A Grammar of Dolakha Newar (Mouton Grammar Library [MGL])

Chapter 5 Personal pronouns interrogatives indefinites and demonstratives. Chapter 6 Verbs and verb morphology. Chapter 13 Grammatical relations. Chapter 14 Constituent order. Chapter 15 Clauselevel syntactic constructions. Chapter 16 Tense and aspect. Chapter 17 Nominalization and related structures. Chapter 19 The participial construction. Thus, for the time being, this grammar is addressed to my linguistic peer-group; it is documented for the scientific interest of linguists and for my personal sport.

Following this principle of Einar Haugen's does not imply, however, that insights in the structure of grammars and its features gained by modern linguistic theories are blocked off or ignored. The grammar starts with some general remarks on the Kilivila language. It then presents Kilivila phonology.

Its emphasis is on Kilivila grammar; within these main chapters on grammar, Kilivila word classes and aspects of inflectional morphology are presented first I have omitted almost all consideration of derivational morphology 15 months of field-research are too short a period to be able to cope with this field of linguistics, too , then the description moves on to deal with the language on sentence level.

The grammar proper ends with an excursus on style and the presentation of three sample texts after an illustrative syntactic analysis of a Kilivila sentence. The two appendices are given to enable the interested reader to get some more information on Austronesian languages and especially on Kilivila and the culture of its speakers, especially the Trobriand Islanders. The chapter on Kilivila syntax documents the most important decisions that had to be made in classifying certain grammatical features.

I am quite aware of the risks of some of these classifications, however, linguistics as a discipline must arrive at a classification of its data, and my leading principles in classifying were based both on grammatical considerations and on the scientific aims pursued. I would be very glad, if in not too long a period of time a native speaker of Kilivila would write a grammar of Kilivila, a grammar presumably more complete than this one. If this linguist, being a native speaker, could profit by the grammar presented here, I would be very pleased and I would be amongst the first to declare that this grammar has become obsolete.

How-ever, for the time being, we have to be content with this first published and not only announced grammar of Kilivila. This province encompasses "20 sq. It has an estimated population of , Sinclair, Inder The Austronesian languages spoken in this province are grouped into 12 language families; one of them is labeled "Kilivila language family"; typologically it is classified as belonging to the "Papuan-Tip-Cluster" group Capell The Kilivila language family encompasses the following languages: Map 3 shows the geographic distribution of the languages belonging to the Kilivila language family in the area of Milne Bay Province in Papua New Guinea.

Kilivila and Muyuw are split in dialects. The speakers of Kilivila on the Trobriand Islands differentiate at least the following four mutually understandable local varieties or dialects: The word gala means "no, not" in all four varieties. It is characteristic for the speakers of these four varieties, however, to add to the negation gala a typical word like besa, goki, nani, and wala, though these expressions are produced as being in "material supposition" for the actual word quoted.

There are of course, some other phonological differences, too, as the following example may illustrate: These examples may do for our purpose here see 3. With this differentiation of dialects or local language varieties it is quite interesting to notice that Kavataria seems to have a special status with its language variety, different from the variety spoken in all the other villages on Kiriwina Island I cannot offer any kind of explanation for this fact and that with the exception of Kaduwaga in the North-West of Kaile'una Island all villages on this island are grouped together in the Biga galawala-variety.

There are, of course, some minor differences in the linguistic varieties spoken in these villages on Kaile'una Island, but there remains the fact that with the exception of Kaduwaga village Kaile'una Island has a variety bordering on those of Kiriwina Island in the East and those of the above mentioned islands including Kaduwaga village on Kaile'una Island in the Solomon Sea in the West. I cannot give a sound explanation for this separation of Kaduwaga from the other villages on Kaile'una Island.

A possible explanation could be that Kaduwaga, being the village of the most important chief on Kaile'una Island, has separated itself from the other villages linguistically to emphasize its special status; a more reasonable explanation, however, seems to be found in quite intensive and economically oriented contacts with the islanders living in the West of Kaile'una and in the establishing of relational and family bonds between Kaduwagans and these islanders but these attempts to explain this language variety borderline are rather speculative.

