Franco Fortini e la traduzione poetica (Transference) (Italian Edition)

Poemetto Italian Edition 13 Oct Read this and over 1 million books with Kindle Unlimited. Borrow for free from your Kindle device. La Chiesa di Dio, di Ges? Poem of the Roses: La carta da parato gialla: Charlotte Perkins Guilmann 1 May Italian Edition 13 Nov Spazio e spazialita' nella poesia italiana del Novecento Transference.

Poetry and Cinema Italian Edition 3 Nov To the east, frontiers were set by social Others, peoples whose humanity was provisional. Thus the terrestrially located emperor is imaginatively transformed into the celestial Apollo, omnipotent because omniscient across global space. If the emperor and empire are cosmographically located and legitimated by reference to the predictability and order of the heavens, the terrestrial orb denotes direct territorial authority. Territorially, empire is in key respects a cartographic enterprise.

The practical roles of cartography and geography in establishing imperial rule are well recorded. In design, function, and iconography the square coordinates global time and space and gathers universal knowledge at the symbolic center of Belgian rule. The church of St. Seen from the center, imperial geography is primarily concerned with territorial defense and the ordering and coordination of internal movement. Local subjectivities within imperial space are a secondary concern. At the center is the imperial city, claiming authority over a territory theoretically extensible across the oikoumene and thus bounded only by the limits imposed by nature.

To the imperial city are attributed the qualities of an axis mundi, a point where terrestrial space connects with celestial time. Spaces beyond the authority of the imperial center are either active frontiers within the ecumene or wilderness beyond it, uninhabitable by fully human beings. The combined geography of urban, imperial, frontier, and wild spaces constitutes the globe over which the emperor claims, if not exercises, authority. The terrestrial globe lies within a celestial sphere whose regular movement translates as the paradigm of imperial order on earth.

The imperial perspective is thus appropriately Apollonian: This was driven as much by desire for land as by desire for military conquest and commerce. In Sicily and southern Italy, in the Black Sea and Egypt, settlements were established whereby Greek civilization was spatially transferred to a new land. The Latin colonia is a direct translation of this Greek word, maintaining its close association with dwelling. Greek colonies such as Syracuse in Sicily or Neapolis on the coast of Italy were modeled on the polis: This process is narrated less in terms of spatial conquest than of forced emigration,exile,and yearning for a lost home.

While empire and colony are closely related, they involve distinct spatialities and environmental relationships. The local spaces of the plantation or agrarian colony are those of earth.

There is evidence of a similar colonial response later in the colonial experience of territories such as Australia, New Zealand, and East Africa. The essence of the agrarian colony is attachment to land rather than territorial order. Empire gestures toward a global construction of humanity.

Indeed the text actually records the discovery the previous year of islands in the western Ocean. All were sons of Adam and thus capable of salvation. In the terrestrial spaces beyond the frame of the oikoumene are other, hybrid creatures having human and nonhuman characteristics: The practical consequences of working out these tensions during the European encounter with non-Western peoples over the half-millennium since this illustration have been at once tragically destructive and mutually transformative, even liberating. They continue to produce ethical dilemmas today. I suggest that they are inherent in a Western imperial conception of a globe geographically greater than direct experience of it, in the urge to legitimate territorial dominion over a global surface, and in colonial projects for migration and settlement.

Judeo-Christian inheritance is again critical. Certainly sites of actual epiphany became sacred, and nowhere more so than Jerusalem. And inherent in Christianity is a missionary imperative: The recurring question raised by this imperative concerns the limits of humanity, that is, of souls capable of salvation.

In antiquity, full human status and rights derived from citizenship; they were quite literally grounded. Gender assumptions long restricted this status to mature adult males characterized by scientia, rational thought connected with the head. In the symbolic geography of the body the domestic was related to the heart.

Geographically, uncultivated nature or wilderness and its animal inhabitants lay beyond the limits of the human world. Its inhabitants were deemed incapable of intellectual reason and heartless in their savagery, living according to the dictates of their loins. The very openness of the ascriptions in such schemas of course invites contestation of ascribed status.

