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After Pusan (Faber Finds)

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Tombs of the Koryŏ elite

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On others, the domed head is of solid metal. It is not uncommon for pit graves to contain only one topknot pin and no other burial goods. In such cases, the pin typically is located at the end of the pit where the head would have rested, suggesting that the deceased wore it at the time of burial. Topknot pins were made of gold, silver, or bronze and often were gilded. Differences in their manufacture and material likely indicate the social status of the interred. A virtually identical piece in silver-gilt is in the British Museum. Afterward, details were added by incising the metal.

Nor were burial mirrors associated with their secular uses as vanity objects. Rather, mirrors were broadly regarded as auspicious artifacts associated with high social status, and thus contributed favorably to the burial setting. No mirrors have been excavated from stone chamber tombs, but reports from the early twentieth century make mention of mirrors being unearthed from graves alongside celadon wares, bronze vessels, and articles of jewelry.

In pit graves they tend to be found with a relatively large number and variety of burial goods, suggesting that the graves belonged to low-ranking officials or local strongmen rather than commoners. Unfortunately it is impossible to know how many mirrors were typically interred in royal tombs, but no more than one mirror has been excavated from any one pit grave. These included pictorial subject matters as well as stylized flower, bird, and animal patterns, all of which carried auspicious messages of longevity, benevolence, and harmony.

Some of the largest and heaviest mirrors made during this time feature a central pattern of two dragons chasing flaming pearls fig. Traditionally, the use of dragon motifs was not available to all but was reserved for the royal family since, in accordance with Chinese custom, it denoted power and authority. For example, ceramics with dragon motifs largely appear on high-quality wares produced at the royal kilns in Puan and Kangjin. Several mirrors of the type illustrated here are now housed in the National Museum of Korea. Before they were placed in graves, they may have been used as secular objects in upper-class homes.

By the s Confucian scholars were arguing that the Jia li should be the exclusive manual for funeral and mourning rites, resulting in significantly different ways of dealing with the dead. However, old habits die hard, and the uncivilized, un-Confucian ways in which people continued to dispose of the dead were a source of much frustration for the government.

As I have discussed the rise of Confucian ways of interment during this period in an earlier paper, here I will highlight only key facets of this issue. Archaeological evidence suggests that instructions on preparing the burial pit were among the first aspects of the manual to gain acceptance on the peninsula. To protect and safeguard the bones of the deceased, Zhu Xi recommended that burial pits be lined with charcoal and a thick layer of cement.

However, the use of normal-sized objects waned over time in favor of miniature-sized versions. Zhu Xi argued that treating the dead as if they were alive was arrogant and therefore discouraged the use of normal-sized burial goods.

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Changes also happened to the ways in which burial goods were arranged inside tombs. He offered the following guidelines: Block their entrances with board. This is partially attributed to the fact that burials were governed by varied worldviews, including Buddhist and geomantic beliefs, which influenced the burial setting in different ways. Differences in social status established some parameters for how funerals should be carried out, but overall people were largely free to deal with the dead as they saw fit.

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As a result, bodies were disposed of in a variety of ways, ranging from cremation to burial in wooden coffins, placed either in stone chambers or in pit graves. Similarly, there were no clear rules about which types and how many burial goods should be interred with the deceased or how they should be located within the graves. Nevertheless, through detailed examination of the material record, certain patterns and shared concerns become apparent. The need to uphold a relationship with the dead was deemed important, as is reflected, for example, in the significance attached to the selection of burial sites according to geomantic theories.

In the same way, the interment of burial artifacts served predominantly as a final act of respect paid to the deceased by his or her descendants. Through the gifting of such goods, the living did not just consolidate their relations to the dead; by placing high-value objects in the tomb, they visually formalized in a public way the social standing and wealth of the deceased and his or her kin group.

Therefore, the act of burying the dead with grave goods served to cement and eternalize links between the dead and the living.

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However, regulatory measures that were put in place from the fifteenth century onward with the aim to ensure that funerals were conducted appropriately marked a considerable shift in mortuary practices and led to standardized ways of dealing with the dead, including the manufacture of artifacts used exclusively for burial.

Honey, Corean Pottery London: Faber and Faber, , 3. Carles, Life in Corea London: Charlotte Horlyck and Michael Pettid Honolulu: Korean Funeral Customs , ed. Mijinsa, , The volume lists the locations of the tombs, their precincts, tomb statues, and grave goods. Unfortunately none of the tombs were in an intact state, and only few burial goods were recovered. She was buried on Kanghwa Island, where the royal capital was moved in due to the Mongol invasions of the Korean peninsula. Several gilt-bronze coffin ornaments are in the collection of the National Museum of Korea.

In search of a cultural legacy [1] Seoul: Freer Gallery of Art and the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, , — Kungnip chungang pangmulgan, A small number of caskets are also in Western collections. The Seoul Press, , 6. Quoted in Korean Art , — Quoted in Korean Art , An Annual 2 , Faber and Faber, , Kungnip chungang pangmulgwan, , — National Museum of Korea, , 32— Carles, Life in Corea , Gompertz, Korean Celadon , 10, 22—23, fig.


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Sanggam refers to the technique of inlaying incised patterns with either white or red slip. When dry, excess slip was scraped off to ensure that only the incised patterns were filled in. Thereafter the ceramic ware was biscuit fired, glazed, and fired again. After firing, the white slip remained white, while the red slip turned black due to its high iron content.

Kumja Paik Kim San Francisco: Asian Art Museum, , Hannam taehakkyo pangmulgwan, , Treasures of Korean traditional craft Seoul: Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art, ,