Verführt von einem Highlander: Roman (Children of the Mist 2) (German Edition)

Sean Penn Sean O'Connell. Sherpa Soccer Playing Sherpa. Patton Oswalt Todd Maher. Richard DeDomenico Piano Wholesaler. Matt Levin Board Meeting Guy. George Aloi Life Magazine Employee uncredited. Katelynn Bailey Schoolgirl uncredited. Greg Cipes Time Life Employee uncredited. Corapi Pedestrian in Park uncredited. Jay Ferraro Time Life Employee uncredited. Samantha Gelnaw Pedestrian uncredited. Brian Gildea Pedestrian uncredited. Matthew Gooley Pedestrian uncredited. Rosemary Howard s Winter Pedestrian uncredited.

Ilan Krigsfeld Blue Collar Worker 3 uncredited. Alex Kruz Time Life Employee uncredited. Anna Kuchma Business Pedestrian uncredited. Lucinda Lewis Time Life Employee uncredited. Raymond Mamrak Office Worker uncredited. Roy Pollack Time-Life Employee uncredited. Shade Rupe Pedestrian uncredited. Greg Sammis Pedestrian uncredited. Aber diese Welt ist ein mythischer, kein politischer Begriff. Er impliziert nicht das expansionistische Programm, erobend bis ans Ende der Welt vorzudringen. Die Grenzen der Welt liegen vor Augen: Die Grenzen umschreiben das Gebiet, in dem die Menschen wohnen Assmann For the connections between the Egyptian goddesses and the foreign countries see Demidchik Hathor the goddess of dance and love was widely worshipped outside Egypt by both the Egyptians and by the locals: On the top of the list stood the main over-egyptian deity the sun-god Ra and the gods closely connected to Thebes and the 11 th and 12 th dynasties: Montu and Amon see Yoyotte The Ennead, a theological concept first employed by the Heliopolis priests, denoted nine gods embodying the supernatural forces, who had created and were ruling the world.

Sopdu was the main god of the 20 th nome of the Lower Egypt and could have been of foreign origin: He was the patron of the Eastern desert, of the eastern part of Delta, and of the routes leading to the Red Sea and the quarries of Sinai see Borchardt Neferbau, meaning the perfect beautiful forces, was another protector of the eastern desert. All together, Sopdu, Neferbau, Semseru and Horus of the East appear in the Egyptian pantheon as the lords of the eastern desert and of the eastern lands in general.

Sinuhe may point here to the lands he crossed during his journey and which stood under the protection of these deities. The local goddess of Buto, or the Lady of Imet, protected according to Yoyotte The bulk of the gods probably designates the patrons of the Nile s upper course, serving and accompanying the water god Hapi Lefebvre Min-Horus appears often as the protector of the southern desert roads to the Red Sea and of the land of Punt Blumenthal Min was usually connected with the title the lord of the foreign lands, the earliest evidences for which come from the 11 th to 12 th dynasty inscriptions from Wadi Hammamat, and which was attached to Min until the Roman era.

Yoyotte suggests that the placing of the combined heavenly Solar deity Haroeris-Ra to the end of the list indicates an allusion to the foreign places and the roads leading far. These examples show the idea of the world rule, first formulated in detail during the rule of Senusert I. The connection of the royal power with the universal embracement of the world by the disc of the sun during the 12 th dynasty period appears only in the texts composed in the reign of Senusert I.

These employ, however, a rich array of manifold mytho-epical expressions. It is true that both the inscription of Hor and The Story of Sinuhe were the creations of private persons, not official text in the strict sense. However, The Story of Sinuhe, since written on papyri, offered remarkable possibilities of expression and had a considerable auditory, while on the other hand the literary compositions like this were conceptually very close to royal ideology, and were probably inspired, certainly ideologically tolerated, and even redacted in the royal circles.

He says, revealing Maat, to his son the lord of all. From the Middle Kingdom period, the expression nb. The Big Green Islands, on the other hand, indicate the islands of the Mediterranean with which the Egyptians had developed fairly close commercial relations during the Old Kingdom Schachermeyr See also Vercoutter The list includes the Egyptian gods connected to the foreign countries and the gods of the sea islands, probably for complementing the importance of the list.

The expression appears for example in the Nebhepetra inscriptions of the pharaoh Mentujotep see Lorton My own translation into Estonian can be found in Stadnikov A passage in the pyramid texts of king Merenra I ca BC; 6 th dynasty announces solemnly: Geb, thou keepest thy son alive in Merenra.

Thou art the lord of the whole land i. Similar universalistic expressions were used, even more frequently and with greater variation than in Egypt, in the titles and epithets of the Mesopotamian rulers. Posener, the glorious style of the composition. Blumenthal gives the following interpretation: O Faulkner translates nb-rdr as Lord of All 45 and G. I agree with this interpretation in the mythopoetic sense. For the Mesopotamian titles and epithets see Sazonov ; and in this volume.

Goedicke, on the other, hand gives an essentially different interpretation of this passage presenting the following speculative argumentation: The Beginning of the scroll containing the Teaching which the majesty of King Amenemhet I has made, while he spoke in revealing the truth, for any of his sons until the end Goedicke Note some other translations of the beginning of the Teaching of Amenemhet: Otto, this expression includes the whole being and non-being.