Formally, slaves in the ancient world were excluded from full human status because they owned no property, not even their own bodies. For Christianity, this contradicted the universal embrace of redemption, which ascribed primacy to an immortal soul rather than to the physical body.

The issue became one of critical moment with the European discovery of worlds unknown to biblical or early church authorities. Geometry gives spatial expression to mathematical relations; it originates in measurement of actual terrestrial and celestial spaces. Speculation about relations between global macrocosm and human microcosm has commonly been pursued by mapping images of each onto the other, rendering visible fundamental mathematical homologies.

Music, at once sensual and intellectual, was long regarded as the most direct access to cosmic harmony. In the somnium the human mind can achieve the Apollonian perspective over the earth denied to the physical eye. Western globalism is closely bound theoretically and graphically to this hermetic, Neoplatonic tradition. Such a complete and harmonious vision implies rising above the mundane; thus it is a mark of the exceptional being, the call to heroic destiny of the paradigmatic human.

The following is from Donne: Could I behold those hands which span the Poles, And turn all spheres at once, pierced with those holes? Geometric metaphors, symbols, and images have been the characteristic representational modes of anima mundi. The following chapters trace these connected themes through expressive moments of Western global imagining.

They suggest something of the complex genealogy which lies behind contemporary global meanings and the images upon which, often unconsciously, these continue to draw. The stasis of a contemplated globe contradicts the contingency and mobility of global patterns generated by human interaction, providing fertile material for geographical imagination.

Poetic narrative, measured observation, and rational speculation of celestial motion and terrestrial pattern variously shaped the sense of global order in ancient Greece.

Apollo's Eye: A Cartographic Genealogy of the Earth in the Western Imagination

Poetry,unlike mathematics or prose,registers divine inspiration rather than human authorship as the earliest foundation for Greek knowledge. Atlas guarded the western edge of the Mediterranean world;Heracles,armed with club and lion skin, embodied god, man, and beast, his heroic destiny marked by his passage beyond the western, sunset end of space and time to the garden of the Hesperides on the slopes of the Atlas Mountains.

Chaos gave birth to Erebos and black Night; then Erebos mated with Night and made her pregnant and she in turn gave birth to Ether and day. Some of these remain. They lived there with hearts unburdened by cares in the islands of the blessed, near stormy Okeanos. There shone the image of the master mind. Pastoral scenes of dancing, hunting, and shepherding are succeeded by landscapes of the Mediterranean agrarian year showing plowing, reaping, and gathering of the vintage.

Two cities are described, at peace and at war, completing the universal social evolution, while at the edges of continental space. Nothing had any lasting shape. The central zone is so hot as to be uninhabitable, while two others are covered in deep snow: Like Hesiod, Ovid proceeds to a narrative of universal ages that connect social and environmental evolution: Courtesy Royal Holloway, University of London. Here Mulciber, the God of Fire, had moulded the Nomads and the Africans with their streaming robes; here, too, the Lelegeians and Carians of Asia and the Gelonians from Scythia with their arrows.

Pan and the satyrs. Further still the woods and caves of the hunting zone are home not only to wild beasts but also to Diana and her retinue of nymphs, desirable but unattainable symbols of an alternative order to the patriarchy of household and city. The view that the material world realizes pure, unchanging numerical forms and relations is associated with sixth-century Pythagoreans, a mathematical poetics of space.

The concept of a spherical earth is Pythagorean. Everyone else, Greek and barbarian alike, would take it for granted that any regularity you care to mention could fail, and for a reason that ruled out a priori a natural explanation of the failure: Actual measurement of the terrestrial globe in antiquity is reasonably well recorded. Arguably the most sacred cultural site in Greece, where the sky god defeated the chthonic Python and the Oracle delivered her cryptic forecasts, Delphos was the location of a temple to the Pythian Apollo.