In any event, this differentiation of different dialects or local language varieties of Kilivila on the Trobriand Islands only affects some phonological rules and causes some minor differences of certain items within the lexicon of Kilivila as it is spoken on the Trobriand Islands; it does not at all affect the syntax nor the inflectional morphology of Kilivila language. Besides this differentiation of dialects given above, Lawton Kitava Iwa Gawa With the exception of assigning a specific dialect to the speakers of Kilivila living on the islands Gawa, Iwa, Kitava, and Vakuta Lawton's differentiation represents a rather subtle subcategorization of the variety which my inform-ants on the Trobriand Islands labelled Biga besagala, only.

The islands Iwa and Gawa can be found on Map 3. As already stated in the previous chapter, the Kilivila grammar presented here is based on the Biga galawala-variety as it is spoken in Tauwema, a village on Kaile'una Island. Kilivila phoneme inventory bilabial labio- alveolar palatal velar glottal dental stops b t d k g rounded pw bw kw gw stops fricatives s sonorants m r 1 rounded mw sonorant semivowel w y front central back high i u mid e low a Diphthongs: There is relative wide fluctuation in the point at which this diphthong is initiated.

The variants of this diphthong are one of the main features that distinguish different Kilivila dialects. The diphthong occurs within the biga galawala dialect as in stressed words, especially in formal or emotional speech, in archaic or formal or ironic speech, and occurring elsewhere with [] having the most frequent occurrence in the biga galawala variety. Kilivila diphthongs have phonemic status; they act in a syllable as do any other phonemes see 3.

Phoneme, Sound, and Grapheme This subsection lists phonemes and sounds in Kilivila together with their respective graphemes. It follows the principle that the grapheme should represent the actual sound of a phoneme realized in speech production. The apostrophe is also used to indicate the deletion of a sound within a word which is only realized in highly formal style. Thus we find the following two orthographic representations of the Kilivila word for "thinking, thoughts": Capital letters are used after a full stop for sentence initial words and for given names and names of places.

Here are some examples of words in which these kinds of fluctuation have been noted: These patterns represent sequences of two syllables each. The occurrence of nonsyllabic jmj in syllable final position clearly constitutes a special feature in the syllable pattern of Kilivila. Minimal Pairs In this subsection I list a number of minimal pairs to illustrate and document the phonemic status of each phoneme within the Kilivila phoneme inventory.

Distinctive Feature Analysis I will finish this section on Kilivila phonology with an analysis of the distinctive features of the Kilivila phonemes; it is tabulated in Table 3. The fifth and last type of syllable patterns is the only closed syllable occurring in Kilivila. As described in 3.

Carol Genetti

Kilivila has the following five syllable patterns: Phonotactics Within word boundaries only we find some distributional limitations on phoneme sequences. These limitations affect phoneme distribution within the syllable and features marking word boundaries. Limitations that affect phoneme sequences in the other four syllable patterns have been discussed already in subsection 3. All syllable patterns may occur in word initial, word medial, and word final position. With the exception of one variant of the demonstrative pronoun see 4.

Vocalic clusters are a quite common feature of Kilivila phonology. Diphthong clusters are not so frequent in general. This is especially true for the biga galawala and biga galanani varieties of Kilivila. In word final position all vowels may occur. The smallest word is monosyllabic like: Stress Regular stress in Kilivila is on the penultimate syllable of the word. However, there are some cases where stress is on the final syllable and some cases where stress is on the antepenultimate syllable. Emphatic speech may change stress patterns.

The stress rules are as follows: Examples following this stress rule are: When the final syllable of a word has a voiceless consonant preceding the vowel, then this vowel is frequently reduced. Thus the final syllable of a word with penultimate stress is weakened. Stress on antepenultimate syllable If a word terminates with the syllables Examples for this stress rule are: Stress in emphatic speech In emphatic speech stress may move back one syllable in words which normally have stress on final or penultimate syllable.

In emphatic speech, the word final vowel may also be elongated and may get secondary stress as in: Stress 27 inaguuuu [i'na. Secondary Stress Secondary stress in general is only used as a means to mark morpheme structure within longer words or expressions, or as a means to emphasize reduplications within words.

