitution created the concept of allegiance to the "Constitution of Rhodesia," and introduced the post of Officer Administering the Government , a viceregal figure empowered to sign passed legislation into law on behalf of the monarch if she did not appoint a Governor-General.

The Rhodesian Cabinet waited in vain for Wilson's reply for the rest of 9 November and the next day. After briefly meeting Smith late on 10 November, [] Johnston warned Wilson that evening that the Rhodesians seemed poised to declare independence in the morning. The British Prime Minister tried repeatedly to call Smith, but did not get through until Smith was already chairing a Cabinet meeting on the independence issue around Wilson attempted to talk Smith out of unilateral action by telling him the status quo could continue, and the two argued inconclusively about the proposed Royal Commission.

Returning to his Cabinet meeting, Smith reported the conversation to his ministers, and, after debating for a while, the Cabinet came to the conclusion that Wilson was simply attempting to buy more time and that there was no sign of actual progress. Smith asked if Rhodesia should declare its independence, and had each Cabinet minister answer in turn. According to Smith's account, "each one, quietly but firmly, without hesitation, said: The timing was intended to emphasise the sacrifices Rhodesia had made for Britain in wartime.

Whereas in the course of human affairs history has shown that it may become necessary for a people to resolve the political affiliations which have connected them with another people and to assume amongst other nations the separate and equal status to which they are entitled:. And Whereas in such event a respect for the opinions of mankind requires them to declare to other nations the causes which impel them to assume full responsibility for their own affairs:. That it is an indisputable and accepted historic fact that since the Government of Rhodesia have exercised the powers of self-government and have been responsible for the progress, development and welfare of their people;.

That the people of Rhodesia having demonstrated their loyalty to the Crown and to their kith and kin in the United Kingdom and elsewhere through two world wars, and having been prepared to shed their blood and give of their substance in what they believed to be the mutual interests of freedom-loving people, now see all that they have cherished about to be shattered on the rocks of expediency;. That the people of Rhodesia have witnessed a process which is destructive of those very precepts upon which civilization in a primitive country has been built, they have seen the principles of Western democracy, responsible government and moral standards crumble elsewhere, nevertheless they have remained steadfast;.

That the people of Rhodesia fully support the requests of their government for sovereign independence but have witnessed the consistent refusal of the Government of the United Kingdom to accede to their entreaties;. That the Government of the United Kingdom have thus demonstrated that they are not prepared to grant sovereign independence to Rhodesia on terms acceptable to the people of Rhodesia, thereby persisting in maintaining an unwarrantable jurisdiction over Rhodesia, obstructing laws and treaties with other states and the conduct of affairs with other nations and refusing assent to laws necessary for the public good, all this to the detriment of the future peace, prosperity and good government of Rhodesia;.

That the Government of Rhodesia have for a long period patiently and in good faith negotiated with the Government of the United Kingdom for the removal of the remaining limitations placed upon them and for the grant of sovereign independence;. That in the belief that procrastination and delay strike at and injure the very life of the nation, the Government of Rhodesia consider it essential that Rhodesia should attain, without delay, sovereign independence, the justice of which is beyond question;. Now Therefore, We The Government of Rhodesia, in humble submission to Almighty God who controls the destinies of nations, conscious that the people of Rhodesia have always shown unswerving loyalty and devotion to Her Majesty the Queen and earnestly praying that we and the people of Rhodesia will not be hindered in our determination to continue exercising our undoubted right to demonstrate the same loyalty and devotion, and seeking to promote the common good so that the dignity and freedom of all men may be assured, Do, By This Proclamation, adopt, enact and give to the people of Rhodesia the Constitution annexed hereto;.

Prompted by the government, the Rhodesian Broadcasting Corporation told the public to stand by for an important announcement from the Prime Minister at He read the proclamation aloud, then stated that independence had been declared because it had become "abundantly clear that it is the policy of the British government to play us along with no real intention of arriving at a solution which we could possibly accept I promised the people of this country that I would continue to negotiate to the bitter end and that I would leave no stone unturned in my endeavours to secure an honourable and mutually accepted settlement; it now falls to me to tell you that negotiations have come to an end".