The key geographical question, however, concerned the distribution of life across terrestrial space. Posited relationships between oikoumene, terrestrial globe, and spherical cosmos thenceforth structure the evolution of a Western geographical imagination. His texts Physics, Heavens, Generation and Corruption, and Meteorology constituted the foundations of Western cosmography from antiquity through Hellenistic, Islamic, and Byzantine scholarship and the Latin West from the twelfth century. Aristotle impresses a celestial spatiality onto the terrestrial sphere, thus generating a conceptual global geography, a template into which the more contingent ecumene is sometimes violently pressed.

The fundamental nomenclature of astronomical geography—axis and poles, equatorial, tropical, arctic and antarctic circles, colures, and climates—is ultimately Aristotelian.

Erminia Passannanti

An axis running from the celestial boreal, or arctic,pole,named for the Great Bear,passes through the center of the earthly sphere to an antarctic celestial pole, forever invisible to the Mediterranean. Angling across the celestial equator and contained within the tropics is the twelve-degree zodiacal band, whose central line is the ecliptic.

Therefore the heaven is strictly portioned out And told by twelve stars to obey the sun. The shorter distance and longer duration of insolation in the intertropical zone renders it uninhabitable because of the heat, while the cold of the two arctic zones makes them similarly devoid of human life. Each had the width described by a half-hour lengthening of daylight on the longest day. Deductively, the global zone habitable by humans was a mid-latitude belt surrounding the earth, further distinguished by its characteristic meteorological phenomena.

Aristotle seems to have shared with Homer the image of a terrestrial land area completely delimited by Ocean. Tower of the Winds, Athens. Photograph by Carmen Cosgrove. A term such as leleges, applied to nonhumans, is onomatopoeic, characterizing those whose speech is unintelligible. Le climat chez Aristote et Hippocrate Paris: In the Politics the philosopher establishes community the polis as the natural state of human existence.

Only beasts or gods may choose to live outside such a state. Within it, the canonical human is an adult, able-bodied, male citizen. Physical deformity and otherness are mutually reinforcing categories, mapped onto both geographical space and living bodies. Thus, if reason can be disengaged from language and physiology, an inclusive notion of humanity implicit in this mode of thinking may be released. Epicurianism opened a moral space for the cosmopolitan individual such as Aristippus, who rejected the polis for a mobile humanity at home in the world rather than rooted in the locale.

Faced with the globe, Democritus states: The story of Heraclitus and Democritus denotes an openness in Greek thought to the moral implications of mapping humanity onto global space, prompted in part by the Hellenistic experience of empire and colony. Ptolemy himself worked in Alexandria, imperial city and cosmopolis of Hellenistic learning. The role of Greek and Hellenistic mapping was primarily conceptual; its images did not serve navigation or administration so much as abstract intellectual discourse.

This is a culturally recurrent narrative of social spatiality in which authority is secured through the myth of heroic travel to the horizon line of a curving earth, outward from the center of space and backward in time, from the civilization of the polis to chaos at the outermost limits. The same term was applied to the stream of Ocean that circumferenced the world island: This represents a critical shift toward a more imperialist vision. Such peoples are at once barbarous and valorous, the harshness of their environment shielding them from the physical and moral degeneration produced by the comfortable environment of the imperial center.

But as it is, that part of the world which did not behold Alexander remained in darkness. Colonial expansion across the Mediterranean and the Black Sea inscribed Greek reason onto the settlement landscape, mapping the Aristotelian polis across the oikoumene. The closed social space of the planted polis contrasts sharply with the belief that but for his untimely death, Alexander would have united the world under a single polity.

An appearance of continuity masks the reconstruction of the past as a pedigree for contemporary events. Practically as well as theoretically,imperial and global space failed to coincide: Julius Caesar, Pompey, and Antony pushed them toward the edges of the oikoumene. Against the German tribes they were physically marked by stones, and across northern Britain, by walls. Columns betylos honoring Apollo Agyieus, protector of roads and cities, were erected at street intersections, and laurel—an Apollonian plant—planted throughout the city served as a metonym for Augustus himself. Echoing the calendrical spaces at Alexandria, a set of monuments surrounded the Ara Pacis, erected by Augustus to denote universal peace.