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An example with secondary stress is: Parts of Speech Inflectional Morphology This chapter describes the parts of speech in Kilivila and discusses where necessary aspects of inflectional morphology. I have omitted almost all consideration of derivational morphology.

As stated in chapter 1, the linguis-tic description tries more or less to follow the principles and categories of so-called "traditional school grammar" Haugen This does not imply, however, that results of modern linguistic theory are ignored, nor that its very often more precise tools for describing syntactic phenomena are not used, if necessary. The following sections 4. The leading principle in doing so is a syntactic one, but morpho-logical and semantic features are taken into account, too.

This chapter of the grammar describes first the verb and the construction of the verbal expression 4. Pronouns, numerals, particles and interjec-tions, and negation are presented as word classes of their own, although they are not word classes proper from a syntactic point of view, but fulfill several syntactic functions. It goes without saying that the writing of any grammar has to face the fact that it is impossible to describe all linguistic phenomena in the most detailed and adequate way. Decisions on how to classify certain linguistic phenomena have to be made, and the grammarian must realize that with his grammatical description he is often forced to act in a way with language like Procrustes offering his guests his rather uncomfortable bed.

The follow-ing sections and chapter 5 document the classificatory decisions that were made here, keeping in mind all the risks that go with any classification of this kind see 1. The Verb Kilivila is a language that uses its verbs extensively thereby often con-structing verb clusters and compounds for transmitting as much exactness and information as possible. To give an example: It would be quite usual to answer the request: Magigu yokwa kupilasegu magi-gu yokwa ku-pilase-gu wish-my you you-help-me "I would like you to help me. Igau bama bagisi bapilasem igau ba-ma ba-gisi ba-pilase-m later I will-come I will-see I will-help -you "I will come later, look at it and help you.

Kilivila morphology in general is highly synthetic. With the verb we find the following morphological features: The stem of the verb is invariable. It is never realized in this form as a verb in actual production, but it is produced in combination with certain affixes that indicate its subject, aspect and tense, number, and with some verbs only also its object.

Moreover it is possible to differentiate in a very minute analysis of Kilivila verbs between the verb stem proper and other affixed formatives that indicate or at least give cues to aspects of context, quality, state, condition, orientation, intensity, duration etc. The verb stem can also be reduplicated, like -boku-"cough" and -bukuboku-"coughing always, coughing all the time"; it then indicates an action in progress or the plurality or repetitiveness of an action. We can also differentiate between simple forms of the verb stem like -la-"go away from here " 30 Parts of Speech -wa-"go away to there " -ma-"come to here ", complex forms of the verb stem like -biyagila-"draw, move from: However, this detailed differentiation is not done in this grammar.

Here the term "verb stem" is used in such a way that it encompasses all the formatives, the reduplicated forms of the verb stem, and the verb stem proper. The way of constructing the verbal expression in Kilivila is shown in the following subsection. The Construction of the Verbal Expression As indicated above, a verbal expression, in its "most general form", consists of a subject-prefix, the verb stem proper, and a marker for number. Person Subject- Verb stem Number-marker prefix l.

In general, however, this grammar proposes not to indicate the morpheme boundaries between the constituents of the verbal expression by a separating form of writing, but to represent them as one unit in orthographic writing. The paradigm of the verbal expression represented here shows the follow-ing most prominent morphological traits: There are five different subject-prefixes, a-, ku-, i-, ta-, and ka-. These subject-prefixes can be classified as personal-pronominal-prefixes. In the singular, they are prefixed to the verb stem, thus building one unit.

There is no morpheme indicating singular or, to put it differently, singular is indicated by a zero-morpheme; thus, for illustration, we could also write a-paisewa-0 etc. Plural, on the other hand, is marked by the plural morpheme -si, suffixed to the verb stem with the prefixed subject-affix, thus building one unit. With the verbal expression tapaisewa the speaker includes the hearer, thus express-ing: There remains one more feature to mention in connection with the dual inclusive.

This syntactic device is not only used to express the concept of "I and you, we two", but it is also employed as a defocusing, impersonalizing and impersonalized device in a stylistically quite sophisticated language usage see 4. The verb stem in the example cited above remains invariable. Here the verb stem can also function as a noun: There are a lot of nouns that can also function as verbs when put in the verb stem slot of the verbal expression paradigm see 4. This morphological device for word formation of the verbal expression holds for almost any word stem, even word stems with nominal formatives like classificatory particles see 4.