Smith said that he believed that he would be remiss in his duty if he allowed Rhodesia to continue to "drift in its present paralysing state of uncertainty", and that following Britain's abandonment of the Federation his government was determined that "the same will never be allowed to happen here". He claimed that UDI did not mark "a diminution in the opportunities which our African people have to advance and prosper in Rhodesia", described "racial harmony in Africa" as part of his agenda and condemned black Rhodesian activities as attempts to "blackmail the British government into He then attempted to assuage fears that economic sanctions might destroy the economy, and asked Rhodesians to stand firm: In the lives of most nations there comes a moment when a stand has to be made for principles, whatever the consequences.

This moment has come to Rhodesia By the time Smith and Dupont arrived at Government House to see Gibbs, Whitehall had instructed the Governor to formally dismiss Smith and his ministers for treason. Gibbs complied without hesitation. Smith and his ministers ignored this, holding that under the new constitution Gibbs "no longer ha[d] any executive powers in Rhodesia", and his reserve power to sack them no longer existed.

Gibbs told the Rhodesian military's senior officers, some of whom were troubled by the perceived choice between Queen and country, to remain at their posts to maintain law and order. The Rhodesian government accompanied UDI with emergency measures that it said were intended to prevent alarm, unrest and the flight of people and capital. News of UDI was generally received calmly by the local citizenry, apart from some isolated incidents of passing cars being stoned in the black townships outside Bulawayo. A few expected dissenters were arrested, most prominently Leo Baron , Nkomo's lawyer, whose links with black Rhodesians and communists were seen by authorities as "subversive".

Welensky, who had opposed UDI, stated that he felt it was nevertheless "the duty of every responsible Rhodesian to support the revolutionary government" as he believed the only alternative was a descent into anarchy. The Smith administration assigned him the Governor's official residence at Government House, but no attempt was made to forcibly remove Gibbs and his entourage; the post-UDI government stated that the Officer Administering the Government would live at Governor's Lodge instead "until Government House, at present temporarily occupied by Sir Humphrey Gibbs in a private capacity, becomes available".

He feared that Gibbs might dramatically walk into the chamber in an attempt to stop the proceedings, but Gibbs did no such thing. The parliamentary opposition opened the meeting by asking whether the assembly was legal. The proceedings have no legal validity whatsoever". God save the Queen! Gibbs received threatening letters from the Rhodesian public, and on 26 November Smith's government cut off the telephones at Government House, and removed the ceremonial guard, the official cars "and even the typewriters", Wood records.

Wilson was astonished by Smith's actions, and found the timing of the declaration to coincide with the Armistice Day silence deeply insulting. Security Council Resolution , following on 20 November, condemned UDI as an illegitimate "usurpation of power by a racist settler minority", and called on nations neither to recognise what it deemed "this illegal authority" nor to entertain diplomatic or economic relations with it. Both of these measures were adopted by ten votes to none with France abstaining.

Rhodesian black nationalists and their overseas supporters, prominently the OAU, clamoured for Britain to remove Smith's government with a military invasion, but Britain dismissed this option because of various logistical issues, the risk of provoking a pre-emptive Rhodesian strike on Zambia, and the psychological problems that were likely to accompany any confrontation between British and Rhodesian troops in what Smith said would be a "fratricidal war".

Wilson predicted in January that the various boycotts would force Smith to give in "within a matter of weeks rather than months", [] but the British and UN sanctions had little effect on Rhodesia, largely because South Africa and Portugal went on trading with the breakaway colony, providing it with oil and other key resources. Rhodesia thus avoided the economic collapse predicted by Wilson and gradually became more self-sufficient. Even many OAU states, while bombarding Rhodesia with vitriol, continued importing Rhodesian food and other products.