On the Mausoleum itself Augustus inscribed his personal proclamation: Its administrative, mercantile, and, above all, consumption activities attracted peoples and goods promiscuously from across the empire. Just as Aristotle and Alexander had brought biological and zoological specimens back to Athens for study at the academy, so both Augustus and Nero commissioned exploratory expeditions. Posidonius, Strabo, and Pliny, among others, turned the imperial city into an intellectual center of calculation for a tributory universe, while wilderness at the edges of the earth was produced for popular display as though it were a circus animal or a gladiatorial contestant.

The city was now a cosmopolis of more than a million people. Light through the circular opening in the dome projects the revolving heavens into the heart of the city. For Stoics such as Cicero and Seneca, fears of an increasingly cosmopolitan world might be calmed by global dreams of universal community. This theme is consistently associated in Latin literature with the idea of seeing the globe.

Scipio, conqueror of Carthage, dreams of ascending above the earth. Seneca, also a Stoic, cautioned against the misuse of the winds for navigation and criticized a reckless ambition for global empire: Since it would be sacrilegious for Charon to visit the heavens, he has to be content with a vantage point on the surface. The two partners pile up four mountains and sit upon the topmost one contemplating the earth: It is man that I am after.

Only the common aspects of humanity remain, and these are cause for contempt. Themes in Classical Globalism Global representations in antiquity provided numerous themes to be reworked within later Western imaginations. The mathematics of the sphere and the geometries of celestial space stimulate images of order and perfection projected onto the global surface as a speculative geography. Celestial motion imprints cosmic time onto terrestrial space and denotes harmonies that are sensed rather than seen. Although more fully developed in the Christian era, this vision was already implicit in Platonism, especially in Timaeus.

Global images and meanings in antiquity work across both fertile mythological narratives and rationalist calculation through number and geometry. A manual for constructing mathematically correct material spatial representations, in its regional tabulae the Geography locates the cities,altars,and columns that marked imperial rule across the oikoumene. Certainly, in both textual and architectural representation global concepts and narratives articulated a language of empire. Such tensions might appear to resolve themselves from the distanced, Apollonian perspective.

Only do thou Smile, chaste Lucina, on the infant boy, With whom the iron age will pass away. The golden age in all the earth be born; For thine Apollo reigns. Under thy rule, Thine, Pollio, shall this glorious era spring, And the great progress of the months begin. All nature gladdens at the coming age.

Virgil proclaims a cyclical revolution in universal history,heralding a second golden age, a renewal of natural perfection. This turning of the spheres that govern time and space is occasioned by the birth of a God-man, an Apollo. Christianity always sustained strong attachment to the scale of household and community and to local church autonomy. The textual and iconographic record of the classical globe passed into the hands of Arabic and Byzantine scholars.

It was thus a transcultural globe with which Latins would eventually transgress the oceanic bounds of Christendom and the classical ecumene. A single creative intelligence consciously present in the world was not foreign to Greek thinking. The physical body of the risen Christ is central to this theological geography. Embodying the globe or world map is a recurrent feature of medieval Christian iconography. Trinitarian doctrine proclaims God as simultaneously celestial Father, physical Son, and divine Spirit or breath of life.

Divinity could also be physically introduced into human time and space. Like a mason, master builder, or architect, the Christian God holds the compass that measures the fabric he will create. Thus Christianity allocates the telos of both created nature and humanity to a divinely human individual and extends it across universal space and time. Christianity thereby embraced a concept of universal humanity: Homer and Hesiod associated individual winds with the seasons, Aristotle and Hippocrates with environmental humors.

• Franco Fortini.
• Social Anxiety - How to Overcome Social Anxiety, Panic Attacks and Fear Wiithout Medication.
• Suggest Documents.
• Ill Never Smile Again.

The text projects the spatial perfection of initial creation and its paradise garden onto the New Jerusalem. The absence of enclosing, linear frontiers characterized thinking about the terrestrial globe itself,less actual and less known than the celestial spaces described in the testaments and patristic writings.