There are, however, certain verb stem forms whose final vowel alternates in plural forms within the paradigm of the verbal expression. This vowel alternation may be due to assimilation phenomena; however, the changes that take place in Kilivila seem to be largely idiosyncratic. The Verb 33 but also: I have not been able to work out the precise details of these processes of vowel alternation.

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If there is vowel alternation in verb stems, this alternation is indicated with the respective lexical entry in the dictionary. Finally, there is another feature of the construction of the verbal expres-sion that has to be discussed in the context of this subsection: With some verb stems it is possible to incorporate the object directly into the verbal expression, if the object is referred to by a pronoun. This is done by suffixing set IV possessive pronouns of 1st and 2nd person and of dual see 4. Possible constructions of these verbal expressions are summarized in the table below: Here, too, we find vowel alternation affecting the final vowel of a verb stem.

This kind of vowel alternation in these verb forms is indicated with the lexical entry in the dictionary, as well. Sg -or Dual verb stem 2. Dual - 2b 2. Dual - si 3a 3. Dual - si To give some examples, again in morpheme-hyphenating notation: Marking Aspect and Tense The preceding subsection shows that subject-prefixes, being personal-pro-nominal-prefixes, are prefixed to the verb stem to construct the verbal expression. Now, Kilivila uses a system of four distinctive series of subject-or personal-pronominal-prefixes see 4.

The following table shows this system, giving both the subject-prefixes and the plural markers, but leaving the "slot" for the verb stem empty; it also displays another characteristic feature of the language: The subject-prefix for third person is facultatively i- or e-; the production of either e- or i- does not imply any kind of semantic differentiation of the verbal expression. The second series 2 expresses the concept of an incompletive action.

This action may happen in the future, or may have happened in the past, The Verb 37 it may have been expected to happen in the past though it did not happen, or it may be part of a hypothetical event. Thus a part of the semantics of this series also covers the concept of expressing a statement as irrealis.

A verbal expression that uses subject prefixes of series 2 like bipaisewa can be translated as: The third series 3 expresses the concept of a completed action.

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This series has quite clear references to past time; it is affirmative or emphatic. A verbal expression that uses subject-prefixes of series 3 like lepaisewa can be translated as: There are some cases that seem to be context dependent where verbal expressions using subject-prefixes of series 3 can also be translated into English with progressive present tense, thus: The fourth series 4 expresses the concept of an habitual action; however, it can also indicate optative or irrealis. This series is rather archaic and hardly ever used in ordinary everyday language production; if used, it can be interpreted as an indicator of either poetic or humorous style.

Considering these four series according to their frequency in actual speech, it can be stated that the first 1 , second 2 , and third 3 series are the essential framework of the construction of the verbal expression. The function of this morpheme is twofold: Yokwa okuweya Dokonikani yokwa o-ku-weya Dokonikani you indeed-you-hit Dokonikani "You indeed hit Dokonikani". There are two emphasizing suffixes -la and -ga that may be suffixed to the verbal expression; however, they can also be suffixed to any word in any part of a Kilivila sentence, therefore they are not dealt with here but in subsection 5.

Voice There is no passive voice in Kilivila. A more or less bilingual speaker of Kilivila and English will translate English sentences written or spoken in passive voice by transforming the concept of passive into the corresponding active voice. To give some examples: Tandem Pattern of Verbal Expressions Within the scope of this grammar there remains one more feature that has to be described in connection with the verb in Kilivila, the so-called "tandem pattern" Baldwin: As stated in the begin-ning of this section on the verb 4.

Most of these clusters consist of two verbal expres-sions, thus building a "tandem pattern". A highly idiomatic answer to a question like: An idiomatic and polite way of saying "good bye" also uses this tandem pattern of verbal expressions: I will-go "You stay, I go" before he leaves someone. Other very idiomatic expressions using this pattern are: They express a simple sequence of two actions. If a speaker wants to emphasize one component of a statement of intention by a tandem pattern of verbal expression, he produces the first verb using subject prefixes of series 2 and the second verb using subject-prefixes of series 1 ; there must be subject agreement with the subject-prefixes of the first and the second verb.