Hornung on the other hand thinks that, for example, in the sarcophagus texts where nb-r-dr is frequently used it means quite literally the lord until the end, and the expression renders, in his interpretation, an understanding of a limit in the most abstract sense, something that could not have been transgressed even by the God-Demiurg. It includes the ordered world ruled by the gods, which is huge including the world beyond which also submitted to the categories of time and space , but not endless.

Korostovtsev translates successfully in an archaic style: Closest to Korostovtsev s translation is the version of P. For more on this ontological subject see Hornung a: Gardiner where the lord of all has received the additional meaning of lord to the end Gardiner For some reason, J. Omlin does not touch the question of the relation of the nb-r-dr epithet with the world rule concepts of Senusert I Omlin See also Schlott-Schwab Thus, a number of texts contain expressions like until the end of sky and until the end of earth.

Hornung suggests that a new king was in exceptional cases addressed with the title lord until the end. Parkinson when he interprets the epithet above all as the title expressing the divine aspect of the pharaoh Senusert I. This was probably the reason why he assumed the epithet the Lord of the Whole All which until then had belonged only to the gods.

The case remained unique for the Middle Kingdom. Among the Middle Kingdom rulers it was ascribed only to Senusert I; his immediate successors did not use it, because their power was established firmly enough as a result of the policy of Senusert. Sinuhe mentions the queen with the words let them the royal children S.

Der Widerspruch zwischen der Identifizierung mit der Vergangenheit und der Abgrenzung von ihr, der sich hier abzeichnet, bestimmt das ganze Werk. For more on the subject see Otto However, in reality The Teaching was written posthumously, during the rule of Senusert I, while the real author of the work is unknown at present.

For more on the subject see Hornung a: Afterwards, a queen was never titled in this way. Later, during the New Kingdom ca BC , the epithet the Lord of All was used, among others, by the 19 th dynasty pharaoh Ramses II BC for his father Seti I BC in the great inscription of Seti at Abydos, probably alluding to the final stabilisation of the internal order after the ideological and social upheavals caused by Akhenaton at the end of 18 th dynasty ca BC.

An intentional parallel with Senusert I is by no means excluded. The memories about his acts continued until the period of Hellenism, assuming increasingly legendary traits in the course of transmission: B ; my own Estonian translation in Stadnikov Sinuhe, as a refugee in a foreign land, was praying to a god.

The Lady of All nb. See Erman Grapow I Even the epithet nb-r-dr might have been, indirectly, reflected in Diodoros who refers to authors writing that the god Hephaistos appeared to the father of Sesostris in a dream and proclaimed that his son would become the ruler of the whole oecumene Diod.

The principal message of the expedition leader Hor is mainly official: Concerning the literary compositions containing the motifs of fiction, I have expressed my opinion many years ago, and have preserved full confidence in it: It is true that The Story of Sinuhe and The Teaching of Amenemhet I where the universalistic addresses appear are the works of literature and not royal inscriptions from which the royal titulary derives , but with some reservations they can still be accepted as relevant evidence, because the authors derive from the circles very close to the 12 th dynasty, and express, either directly or veiled, the official positions.

The teaching addressed to the prince Senusert is particularly significant in this respect. During the following Middle Kingdom, the ideological foundation of the person of the king and of the institution of royalty a generalising term which appeared during the Middle Kingdom revolved, quite naturally, above all around the relationship between the king and his subjects. The laudable, often entirely human, characteristics of the king were duly emphasised: At the same time, the royal pretensions for ruling all countries were promoted, and substantiated by fairly short references to the will of the gods.

The relevant phraseology was however anticipated by several expressions from the Old Kingdom period, exemplified by the inscriptions of Sahura from his mortuary temple at Abusir. The longest, manifold and numerous among the novel universalistic addresses of the Middle Kingdom are those connected to Senusert I, the second king of the 12 th dynasty, which became paradigmatic for a number of later pharaohs. At this period the expressions, or their further elaborations, did not acquire quite the same meaning as during the New Kingdom, but on the other hand, the ideological constructs of the Middle Kingdom were never completely forgotten, 59 Deineka a: The propagandistic tendency of the work is obvious though not as strong as, for example, in the Prophesy of Nefert in the Teaching of Amenemhet I , but besides that, the story presents an equally substantialised behaviour code for an Egyptian in the most difficult and complicated situations of life.

They were reflected in the official phraseology of the New Kingdom pharaohs. Many rulers of the First Intermediate period and the Middle Kingdom wished to conquer foreign lands, mainly for acquiring raw materials and human labour. This wish, or the results of it, was at least twenty-three times expressed in the official texts of those periods, above all in the documents from the times of Senusert I and Senusert III the renowned conqueror of the 12 th dynasty. The activity of the Middle Kingdom pharaohs was directed mainly southwards, to Nubia, although Senusert I raided, at the time of his coregency with his father, southern Canaan and some parts of Libya.