The angel of Apocalypse oversees the celestial city in a nineteenth-century Cretan icon, Preveli Monastery, Crete. Photograph by the author. But numerous political, moral, and physical obstacles stood in the way of this globalizing project. Jerusalem was the site of universal redemption, and its epiphanic centrality in a Christianized global geography accounts for its recurrence as the organizing center of T-O maps, so named because of their form of three rivers dividing the continents terrarum within a circular earth orbis. From the sixth century, Christian claims to global spiritual authority were undermined by an equally universalizing Islam, whose territorial control rapidly spread to include Jerusalem itself.

Drawing upon Hellenistic and Alexandrine sources, supplemented with their own intensive observation, Islamic scholars from Toledo to Central Asia produced cosmographic images as aids both to falsafah natural philosophy and to contemplation in the esoteric, Neoplatonic tradition. The domed Pantheon was thus rededicated to Mary and all the martyrs, its cosmic form unchanged and its universalizing sanctity brought into the Christian era.

Genesis made no mention of these, giving humanity a single parent,and even the three postdiluvian progenitors were allocated only three parts of the world island. Like angels, in appearance they were part human and part nonhuman, and their location, at the geographical edge of chaos, was correspondingly liminal. Mouthless astomi and dog-headed cynocephali belonged in India; cave-dwelling troglodytes and the anthropophagi who would come to dominate the European ethnographic response to discovery belonged in Africa and were also found in Scythia.

The southern, fourth continent had its own race of antipodeans, whose feet pointed the opposite way to those of northern humans. Corporeally, monsters were Other to the perfect microcosmic body of Christ and of his church, their deformities attaching them to the elemental earth rather than to the celestial heavens. Their participation in the scheme of universal salvation for humanity thus remained an open theological question, to become one of practical urgency with transoceanic European expansion in the late medieval period. Hebraic testament and Aristotelian political philosophy provided authority for a Christian understanding of a single humanity within the orbis ter- 63 Image not available.

Medieval texts adopted the global division of a world island into three distinct spaces, a geographical expression of trinitarian thinking. Asia occupies half the total area and is separated from the other continents by the Nile and the Black Sea. Scholastic thought, with its penchant for elaborate speculative glosses, developed further associations from the spatial allocation of peoples. The margins of space and time coincided at the circuit of Ocean surrounding the ecumene. Strabo, Pliny, and Pomponius Mela, all known to early medieval scholars, suggested that Ocean might have been circumnavigated by the ancients.

Some of them, such as Brazil or the Island of Women, quite apparently located desires, anxieties, and fantasies to be confronted very directly in the historical process of European oceanic expansion. Descriptions of the Mediterranean archipelagos through which the Latin West,Byzantium,and Islam navigated,traded,and fought contained some of the most precise medieval mappings, transcultural productions that served to enhance the imaginative place of the island within the European geographical consciousness and gave rise in later medieval years to the island book, or isolario.

Christian space also lacked the intellectual coherence provided by Aristotelian natural philosophy, Pythagorean number, and Euclidean geometry. The slippage between geographical and temporal eschatology and the uncertain, anxious spatialities of medieval European globalism helps explain the pervasive power of apocalyptic vision. Paul signals an end to the long textual domination of Latin global discourse and a growing emphasis on visualization. The immortal soul merits our true concern, for through it we may attain divinity. Each hemisphere is divided into three climates; the whole of Europe, with the exception of insular Britain and Thule, is located entirely within the northern temperate zone.

Over a thousand manuscripts exist of his De natura rerum and his Etymologiae. Isidorian terrarum-orbis maps ignore global sphericity to concentrate upon the surface distribution of lands and seas upon a tripartite earth. The information they conveyed synthesized Aristotelian natural philosophy and classical and biblical authority with the growing volume of empirical information brought back to Europe by crusaders and travelers.