Thus bala abani yena ba-la a-bani yena I will-go I-fish with a hook fish "I will go angling" is a statement of intention with the emphasis on "angling" as the action that is in the speaker's focus of attention. If a speaker wants to express a past intention that usually remains unfulfilled by a tandem pattern of verbal expression, he produces the first verb using subject-prefixes of series 1 and the second verb using subject-prefixes of series 2 ; there must be subject agreement with the subject-prefixes of the first and the second verb.

Thus, adoki bapaisewa Alotu a-doki ba-paisewa Alotu I-think I would-work Alotau I thought that I would work in Alotau" means that the speaker had the intention to go to Alotau, the capital of Milne Bay Province, and get some work there some months ago, but that he did not do it. If a speaker finds it necessary to be even more exact, he can extend the pattern of verbal expressions, of course; actually, Trobriand Islanders quite often insist on an utmost precision with which they place events they speak about in temporal sequence, including all of the links in a certain chain of events strictly as they occurred; however, this tandem pattern most often suffices to express the speaker's intentions.

The Noun Kilivila nouns have the following characteristic features: Many noun stems, not all, can be verbalized either by being put into the "slot" of the verb stem in the verbal expression e. The Noun 43 There is no morphological case-marking. Nouns are not marked according to sex of the referent. All nouns are divided, classified, or subcategorized into a complex noun-class system.

All nouns can, some even must express degrees of possession. In general, nouns are not marked in respect to number; however, there are some exceptions to this general rule. As stated in 1. Therefore, the following para-graphs of this section will deal with the last three above mentioned noun features that need some comment, only. Noun-Classification All nouns in Kilivila are classified according to specific perceptual properties; most have to do with form, number, arrangement, or function, some have to do with time or with activities. This system of noun classification is an important means of word formation with demonstratives, with one form of interrogative pronouns , adjectives, and numerals: This concord is secured by a special class of formatives, the "nominal classifiers" or "classificatory particles", that represent the system of noun classification.

Nouns and Possession In connection with nouns, degrees of possession are expressed by possessive pronouns either by affixes or by separate words that are combined with the noun, thus forming a noun phrase. The subsection on possessive pronouns deals with these different degrees of possession 4. In the context of this subsection it is necessary to emphasize the fact that Kilivila distinguishes between nouns that may express this degree of possession that is to say, nouns that have a facultative rule for constructing a noun phrase with possessive pronoun and noun as its constituents and nouns that with the exception of only a few vocative forms cannot be used in actual speech production without these possession indicating pronouns that is to say, nouns that with the exception of these vocative forms are obligatorily realized as noun phrases consisting of a noun and a possessive pronoun as its constituents.

The exceptions to this general rule are the vocatives like ina! It also encompasses the nominal forms that express: Moreover, most of the nouns describing parts of the human body and some of its activities that express meanings derived from these parts and activities have to be realized together with the respective possessive pro-nouns. Number As stated above 4. This information is given by other word classes that refer to the noun in the context of an utterance. There are a few exceptions to this general rule, where plural is marked morphologically most often by partial reduplication.

To give the examples found see also 6. Pronouns This section deals with personal, possessive, emphatic, interrogative, de-monstrative, and relative pronouns in Kilivila. Personal Pronouns Subsection 4. These are the subject pronouns for ordinary use. Besides this four-fold series of personal-pronominal prefixes which need not be given here again there is another form of the personal pronouns that is most often used to express emphasis, but that can also function as relative pronouns see 4.

This second form of personal pronouns can be called "full form" or "free form", because these pronouns are not affixes but separate words. The following list shows this second form of the personal pronouns in detail: The rule for using the form of the 3rd person to distinguish the sex of the referent will be given in section 4. The form of the 2nd person singular given in brackets seems to be a regional variant that is nevertheless heard all over the Trobriand Islands either in very fast speech or in poetic varieties of Kilivila that are e.