Several military campaigns brought Nubia to the second cataract of Nile under the Egyptian power, and a number of strongholds were built around the cataract, for example in Buhen, for securing hegemony. The period of the Middle Kingdom witnessed a process of gradual colonisation of the district by the Egyptians, and a slow Egyptianisation of the aboriginal population. In the direction of Asia, the 12 th dynasty ruler took care mainly of securing the north-eastern border and of continuous and purposeful exploitation of the Sinai Peninsula. The raids to Canaan were inspired mainly by the needs of the border s security, and the pharaohs generally tried to accomplish their aims in this region by mainly although not only diplomatic and economic means.

A principally new level of foreign activity was achieved with the expansionism of the New Kingdom, when the Egyptian rulers conquered a vast territory from the fourth cataract in the south to the shores of the Euphrates in the north. Compared to this, the contacts with the foreign lands remained rather modest during the Middle Kingdom. The ideology for the future was, however, already established. Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt. New Haven, , Allen, James P. Society of Biblical Literature. Assmann, Jan c Politik zwischen Ritual und Dogma: Assmann, Jan Maat und die gespaltete Welt oder: Belova, Galina Egiptjane v Nubii.

Grundrisse zum Alten Testament, Bd. Jan Assmann et alii Eds. Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard Otto. Verlag Philipp Reclam jun. Shedevry portreta iz Egipetskogo muzeja v Berline. Photomechanischer Nachdruck der 1. The First to the Seventeenth Dynasties. University of Chicago Press. Bresciani, Edda Der Fremde. Frankfurt am Main New York Paris: The Egyptian Contribution to the Wisdom of Israel. Bullock, Ronald The Story of Sinuhe. Die Lehre des Amenemhet I.

Literarische Reise von Giseh nach Rom. Dissertacyja na soiskanije uchonoj stepeni kandidata istoricheskih nauk. Avtoreferat dissertacyji na soiskanije uchonoj stepeni kandidata istoricheskih nauk. Ebers, Georg Durch Gosen zum Sinai: Aus dem Wanderbuche und der Bibliothek.

Opuscula 13, 2 Leipzig: Fischer Weltgeschichte Bd. Elena Cassin et alii Eds. Studies in Honor of W. Iconographical and Related Studies. Wolfgang Helck Wolfhart Westendorf Eds. Grimm, Alfred Macht des Schicksals: Die Geburt des Individuums. Grimal, Nicolas La preuve par neuf. Gundlach, Rolf Seipel, Wilfried Eds. Helck, Wolfgang Die Prophezeiung des nfr.

Handbuch der Orientalistik, Abt. Der Nahe und der Mittlere Osten; Bd. Herzog, Rolf Punt. Holthoer, Rostislav Salonen, Armas Egypti ja sen kulttuuri. Hornung, Erik Chaotische Bereiche in der geordneten Welt. Hornung, Erik a Der Eine und die Vielen: Michael Gehler Robert Rollinger Eds.

Adoption von Innovationen im Mesopotamien des 3. Senusert I v propagande XXX dinastii i v ejo verojatnyh replikah v drevnegreceskoj tradicii. Orbis biblicus et orientalis Loprieno, Antonio Topos und Mimesis: John Hopkins University Press. Mancini, Anna Maat Revealed: Philosophy and Justice in Ancient Egypt. Menu, Bernadette Maat: Collection Le Bien Commun Paris: Die Religionen der Menschheit, 8 Stuttgart: Morenz, Siegfried Der Schrecken Pharaos.

Studies in honour of Professor Dr.

Omlin, Joseph Amenemhet I. Wolfgang Helck Eberhard Otto Eds. Eine Untersuchung zur Phraseologie der Tempelinschriften. Der Weg des Pharaonenreiches. Otto Harrassowitz, Redford, Donald B. Pharaonen, Bergleute, Pilger und Soldaten. Eine Untersuchung zur altorientalischen und israelitischen Weisheitsliteratur.

Schmid, Hans Heinrich Gerechtigkeit als Weltordnung: Hintergrund und Geschichte des alttestamentlichen Gerechtigkeitsbegriffes. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Aegyptens, Bd. Hinrichs, Sethe, Kurt Urkunden des Alten Reichs. Universalistlikud tendentsid Egiptuse kuningate ideoloogias. Leuven, Stadnikov, Sergei b Vana-Egiptuse kultuurilugu: Steiner, Gerd Altorientalische Reichs -Vorstellungen im 3. Mogens Trolle Larsen Ed. A Symposium on Ancient Empires. Teeter, Emily The Presentation of Maat: Ritual and Legitimacy in Ancient Egypt.

Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilizations Vandersleyen, Claude Les guerres d Amosis: Vandersleyen, Claude Haunebu. Wildung, Dietrich Neunbogen. Wolfgang Helck Wolfart Westendorf Eds. London and New York: Biblical Archaeologist 4, Eine Darlegung der Grundfaktoren. One of his research topics was dedicated to the universalistic claims of Egyptian pharaohs, and generally to different aspects of Ancient Egyptian kingship.

The article discusses the problem of universalistic ambitions, deification and claims of divine origin of Ancient Mesopotamian rulers in the Early Dynastic and Sargonic Periods. Author suggests that divine origin, universalistic claims and the deification of a ruler were closely connected, however, the connection was not straightforward and automatic.