They picture the world as a marvel of creation, an optical wonder. Large-scale thirteenth-century mappae mundi such as the Ebstorf,Hereford,andVercelli maps work as integral objects without accompanying text, monstrances, or visual proofs, of the variety and wonder of the world. Like the vibrant stained-glass windows, frescoes, mosaics, and statuary that decorated late medieval cathedrals with parallel cosmic images, later mappae mundi testify to an assertion of the power of the visual in relation to texts in shaping a Western geographical imagination.

At both center and margins the graphic orbis terrarum remained a place of miracles, remembered, promised, and desired more than known empirically. In the newly founded universities at Padua, Bologna, Paris, and Oxford, as well as among the religious orders, intensive cosmographical study of an ordered creation placed emphasis on sight and light, combining astronomy, geometry,and optics within the scholastic curriculum.

The fundamental authority remained Aristotelian. For Sacrobosco, the spherical form of creation and its major parts can be attributed to three causes: Convenience, because of all isoperimetric bodies the sphere is the largest and of all round shapes the sphere is the most capacious. Wherefore, since the world is allcontaining, this shape was useful and convenient for it. Necessity, because if the world were of other form than round—say trilateral, quadrilateral, or many-sided—it would follow that some space would be vacant and some body without a place, both of which are false, as is clear in the case of angles projecting and revolved.

In his opinion only one of these quarters is habitable. Ephemerides, tables of astronomical positions, assisted navigation, astrology, and alchemy. Physics and metaphysics shared a common emphasis on spherical geometry and vision. By permission of the British Library. His Opus maius, Opus minus, and Opus tertium together represent a scholastic attempt to reconcile his Christian intellectual inheritance with the newly available works by Aristotle and Euclid. The spherical form of the earth had been assumed as common knowledge by Latin encyclopedists such as Pomponius Mela and Macrobius.

Among the church fathers, only the fourth-century Lactantius had challenged this conclusion. Speaking of the Holy Places, he points out: Medieval representations consistently show the four elements as concentric spheres according to their Aristotelian order: They could thus be interpreted as imperfections natural to the sublunar sphere. Their answer turned on the proposition that the centers of gravity of the two perfect spheres of earth and water did not coincide, thereby leaving a part of the surface of the former exposed above the latter: Such a solution had the added attraction of removing the theological problems connected with a possible antipodean ecumene.

Noncentric spheres simply disposed of a southern continent and its complications for the lineage of the human race and the universality of Christian mission while reconciling Aristotelian physics with Christian belief in an earth made for human habitability.

Despite scholastic dispute, the image of a spherical earth at the stable center of concentric spheres, encompassed, penetrated, and animated by the Trinity, enjoyed unchallenged acceptance in the Latin West. Afterwards is the sphere of air, which encloses water and earth.

The middle region [of air], however, is where the clouds are and where various phenomena occur, since it is always cold. The other [and third] region is the lowest, where the birds and beasts dwell. Then follow water and earth, for water does not surround the whole earth, but it leaves a part of it uncovered for the habitation of animals.

Since one part of the earth is less heavy and weighty than another, it is, therefore, higher and more elevated from the center of the world. The remainder [of the earth], except for islands, is wholly covered by waters according to a common opinion of philosophers. And although there are mountains and valleys on the earth, for which reason it is not perfectly round, it approximates very nearly to roundness. Thus it is that an eclipse of the moon, which is caused by a shadow of the earth, appears round.

They say the earth is round, therefore, because it approximates to roundness. The scale, mutability, and imperfection of the terrestrial sphere encouraged Christian humility and gratitude for divine redemption. Both followed Apollo westward, promoting and transforming the Christian globe. Throwing his out of Her to his old Nest In burning affrick ; nor there let him rest. This is a Eurocentric rather than Mediterranean construction, allocating the physical regions of the continental peninsula to the Latin nationes. This continental narrative generates a westward-driving geopolitical logic. Two graphic conceits are at work here: Despite papal injunctions, contact with the eastern Mediterranean continued, even increased, trade fueled by competition, intellectual exchange by the movement of intellectuals and the new circulation of printed materials.