It was said above that these forms of the personal pronouns in Kilivila are used to express emphasis. The following example will show this use of the "free form" of the pronoun: However, if this sentence is produced with the free form of the personal pronoun put in front of the verbal expression: I am the one, and not you, or anyone else , I learn the language of Tauwema. Possessive Pronouns There is a fourfold series of possessive pronouns in Kilivila, which is partly realized as free possessive-pronominal-pronoun forms and partly realized as 48 Parts of Speech possessive-pronominal-affixes.

One of these series is only produced in a specific semantic context, referring to food only, the other three series are used to distinguish different degrees of possession. The following lists give these series in detail. The first series consists of "free forms" of possessive pronouns that are only produced in connection with food: With this series of possessive pronouns it is also possible to split the form for both 1st person plural inclusive and exclusive and affix the split parts to a noun: Pronouns 49 kadasi yena "our fish to eat " kadayenasi kada-yena-si our incl.

The second series of possessive pronouns marks a kind of intermediate degree of possession, intermediate between intimate and more distant posses-sion. It is also produced referring nominally to having or being in certain states, like being hungry, thirsty, cold, sick, or abhorring something or someone. The possessive pronouns of this series are given in the following list: These pronouns are given in the following list: It is characteristic for this series of pronouns that the free forms become affixes in 1st person plural inclusive and exclusive in combination with the noun they refer to.

The differences in degree of possession that are made by using either the pronouns of the second or third series are very intricate and subtle. Thus, if a speaker wants to refer, let us say, to his tobacco, for example, he will use the possessive pronouns of the second series only if he is going to smoke this tobacco by himself he indicates his intention of personal use or consumption producing the pronouns of this second series.

Therefore agu tobaki means: However, if a speaker wants to refer to tobacco he wants to sell or trade or distribute, he indicates his intention by producing the pronouns of the third series: The possessive pronouns of the third series are also used by a speaker of Kilivila if she refers to her husband or he refers to his wife. Thus with the expressions ula kwava "my wife" ula mwala "my husband" Pronouns 51 a speaker of Kilivila delicately refuses to declare openly his intimate, intrinsic connection with his or her spouse.

With the exception of these two special rules. This kind of "mixing" two otherwise distinct forms of possessive pronouns seems to indicate that there is a process of language change going on with this system of possessive pronouns. However, the norm as it is described above is still recognized as being valid by native speakers of Kilivila. The fourth series of possessive pronouns consists of possessive-pronominal-affixes that indicate an intimate degree of possession. These affixes are used to express kinship and relationship categories see 4.

With this series there are two more annotations to be made: Second, the dual inclusive can be used as a stylistic means to express politeness: Pronouns 53 Lubegu kusakegu buva? To sum up this chapter on the fourfold series of possessive pronouns, some more examples of their actual use are given: Emphatic Pronouns Kilivila has a fourfold series of emphatic pronouns. This series is given in the following list: The first series comes closest to the usage of the emphatic pronoun in English. Makena tokwalu etatai titolela. The second series also conveys a dissociative sense with the emphatic pronoun.

Here the two forms 58 Parts of Speech -mwaleta-and -maguta-are interchangeable. The third series represents the forms of the emphatic pronoun that convey a rather "weak" degree of emphasis. Bakenu tatogu ba-kenu tatogu I will-rest at myself "I will rest at home". The fourth series, finally, is only used in a highly idiomatic form as an emphatic pronoun.

To give the appropriate examples: The question Kwatuli yokwa? The question Avela beya? In general, this construction has to be regarded as a nominal expression in connection with a local adverbial phrase expressing origin. Tolegu Tauwema literally means: Interrogative Pronouns and Interrogative Adverbs The following list gives the main interrogative pronouns together with the main interrogative adverbs in Kilivila.

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The interrogative adverbs are present-ed together with the interrogative pronouns because of mnemotechnic rea-sons according to the aim and scope of this grammar. IV "how is somebody? II -bauva "what, which, what's the matter? Avesom aveso-m who with-you "Who is with you? First, there is a fossilized form of the 2nd person singular of the verbal stem -katuli- "to let out, to make known" namely kukatuli that has been contracted to kwatuli and has become as an unchangeable, fossilized form an interrogative, meaning: However, this form can also be used to express a distributive sense.