There is no ruler about whom all these three phenomena, the divine origin, deification, and the universalistic epithets and titles were attested: Introduction 1 In Ancient Egypt as well as in some other ancient high cultures the deification of living kings was a frequent phenomenon. While Egyptologists, Sergei Stadnikov among them, 3 have shown that the deification of kings in Ancient Egypt was related to universalistic ambitions, the relation between deification and universalistic ambitions were not studied in detail for Mesopotamia.

The present study tries to close this gap. In contrast to Ancient Egypt the deification of the ruler in Ancient Mesopotamia was no common phenomenon. I will thus provide an overview of those Mesopotamian rulers who claimed divine origin, tried to establish their deification, or used universalistic expressions in some case universalistic titles and epithets. In Early Dynastic Sumer, at least during the latter part of this period ED III , some rulers were represented in their texts royal inscriptions as having divine origin son of deity NN, nourished with milk of goddess NN , using at the same time universalistic expressions for themselves.

I am very thankful for critical remarks by Dr.

Spy - Susan Cooper Undercover

Klein ; Klein ; Ludovico The deified rulers did not always claim to have divine origin, as I will show in the following survey. I also propose that the connection between deification with the universalistic claims was stronger than the connection of these phenomena with the idea of divine origin. Before discussing these questions I will explain briefly what I understand by the terms universalistic ambitions of ruler claim to universalism , deified ruler and divine origin of ruler.

Universalistic ambitions of a ruler or claim to universalism mean that a ruler claims to be the sovereign of the whole universe. During most of the history of Early Dynastic Sumer such titles and epithets were used only towards important gods like Enlil; later, from ca BC, or perhaps even earlier in Ancient Sumer, we have evidence that universalistic expressions were used for rulers themselves.

Both these markers of divinity were of course tidily connected. The horned crown therefore symbolizes the vigour of life and reproduction and links the concept of divinity specifically to agriculture and cattle breeding. In the Mesopotamian iconographic legacy we can find many depictions statues of deities, cylinder seals, basreliefs etc.

It was fashioned from sandstone and stands approximately two metres high. Both are propagandistic steles. On both of them a king is represented killing enemies, depicted as a hero, larger than his enemies. Narmer, a king of Upper Egypt, is killing a defeated enemy kneeling in front of the Pharaoh. In Egypt the pharaoh was represented as a living god, it is an Egyptian tradition, but not from the point of view of theological aspects. Divine origin of ruler. Divine origin means that the ruler claimed that his predecessors or parents were gods, or were somehow associated with gods although the ruler himself did not necessarily claim divine status, i.

We can also find many attestations when a ruler assigned to himself divine status, but did not mention his divine origin e. Another combination appears in the case of Gudea of Lagash 22 nd century BC , who in my opinion was not deified and never used universalistic expressions, epithets or titles, and was not even mentioned as king, but only as city-ruler ensi of Lagash, but who nevertheless stated his divine origin and claimed that his parents were gods.

However, there are some theories suggesting that Gudea was deified e. Emelianov in this volume, who supposes that there is some evidence in favour of lifetime deification of Gudea. An epithet in an inscription on the cylinder B Gudea ensi, the god of his city Cyl. Early Dynastic sources universalism and divine origin 2. At the same time we have some records from the later Ur III and Isin-Larsa periods that some Sumerian mythological kings were probably deified after their physical death in Mesopotamia in the 3 rd millennium BC.

Undoubtedly, the figure of Gilgamesh played a very important role in Sumero- Akkadian civilization in cult, in royal ideology and in the literal legacy. Sumerian epic songs about Gilgamesh, written ca BC, were probably the most popular literary works in the Mesopotamian cultural space from the late 3 rd to the 1 st millennium BC. In the second millennium BC on the basis of these several short Sumerian epical songs Gilgamesh and Akka, etc.

According to the Sumerian King List, 25 some other heroic and mythological kings of the first Dynasty of Uruk were also deified e. Meskiagasher, Dumuzi, Lugalbanda, who were the predecessors of Gilgamesh. Sazonov ; Fink ; Espak ; See also George Certainly the native historical tradition held this to be the case, for Gilgamesh appears in the list of Sumerian kings as the fifth ruler of the First Dynasty of Uruk.

He would thus have flourished about BC, though some would place him a century or so earlier. His reign, which the list of kings holds to have lasted a mythical years, falls in the shadowy period at the edge of Mesopotamian history, when, as in the Homeric epics, the gods took a personal interest in the affairs of men and often communicated with them directly. Sebastian Fink proposed in his article on The Genealogie of Gilgamesh that the legendary king Meskiagasher was deified as a half god and represented as the son of the sun god Utu.

It seems possible and I agree with the opinion of Sebastian Fink , Of course, we perhaps cannot exclude the possibility that the idea of a ruler as a son of the sun god originates from Early Dynastic Uruk, but we must take into account that the text of the Sumerian King List was apparently composed later, in Ur III or in the Isin-Larsa period. As I rose over my city like sun-god Utu, suspended in its midst, I filled the Etemenniguru, founded with divine powers, with princely cornelian.

We do not know why the scribes of the list did not use this sign for Meskiagascher, who is called son of Utu the sun god , and for his son Enmerkar. See more about Neo-Sumerian imperial ideology Espak this volume. Gilgamesh is mentioned in this epic as a divine person, like in the Sumerian King List, but differently from the Sumerian King List where he is presented as being two thirds a god and one third a human being Gilgamesh I, 47 For example, he is mentioned several times in the royal inscriptions from Lagash as the mediator in conflict between Lagash and Umma.