A transcultural circulation of merchandise, gifts, and intellectual and artistic treasures included both Islamic sultan and Latin prince in competition for the patrimony of antiquity and the creative talent of their day. Charles V revised inscription from the Pillars of Hercules, Plus Ultra, emblazoned everywhere on his palace, celebrated his authority over oceanic waters but not those separating Europe and Africa.

In terms of a tricontinental world, rounding Africa might still be described as coasting. But it recast rather than fundamentally transformed the image of a world island. A southern ecumene could no longer be conceived as a mirror image of the northern. Marinheiros and navigators came to recognize a surface geography of the oceans themselves. The oceanic globe connected mathematically to the heavens by means of ocular instruments, establishing continuities with received knowledge, although stars and constellations scarcely known to antiquity rose higher as the mariner sailed south.

European discovery in the Atlantic dates from the fourteenth century, pioneered by Genoese and Portuguese seamen. Such discoveries were readily accommodated into the image of a world continent surrounded by a scattering of islands. Despite sometimes strong resistance, enslavement and demographic collapse of their indigenous populations followed, anticipating the experience of all the oceanic regions beyond the ancient world continent. Acknowledgment of a fourth continental landmass was slow and contested.

Continental distributions do not obey geometrical regulation; the South American landmass projected deep into Portuguese space. Portolanos originated as written lists of locations and compass bearings. Translation from text to graphic image left its mark in the characteristic listing of names that follows the meandering line of coast,given the appearance of mathematical regulation by superimposition of one or more circles marked by wind or compass points, from which a net of rhumb lines is constructed.

Its shipboard perspective, centered on a moving individual from whose eye the curving oceanic surface extends, remains even after solar observations complemented the use of portolanos. Johannes Galle, Triumph of Magellan. The circumnavigator passes Tierra del Fuego in a latesixteenth-century engraving.

Guided by Neptune and his Tritons and protected by Diana and the Nereids, Columbus gazes over islands toward the curving main, which extends to the hemispheric horizon. While these engravings date from a century after the events they romanticize, they capture a truth about the oceanic globe. Conventions of representation on portolanos show some consistency, whereas scales and units of measure vary locally between ports.

The coast appears as a scalloped line, broken to indicate access points such as rivers and harbors. Dominating the image is the boundary between land and sea, signaled by the tight list of names inscribed on its landward side.

Navigation menu

Symbolic conventions can be recognized, such as red dots signifying hazardous shallows and sandbanks, blue dashes for chains of coastal inlets, small crosses indicating reefs or promontories, gold and blue areas illustrating river deltas. Larger Image not available. Johannes Galle, Apotheosis of Columbus. The discoverer of America as crusader in a latesixteenth-century engraving.

Print Collection, Miriam and Ira D.

Franco Fortini - Wikipedia

These empty areas leave enormous scope for rhetorical decoration on presentational maps. Latinized names, Christian symbols, and drawings of spices, precious metals and beautifully plumed birds for trade or plunder, the tents and palaces of potentates, monsters carried from medieval mappae mundi—such decorations trace memories, desires, and fears onto the shifting spaces of European cartography.

In Santa Cruz Brazil these images are coordinated into genuine landscapes, inviting a systematic reading of the New World. On either side of the sharply delineated coastlines distinct spaces stand in iconographic opposition: Continental space, by contrast, is a riot of promiscuous forms and color: Violently contrasting worlds are brought within a single spatial frame by the latitudinal lines of climates connecting this particular mapped image to a more theoretical globalism.

The parchment shape, together with the sacred image at its neck, was often maintained in the framing line of maps drawn on other materials than parchment and bound into a volume. Soon after the Russian invasion of Hungary in , Fortini left the Italian Socialist Party which he had joined in From to he taught in secondary schools, and from occupied the Chair of Literary Criticism at the University of Siena. During this period he had considerable influence on younger generations in search of social and intellectual change.

He was considered one of the most important intellectuals of the Italian New Left. He died in Milan. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article needs additional citations for verification.