Tevila esisusi va simla, tevila esilasi. Demonstrative Pronouns There is a simple demonstrative pronoun in Kilivila, beya or besa that is used in connection with a deictic gesture only; all other demonstrative pronouns consist of a fixed morphological frame, built by the word-initial morpheme ma-, or according to phonological rules, also m- or mi-, and the word-final -na, and an infixed morpheme, which is a classificatory particle see 4.

Because of the importance of the classificatory particles in Kilivila word formation, section 4. In this subsection it suffices to say that demonstratives, like numerals see 4. The following examples will illustrate this principle of word formation in the demonstrative pronouns: Thus 66 Parts of Speech makesiwene waga ma-ke-si-we-ne waga this-wooden-Pl. Relative Pronouns The function of relative pronouns is taken over by the full forms of the personal pronouns including the demonstrative pronouns for 3rd person singular and plural see 4.

Bokawana bila bigisi inala minana esisu Labai. Bokawana bi-la bi-gisi ina-la Bokawana she will-go she will-see mother-her mi-na-na i-sisu Labai this-woman-this she-live Labai "Bokawana will go to see her mother, who lives in Labai". Tudava mtona lekatumati Dokonikani isisu olopola dakuna kweveaka. Tudava m-to-na le-katumati Dokonikani Tudava this-man-this he did-kill Dokonikani i-sisu olopola dakuna kwe-veaka he-stay inside stone thing-big "Tudava, who killed Dokonikani, stays inside of a big stone".

Makubilana Mokeilobu la bagula tau mtona epaisewa beya. Pronouns 67 However, we also find relative clauses without relative pronouns. Kuseki tobaki mtosina tauwau ekeosisi. With this example the relative clause consists of the verbal expression ekeosisi only see 5. Indefinite Pronouns There are two classes of indefinite pronouns in Kilivila: One class consists either of numerals and the specific classificatory particle, or of the word stem -vila plus the specific classificatory particle prefixed to it see 4. Tetala bima bilivala avaka kuvagi. Navila tubukona kapaisewasi wala navila tubukona kasisusi yam.

Excursus oil Classifiers or "Classificatory Particles" This section does not deal with a word class, like the other sections of this chapter, but with a specific morphological phenomenon in Kilivila that plays an important part in the word formation of numerals, adjectives, and demonstrative pronouns as well as one form of interrogative pronoun. As said in 4. This classification of nouns now becomes important for the word formation of the three word classes mentioned, because demonstrative pronouns, numerals, and most adjectives have to indicate within their word-structure the class of the noun they refer to.

This reference is done by a complex morphological system of formatives, that basically specify, quantify, identify, classify the specific noun class. Therefore, these formatives can be called "basic specifiers", "quantifiers", "identifiers", or "classifiers". However, because of the fact that Bronislaw Malinowski described a part of this system of formatives first in , and because of the fact that this system of formatives consists of "quantifiers", "repeaters", and "noun classifiers" proper, these classifiers will be called here by the general term Malinowski coined for them, namely "Classificatory Particles", to pay the tribute to the master of Trobriand Island ethnology.

These classificatory particles are also important with respect to nominal-ization and discourse cohesion in Kilivila but this is quite a different issue and requires an analysis of its own see 5. If a speaker of Kilivila wants to refer to "these two beautiful girls", he has to indicate the noun class of "girls" with the classifier for "female" in the demonstrative pronoun, in the numeral, and in the adjective.

Thus this sentence runs in Kilivila: In this example the classificatory particle na is underlined see also 4. With all the subtle and very specific differentiations possible, there are probably more than ! A specific noun can belong to more than one class the classificatory particle chosen by the speaker in actual production then depends on the perceptual property of the noun he refers to that he especially wants to emphasize. Anyway, most of these noun-classes do not play an important part in everyday speech, but belong to very specific lexica of varieties that can be labelled as "sociolects" or that refer to highly specific technical terms.

This section presents classificatory particles. I could find 92 of these particles in actual speech production of Kilivila native speakers in Tauwema; the other 84 formatives and differences in the usage of some formatives between my data and Lawton's are quoted from Lawton These quotations are marked by quotation markers that go with the respective particle. For a more detailed description I refer the reader to the dictionary.