Since the question of the deification of Gilgamesh has been thoroughly discussed in Fink s article, there is no need to focus on it here. Me-silim E , p. En-metena E , p. The inscriptions left by the kings of Lagash mostly celebratory in nature provide details on the contest between the two from their earliest skirmishes and the intervention of the king of Kish Mesilim as mediator between the two, to the later episodes. There is no doubt that the royal title of Mesilim shows his universalistic aspirations Lagash From the Early Dynastic period we have the best written material from Lagash and the largest quantity of Pre-Sargonic royal inscriptions originated from Lagash, dating from the reign of Ur-Nanshe until that of Uru-KA-gina, the last Pre-Sargonic ruler of the city.

He was the first ruler in Mesopotamian history who tried to justify his military campaigns by evoking divine forces and gods. E-anatum utilised divine elements as justification for his aggressive politics. By the life of the god Enlil, king of heaven and earth! I may exploit the field of the 44 See Liverani The ambition for supremacy soon became an ambition for universal rule. This idea was supported by two concepts.

First, there was the idea that the world coincided with Mesopotamia, which was a densely populated, highly productive land surrounded by empty lands. Second, there was the idea of the spread of Sumerian cities, or cities linked to Sumerian culture, in various directions, from Susa, to Mari and Ashur. Through these ramifications, it was deemed possible to reach the edges of the world, identified as the Upper Sea the Mediterranean and the Lower Sea the Persian Gulf. There is a gradual increase in the presence of a universal concept of supremacy.

E-anatum E , , col xvi. E-anatum s military campaigns were undertaken by the orders given by the gods or divine powers. Moreover, E-anatum was the first among rulers of Lagash to claim to be of divine origin. In one of the dedicatory inscriptions E-anatum E he claims: It accenttuated that his power was legitimised by the following gods: E-anatum E , p.

Before him this motif never appeared in Sumerian history. This idea was clearly connected to E-anatum s expansionistic policy and shows the connection between the postulation of divine origin and the universalistic aspirations. En-anatum E , p.

Paula Quinn · OverDrive (Rakuten OverDrive): eBooks, audiobooks and videos for libraries

Possibly, they were deified posthumously. These kings began to use universalistic expressions and epithets which were directly connected to their ambitious imperialistic plans to conquer the whole universe Sumer. Their position in their own land and in all Sumer became stronger, as the territorial expansion continued En-metena En-metena 75, son of En-anatum I promoted his divine origin. En-anatum I E , p. He died young and ruled for a very short period. His predecessor was En-entarzi, who was probably his father and from whose reign we have only one very short inscription compiled by his daughter Geme-Baba.

Lugal-anda continued the tradition of promoting the divine origin of the rulers of Lagash, he was a son of Baba [d]umu-tu-da-[ d ]baba 6. Uru-KA-gina was a usurper, who overthrew Lugal-anda. The reign of Uru-KAgina was a difficult time for Lagash falling victim to the different aggressors. Lugal-Anda E , p. He was a mighty ruler who dominated not only Uruk and Ur, but controlled several other Sumerian cities. This consists of 9 lines, and its conclusion is totally destroyed.

In this single text Ur-Zage claimed that Enlil is king of all lands, and gave himself two 89 Selz Notably, at this time Uruk was a very rich and powerful city. He was also the first among the Sumerian rulers who used the title lord of whole Sumer and king of all people of Sumer.

However, we can still conclude that these four rulers were quite mighty in Sumer and were accepted at least as local hegemons by several other Sumerian city-states. Their geopolitical success was reflected also in their wishes to control the whole of Sumer and maybe even the whole of Mesopotamia.

Their universalistic aspirations are visible in the usage of universalistic titles and epithets towards the main gods like Enlil, and in the usage of such titles as lord of whole Sumer, king of all people of Sumer etc. Consequently, some tendencies to universalistic titles are clearly visible in Uruk and Ur from the 24 th century BC at the latest. On the other hand, we do not have any record about the claims of these rulers concerning either their divine origin or divine status Lugal-zagesi The zenith of Uruk power culminated in the second half of 24 th century BC, when Lugal-zagesi became the king of Umma, then the king of Uruk and conquered probably most of Sumer.

Luckily, from Lugal-zagesi s time we have enough royal inscriptions, some of them quite long and profound. Ur-zage E , p. Enlil, king of all lands. When the god Enlil, king of all lands, gave to Lugal-zagesi the kingship of the land, directed all the eyes of the land obediently toward him, put all the lands at his feet, and from east to west made them subject to him, then, from the Lower Sea, along the Tigris and Euphrates to the Upper Sea, he Enlil put their roads in good order for him.

The latter claimed divine origin and lordship over the whole world Sumer. Lugal-zage-si E , p. It is possible that Lugalzaggesi reached the Mediterranean either in person or through envoys. Alternatively, he could have established military or commercial alliances with other powers such as Kish, Nagar, Mari and Ebla, which were never conquered by him , although these alternatives were ideologically considered to be secondary. Therefore, the ideology of universal dominion did not need to explain the actual forms of its realisation: As Nicole Brisch correctly remarked: The state of Akkad has been celebrated as the First World Empire Liverani a , although there is a still ongoing debate of how to define ancient empire.