This breach of the UN sanctions, passed by the US Congress on the back of anti-communist Cold War considerations, was warmly welcomed by Southern white supremacists; it aided the Rhodesian economy until , when the newly elected President Jimmy Carter successfully pushed Congress to repeal it. Official diplomatic recognition by other countries was key for Rhodesia as it was the only way it could regain the international legitimacy it had lost through UDI. Specifically, it expected diplomatic recognition from South Africa and Portugal, and thought that France might recognise Rhodesia to annoy Britain and create a precedent for an independent Quebec.

Britain withdrew most of its High Commission staff from Salisbury in the days following UDI, leaving a small skeleton staff to man a "residual mission" intended to help Gibbs keep the British government informed of local happenings. Unofficial representative offices of the Rhodesian government also existed in the US, Japan and West Germany, while a citizen of Belgium was employed to represent Rhodesian interests there. These continued even after Britain forced the office to close in Because UDI claimed to make Rhodesia independent under the Queen as an effective dominion, many countries justified their retention of missions in Rhodesia concurrently with their non-recognition of the state by pointing out that the envoys' accreditation was to the Queen and not to Smith's government per se.

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But Rhodesia moved away from its original line of independence as a constitutional monarchy and towards republicanism during the late s, hoping to end ambiguity regarding its claimed constitutional status and elicit official foreign recognition. In March , after the electorate had voted "yes" in a referendum the previous year both to a new constitution and to the abandoning of symbolic ties to the Queen, Smith's government declared Rhodesia a republic. Far from prompting recognition, this led all countries apart from Portugal and South Africa to withdraw their consulates and missions, as the justification of royal accreditation could no longer be used.

Portugal also withdrew its own remaining officials from Rhodesia, leaving South Africa as the only country with links to Salisbury. Rhodesia's diplomatic activities were thereafter greatly diminished. The Chief Justice Sir Hugh Beadle, of the Appellate Division, announced simply that the judges would go on carrying out their duties "according to the law".

The first of these, Madzimbamuto v.

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Desmond Lardner-Burke, the Rhodesian Minister of Justice and Law and Order, prolonged the state of emergency in February , prompting Madzimbamuto's wife to appeal for his release, arguing that since the United Kingdom had declared UDI illegal and outlawed the Rhodesian government with the Southern Rhodesia Act , the state of emergency and, by extension, Madzimbamuto's imprisonment had no legal basis.

The General Division of the Rhodesian High Court ruled on 9 September that legal sovereignty lay with the British government, but that to "avoid chaos and a vacuum in the law" the Rhodesian government should be considered to be in control of law and order to the same extent as before UDI. In February , ruling on Madzimbamuto's appeal, Beadle concluded that the Smith administration would be recognised by the local judiciary as the de facto government by virtue of its "effective control over the state's territory", but that de jure recognition would be withheld as this was not "firmly established".

In late February , considering the fate of James Dhlamini, Victor Mlambo and Duly Shadreck, three black Rhodesians convicted of murder and terrorist offences before UDI, Beadle ruled that Salisbury retained its pre-UDI powers regarding executions and could carry out death sentences. Whitehall announced on 1 March that at the request of the UK government, the Queen had exercised the royal prerogative of mercy and commuted the three death sentences to life imprisonment. Dhlamini and the others applied for a permanent stay of execution on this basis.

At the hearing for Dhlamini and Mlambo on 4 March , Beadle argued that he saw the statement from London as a decision by the UK government and not the Queen herself, and that in any case the constitution had transferred the prerogative of mercy from Britain to the Rhodesian Executive Council. Justice John Fieldsend of the High Court's General Division resigned in protest, writing to Gibbs that he no longer believed the High Court to be defending the rights of Rhodesian citizens.

Dhlamini, Mlambo and Shadreck were hanged on 6 March. On 23 July , the Privy Council in London ruled in Madzimbamuto's favour, deciding that orders for detention made by the Rhodesian government were invalid regardless of whether the or constitution was considered effective. It declared the latter, "revolutionary" constitution illegal, and ruled that the former was overridden by the Southern Rhodesia Act , which had effectively outlawed the Rhodesian legislative, administrative and legal authorities in British law. Lord Reid , delivering the majority opinion Lord Pearce dissented , argued that the "usurper" government, though the effective master of Rhodesia, could not be considered lawful as the UK government was still attempting to regain control and it was impossible to say whether or not it would succeed.