Parts of Speech "block cut o f f ' "night" "something made" "cut across, parts cut o f f ' "group, team, crowd" "buried" "fruit cluster" "storey" "half submerged" "ten-group animals " "trees, wooden things" "sea" "family line" "company, group on the move" "skirt made of banana leaves" "load" "cluster, bundle" "door, entrance" "burning" "sufficient" "row" "mouthful of food" "serve of fish " "cut" "bundles of taro" "garden division" "group of four" "child" "gathering" LL ym "serve of food pieces" This complex morphological system seems to underlie a strong process of language change that leads towards a simplification and reduction of formatives within the system.

With this section one more remark remains to be made. The inventory of classificatory particles shows that sex of the referent is differentiated in Kilivila: If a speaker of Kilivila wants to distinguish the sex of animals, he uses the adjectives namwala "male" navivila "female". Thus, if a speaker of Kilivila wants to say e. Minana bunukwa navivila namanabweta, taga minawena bunukwa namwala nagasisi. Numerals, Numeral Compounds, and Measures The numerals, or more precisely, the cardinal numbers in Kilivila are one of the three word classes, in whose formation classificatory particles are involved.

Numerals, Numeral Compounds, and Measures 77 Cardinal numbers consist of the word stem and a prefixed classificatory particle. If there is no classificatory particle prefixed or, if the classificatory particle is an empty category the cardinal number refers to baskets of yams only, however, this is a very special case see 4. There are two kinds of ordinal numbers in Kilivila, the ordinal numbers proper, and the numerals that are used to count portions of a subdivided whole. These latter numerals are built like cardinal numbers, the classifica-tory particle involved here is pila.

The following paragraphs first list the cardinal numbers, the numerals for counting portions or parts, and numeral compounds, then list and comment on the ordinal numbers, then give measures, and finally give examples for doing basic arithmetic. Cardinal numbers are also used to form numeral compounds that convey the semantic concept of "person plus number of persons". Thus we have the dual and plural persons of the possessive pronoun III see 4.

Numbers that count parts or portions have the following form: There is, however, another morphological means to count persons in an ordinal way: Thus we get e. It must be annotated here that there is a special word to refer to the first born child, namely: Kilivila also has some special expressions for measures.

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The classificatory particle uva and the stem of the cardinal number express "the span of two arms": Other expressions for measures are: Adjectives There are three classes of adjectives in Kilivila. One class must be used without classiflcatory particles, the other class may be used with or without classificatory particles, and the third class must always be used with classifl-catory particles that are prefixed to the word stem.

The following list gives some examples for each class: Something like the concept of "comparative" and "superlative Adjectives 87 degree" is expressed by using intensifying words that convey such a sense, by reduplication, or by giving a more detailed qualification. The following examples will illustrate this principle: Yokwa tope'ula, taga mtona sena pe'ula. Va koya sena kaduana, taga am valu sena kaduana mokita. Ina, nata vivila namanabweta! The adverb sena is always used preclitic to the word it modifies; its intensified form senela is always used post-clitic to the word it modifies; to indicate a very high degree of intensity, sena and senela may both occur within a sentence.

If the series has an order, add a number or other descriptor in parenthesis after the series title eg.



By default, it sorts by the number, or alphabetically if there is no number. If you want to force a particular order, use the character to divide the number and the descriptor. So, " 0 prequel " sorts by 0 under the label "prequel. Series was designed to cover groups of books generally understood as such see Wikipedia: Like many concepts in the book world, "series" is a somewhat fluid and contested notion. A good rule of thumb is that series have a conventional name and are intentional creations , on the part of the author or publisher.

For now, avoid forcing the issue with mere "lists" of works possessing an arbitrary shared characteristic, such as relating to a particular place. Avoid series that cross authors, unless the authors were or became aware of the series identification eg. Also avoid publisher series, unless the publisher has a true monopoly over the "works" in question.

So, the Dummies guides are a series of works. But the Loeb Classical Library is a series of editions, not of works. Home Groups Talk Zeitgeist. The 12 Days of LT scavenger hunt is going on. Can you solve the clues? I Agree This site uses cookies to deliver our services, improve performance, for analytics, and if not signed in for advertising.

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