Notwithstanding, there is no doubt that the state of Akkad created a new paradigm of kingship and statehood in early Mesopotamia that of the territorial state seeking to institute a centralized rule. Some of these kings were undoubtedly deified Sargon The kings of Akkad after Sargon the Great BC , the founder of the Sargonic dynasty and the Akkadian state, tried to establish a unified empire with a unified pantheon, theology, administration Undoubtedly the unifying politics of the Akkadian kings took place in all spheres of statehood, state ideology, system of measures and official cult the Sargonic kings tried to unify the calendar systems, and tried to create a unified Sumero-Akkadian pantheon, that was meant to be universal for all inhabitants of their empire.

It seems that the Akkadian kings wished to control all peripheral regions of their kingdom Sargon was probably a usurper who seized power in Kish, and thereafter chose Agade as his new capital. ME-barage-si E , p. This was of course the expression of the real idea of universal control. This is a seal inscription of Taribu S-6 , wife of Lugal-ezen, an official of the Akkadian king: Tabiru, wife of Lugal-ezen, made it for him. Sargon E , See e. On the deification of the Akkadian kings see Sazonov Postgate As far as one can determine, the earliest Mesopotamian divine ruler was Naram-Sin B.

Very little is known of this event; the. It is therefore natural that the concept of universalistic aspirations was developing. There were several troubles in domestic and in international politics, and the disintegration of the empire had already begun. In addition, his titulary in the royal inscriptions often resigned specific events and aspects of imperatorship. After his accession to the throne, he appears to have devoted most of his resources to the completion of the ambitious programme begun by his father.

In that task, he showed himself a devoted son. But he soon recanted on the more arrogant excesses of his father: Apparently, Naram-Sin s short time as a god on earth was singular and was neither inheritable nor contagious. His son and successor Sharkalisharri B. Briefly stated, the divine classifier is absent in Sharkalisharri s year names, except in broken passages where it has been. According to Aage Westenholz his servants were free to accord him divine status on their seals, as some of them did, see RIME 2, p.

Presumably their seal cylinders would have been made immediately upon Sharkalisharri s accession. A survey of his inscriptions shows that the classifier was also restored by later Mesopotamian copyist of his texts; in contemporary texts it is present in only one inscription, and in dedicatory seals of some of his more enthusiastic servants. Later this became a quite popular phenomenon, especially in the period of the I Dynasty of Isin.

This was probably directly linked to the decline of Akkadian kingdom and its weakness in foreign and domestic policies Results Universalistic ambitions and claims of the Mesopotamian rulers culminated during the Sargonic period. From this period we have the first attestation for the deification of a king during his life-time. It seems that these two phenomena universalistic ambitions of ruler claim on universalism and deification of ruler were tidily connected to the formation of strong absolutistic kingship, which took place during the Sargonic period.

This was the beginning of the process of the development of a centralized state with an absolute ruler at the head of a state hierarchy, producing the propagandistic texts that glorified the heroic deeds of the king, the personal cult of the ruler, the deification of the ruling king, the development of very ambitious royal titulary clearly reflecting the universalistic tendencies, and the very ambitious wishes to dominate over the whole Near East World i.

This was clearly different from the Early Dynastic Sumerian royal ideology. Noticeable is the fact that the role of the Sargonic kings strongly influenced many different aspects of subsequent ancient royal ideologies, such as universalistic royal titles and epithets, religious politics subjection of the main temples to the king , deification of the ruler etc. Summary Universalistic Ambitions, Deification and Claims of Divine Origin 53 The few Sumerian sources from Early Dynastic period I and Early Dynastic period II do not suggest that the rulers in these periods used universalistic expressions, were deified or pretended to have divine origin.

We have some records from later periods e. However, all these sources were written after the Early Dynastic period, in second half of the 3 rd millennium BC or even later at the end of 3 rd or the beginning of 2 nd millennium BC e. Some later Sumerian sources epics, Sumerian King List mentioned some of these legendary kings e. Meskiagasher as children of the gods, but it seems that the ideas expressed in the later texts reflected the ideological background of the periods when the texts were compiled Ur III etc. No evidence suggests that such legendary kings of Uruk as Meskiagasher, Enmerkar, Lugalbanda and Gilgamesh were believed to have used universalistic expressions among them universalistic titles and epithets.

Consequently, they all had a divine childhood. The universalistic ambitions and claims of the rulers also began in the ED III period, approximately at the same time when the rulers began to claim divine origin. These ambitions were reflected in royal inscriptions in the form of universalistic expressions reflecting the wish to control the universe see Table 1. However, none among the ED III rulers ever used such universalistic titles or epithet as king of universe etc.

With the new epoch the Sargonic period BC , when the centralized Akkadian empire was established, the situation in royal ideology changed dramatically. Sargon and his successors were the first rulers in Mesopotamian history who used clearly universalistic titles such as king of universe or king of four corners. Some evidence allow us to suppose that the first Sargonic kings after Sargon might have tried to establish their own cult and claimed divine status. He wishes to become a living god and at same time a king, who rules over the whole universe. He was the first ruler, who declared clearly these two ideas universal control and deification in his official royal inscriptions and other texts see Table 2, next page.