He ruled that only Whitehall could determine what constituted the maintenance of "law and order" in Rhodesia, and that the Rhodesian emergency measures were unlawful as they had been formalised by the Officer Administering the Government, a post-UDI figure who was, in British eyes, unconstitutional. Reid concluded that Madzimbamuto was illegally detained. The Rhodesian High Court granted full de jure recognition to the post-UDI government on 13 September , while rejecting the appeals of 32 black Rhodesians who had been a month earlier convicted of terrorist offences and sentenced to death.

Beadle declared that while he believed the Rhodesian judiciary should respect rulings of the Privy Council "so far as possible", the judgement of 23 July had made it legally impossible for Rhodesian judges to continue under the constitution. He asserted that the court therefore faced a choice between the constitution and a legal vacuum, the latter of which he felt he could not endorse.

Macdonald, a member of Beadle's ruling panel, argued that since UDI, the British government had acted unconstitutionally and illegally regarding Rhodesia by involving the United Nations in what should have been legally considered a domestic problem, and had concurrently abdicated its right to the allegiance of the Rhodesian people by waging economic war against the country and encouraging other nations to do the same.

To support this argument, Macdonald referred to the assertion by the 17th-century Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius that "the purpose of governing and the purpose of destroying cannot subsist together". The British Commonwealth Secretary, George Thomson , promptly accused the Rhodesian judges of breaching "the fundamental laws of the land", [] while Gibbs announced that since his position as Governor existed under the constitution, which allowed appeals to the Privy Council, he could only reject the Rhodesian court ruling.

Their recognition of the post-UDI order carried over to the republican constitution, adopted in Vestiges of British ties were removed piecemeal by the government over the decade following UDI, and replaced with symbols and terminology intended to be more uniquely Rhodesian. Since Elizabeth II was still the Rhodesian head of state in the eyes of Smith's administration until , " God Save the Queen " remained the Rhodesian national anthem, and continued to accompany official occasions such as the opening of the Rhodesian parliament.

This was intended to demonstrate Rhodesia's continued loyalty to the Queen, but the use of the unmistakably British song at Rhodesian state occasions soon seemed "fairly ironic", as The Times put it. State press censorship, which had been introduced on UDI, was lifted in early April The air force's new roundel was a green ring with the lion and tusk on a white centre. Rhodesia's police force, the British South Africa Police , was not renamed. Wilson told the British House of Commons in January that he would not enter any kind of dialogue with the post-UDI Rhodesian "illegal regime" until it gave up its claim of independence, [] but by mid British and Rhodesian civil servants were holding "talks about talks" in London and Salisbury.

After the Conservatives returned to power in Britain in , provisional agreement was reached in November between the Rhodesian government and a British team headed by Douglas-Home who was Foreign Secretary under Prime Minister Edward Heath , and in early a Royal Commission chaired by Lord Pearce travelled to Rhodesia to investigate how acceptable the proposals were to majority opinion. After extensive consultation, the commission reported that while whites, coloureds and Asians were largely in favour of the presented terms, most blacks rejected them.

The deal was therefore shelved by the British government. Abortive conferences were held at Victoria Falls in and Geneva By the mids, it was apparent that white minority rule could not continue forever. Even Vorster realized that white rule in a country where blacks outnumbered whites He announced his acceptance in principle of one man, one vote during Henry Kissinger 's Anglo-American initiative in September , and in March concluded the Internal Settlement with non-militant nationalist groups headed by Bishop Abel Muzorewa , the Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole and Chief Jeremiah Chirau.

This settlement, boycotted by the PF and rejected internationally, [] led to multiracial elections and Rhodesia's reconstitution under majority rule as Zimbabwe Rhodesia in June Muzorewa, the electoral victor, took office as the country's first black Prime Minister at the head of a coalition Cabinet comprising 12 blacks and five whites, [] including Smith as minister without portfolio.