• Common law. El pensamiento político y jurídico de Sir Edward Coke (Spanish Edition).
• Les Fils dAbraham (French Edition).
• Where Do You Start?.

He abandoned the idea of divine status, but not immediately after ascending the throne, but some years later. Phenomena of universalistic ambitions of rulers claim on universalism , deified rulers and divine origin of rulers in the Sargonic Period After the fall of the Akkadian kingdom BC these three phenomena universalism, divine origin and deification of rulers in Mesopotamia did not disappear. They became again very popular during the Ur III period when the kings resumed the use of universalistic titles and epithets, at the same time declaring that they were gods and had divine parents.

Moreover, during the following Isin-Larsa period, during the Kassite period, and even later in 1 st millennium BC, we have some evidence for cases when a king claimed divine status, claimed divine origin and used universalistic titles and epithets at the same time. The Sargonic kings, their universalistic royal titles, the Akkadian empire itself and the idea of universal control became archetypes for the rulers, the administrative systems and the ruling ideologies for the whole history of Ancient Mesopotamia and Near East.

This idea of universalism and some other elements of the royal ideology founded by Sargon and his successors spread outside the Mesopotamian region into Anatolia Hittites, etc. As Julius Caesar and. However, the connection is not straightforward and automatic. Notably, there is no ruler about whom all these three phenomena, the divine origin, deification, and the universalistic epithets and titles were attested. We must of course realise the imperfect state of our evidence and allow the possibility that some of the rulers combined all these three aspects, although we have no evidence for this.

However, we can still observe a fairly clear connection between the universalistic claims and the expression of intimacy with the divine sphere. Sumer 32, Bahrani, Z. The Body and Violence in Mesopotamia. Partly because, like the empire once based in Rome, it worked for a time and the people believed in it.

Later the Mesopotamian historical tradition preserved almost no memory of the earlier political achievements, such as may be represented as Kish civilization and the Uruk expansion into Syria and Iran. Therefore we may elaborate our title as the first remembered empire in Mesopotamia with universal pretensions. Egypt and Babylonia to B. The University Press, Colbow, G. Journal of Cuneiform Studies 29, Cripps, L. RA 52, Di Ludovico, A. Ugarit-Verlag, Di Vito, R. Series Maior, Dissertationes scientifiecae de rebus orientis antiqui 16, Roma: Editrice Pontificio Istitutio Biblico.

University of Toronto Press. Usuteaduslik Ajakiri 59, Espak, P. Akadeemia 11, Espak, P. Freiburger Altorientalische Studien 7 , Stuttgart. OrNS 52, Fink, S. Battle-descriptions in Mesopotamian Sources: Presargonic and Sargonic Period. The Religious Aspects of War. JCS 46, George, A. Van de Mieroop, Baltimore London: King of a Neo-Sumerian Empire. RSO 41, Lanfranchi, G. The Invention of the City.

Orient 17, Maeda, T. Orient 20, Michalowski, P. Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Vorderasien vom 4. The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Studies presented to Prof. Usuteaduslik Ajakiri 57 1 , Sazonov, V. Electronic Journal of Folklore 53,. Tuna 1, Selz, G. Joachim Marzahn Hans Neumann Eds. Ugarit- Verlag, Stadnikow Stadnikov , S. Harrassowitz Verlag, Stephens, F. RA 49, Suter, C. A Ruler and His God. Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD.

Washington DC, Winter, I. The Old Babylonian Inscriptions. The influence of the age of Gudea on Mesopotamia and increasingly on the culture of the Middle East cannot be overestimated. Gudea was the first Sumerian ruler who submitted cult life to writing. For the first time the ruler was depicted realistically and in a large sculpture. All Sumerian hymns, except the temple hymns, go back to the texts of Gudea, as does the significance of the cult of Bilgames for state ideology.

The article examines the origins and status of Gudea and considers the three versions of the chronology of his reign. The author suggests that Gudea and his father-in-law Ur-Bau were the offspring of a sacred marriage, Gudea had the status of the city god and the prophet of Ningirsu, and that Gudea ruled during the time of the Gutean leader Yarlagan.

In the famous Swiss series of volumes on the history of Mesopotamia, there is no separate section on the Second dynasty of Lagash. We still cannot set the time and date of this dynasty. The influence of the age of Gudea on the subsequent history of Mesopotamia and on the whole culture of the Middle East cannot be overestimated: Hallo , years P. Steinkeller , 80 years W. All dates are counted from the end of the reign of the Akkadian king Sharkalisharri to the first years of Ur-Nammu 22 nd 21 st centuries BC.

On the duration of the reign of Lagash II until now nothing can be said. Moreover, some researchers believe that those rulers who decided to unite in one continuous dynasty, could have belonged to different families. Gudea was the first Sumerian ruler who recorded the circumstances of cult life in writing.

Before him, the religious texts were fragmentary and often written in encrypted cuneiform so called UD. Gudea was the first ruler after the legendary Bilgames who was revered in the era of Ur III as a god and had several days given for worship. Its equivalent is the Akkadian nabi'um one who called in other Semitic languages nabi prophet: However, only Gudea moved the process of construction and the ritual consecration of the temple to cuneiform script.

We do not know details of his face. Similarly, conventional is the image of Ur-Nanshe on plaquette.

Realistic images in Mesopotamian art begin only with the Gudea statues. Edzard noted the coincidence of its style with the style of Gudea statues rather than the inscriptions of Ur-Bau Edzard It is possible that a statue of Ur-Bau was installed by Gudea in honour of his predecessor. In the final part of the Sumerian epic Lugale hero Ninurta blesses the diorite, saying that king, who sets his name for long days will use it for his statues Edzard Researchers of the epic agree that this king was Gudea, because his statues were created mainly of diorite.

The only king mentioned is the main god of Lagash Ningirsu. We can assume that Lagash was ruled over two generations by offspring of a sacred marriage, one of whom brought up the other as a younger brother. There is some evidence in favour of the deification of Gudea during his lifetime.

First, there is an epithet in an inscription on the cylinder B Gudea ensi, the god of his city Cyl. On Gudea's mission as the prophet of Ningirsu indicates not only his name, but the episode of incubation and sacred sleep in the temple. A described his vision of a tetramorph creature rising from Earth to Heaven See later the tetramorph of Ezekiel in the Bible and the image of Gabriel in the Life of Muhammad by Hisham Emelianov Then it is said that Gatumdug took Gudea as a seed and bore him in the sanctuary: Father I do not have you re my father!

My seed took you there, in the sanctuary you gave birth to me Cyl. A III 6 8; Edzard Suter rightly observes that filiation is not characteristic for the Lagash II inscriptions Suter At the same time Gudea did not understand what Ningirsu wanted from him. To clarify the meaning of the god s words, he turned to the interpreter of dreams, the goddess Nan-.

Enki and the world order: This means that, although Gudea is related to the gods, he does not speak their language. A similar transfer of livestock is found in one inscription of Enanatum I En. I 12 , but there we have the delivery of goats, cows, donkeys and their cubs to the temple of Amageshtinana. The inscription does not contain commands to breed Frayne If you go forth to the cultivated fields, to the good germinating fields, stockpiles and stacks can be accumulated on the high plain.

That is, for the successful building of the temple it was necessary to accompany its erection with reproduction of living beings. Third, in the inscription on the statue R one can read about the rite of opening the mouth ka-du 8 of the statue of Gudea. This ceremony was held only for the statues of the gods.

Fourth, we know that his sister goddess Nanshe gave him her powers. But the owner of the magical powers could only be a god or deified king We know Gudea s personal stamp on which his personal god Ningishzida brings the ruler of Lagash to god Enki holding vessels in two hands, of which numerous other vessels cascade water. The same streams pouring from the vessel can be seen on the statue N of Gudea. What does it mean? Since for the inhabitants of ancient Mesopotamia bilingual thinking was typical, then homophones Akkad.

In cuneiform texts it can be seen in the form of writing Akkadian word for ME through Sumerian ideogram for water: While sacred songs and harmonious songs were performed before her, the kintur instrument praised the temple. The chief musician played the ibex horn for her: Currently, there are three basic versions of his time. Meyer thought , but by the invasion of Guteans, who then subjugated the entire country.

Kings, Gods and People. Establishing Monarchies in the Ancient World

He comes to this conclusion on the basis of several economic texts, which speak of delivering large loads to a certain king in the era of Gudea. After paleographic analysis of recorded texts, he made the final conclusion: Gudea ruled after the destruction of Akkade; the second dynasty of Uruk was in this era of secondary importance and was often subjected to attacks from the outside; the goods which were delivered in the time of Gudea to an unknown king was nothing more than a tribute to the Gutean conquerors of Sumer, titling themselves kings lugal.

And finally, paleographic traits allow dating these texts to the end of the Akkade dynasty. They served Gudea until his 8 th year, then Ur-Namma from the 15 th year and Shulgi until his 11 th year. From this fact P. Schrakamp on the evidence of prosopography from the economic texts. They have established that the said officials did not live in Gudea s time, but later under the rule of the son of Gudea Ur-Ningirsu, ensi Nammahni and Shulgi of Ur. In the Old Babylonian period Gudea was believed to have been a subordinate of Shulgi c , and the priesthood continued to make offerings to diorite statues erected by his order.

The writing on it is typical for the time of Rim-Sin, the king of Larsa c. No transliteration of this text exists yet. I translate the text, combining the initial reconstruction of C. Wilcke and further additions by Wilcke and U. Gabbay The problem of dating is also connected with a large number of namesakes. For example, in his recent article G.

Visicato followed the career of a bureaucrat named Ur- Bagara, who served in Girsu from the time of Sharkalisharri until Gudea. From his observations, he concluded that the distance between the end of the Akkadian dynasty and Ur-Namma s time was relatively short 35 or 40 years Visicato This would be obviously a nonsense, which gives us every reason to believe that there were several officials who had the name Ur-Bagara in Girsu during the period from Sharkalisharri to Ibbi-Suen. These statues are In Eninnu, In the house of Ningirsu, I made them. At the end of the text there is a general formula: Total of them.

Column VI contains only a few signs in the two lines 4 and 5. The first column of text is badly damaged.