Réalités et roman guinéen de 1953 à 2003 T3 (Harmattan Guinée) (French Edition)

Three of the countries surveyed Algeria, Guinea-Bissau, and Mozambique achieved independence as a result of an armed struggle. For the reasons explained previously, the chapter shall focus exclusively on Lumumba, Ben Bella, Cabral, and Machel. Chapter 6 continues the survey—started in Chapter 5—of the political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions of the socialist-populist ideology from a distinctly socialist perspective.

These political systems are characterized by relatively authoritarian sometimes totalitarian regimes, a top-down system of administration, as well as state control over the economy. Chapter 7 is an overview of the political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions of the populist-socialist ideology from a distinctly populist perspective, from the early s to the present. Sections 1 and 4 deal with those scholar-activists who remained essentially at the level of ideas, with very limited or no policy experience at all: Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko.

Thomas Sankara Burkina Faso. The third section of this chapter shall examine one populist leader who until his elimination 8 African Political Thought by NATO forces had been in power for a very long time 42 years: Muammar Qaddafi of Libya. Chapter 8 reviews the ideas and values for a new, free, and self-reliant Africa put forth by African academics who have the best interest of the people at heart and thus advocate a popular type of democracy and development.

However, unlike the populist-socialist scholars, these Africanist-populist scholars refuse to operate within the parameters of Western ideologies—whether of the socialist, Marxist-Leninist, or liberal-democratic persuasion—and call on Africans to get rid of their economic, technological, and cultural dependency syndrome. These scholars are also convinced that the solution to African problems lie within Africans themselves. The conclusion will summarize the concepts and ideas presented in Chapters 1 through 8.

First, the ideas and values that shaped indigenous African political systems and institutions, from Antiquity to the late nineteenth century are examined. Second, the ideas for modernization and westernization of the early West African nationalists of the late nineteenth— early twentieth centuries are reviewed. Third, we undertake a survey of PanAfricanism as an ideal and instrument of foreign policy, from North America in the early twentieth century. Fourth, the political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions of the socialist-populist ideology during the early years of independence—particularly from the mids to the mids—are examined.

Fifth, the political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions of the populist-socialist ideology from a populist perspective, from the s to the present, are reviewed. Lastly, we undertake an overview of the more recent ideas for a new, free, and self-reliant Africa, with particular attention African Political Thought 9 to the interconnectedness of the concepts of development and democracy in contemporary Africa. African political systems and institutions were traditionally based on kinship and lineage i. The lineage was a powerful and effective force for unity and stability in ancient Africa.

Each lineage had its head, chosen on the basis of age, maturity, and relation to ancestors. Each ethnic group had its own system of government. In all indigenous African societies, political organization began at the lineage or village level. Religion defined moral duties and controlled conduct; it informed laws and customs, as well as accepted norms of behavior.

In African systems of thought, religion is an essential part of life; indeed, religion and life are inseparable. Religion and life are inseparable, and life is not comparted [sic] into sacred and secular. Fo undatio nal Pr i nci ples a nd D emo c r atic Char acter i sti cs In indigenous African political systems, the rules and procedures of governance were established by custom and tradition rather than by written constitutions. In addition, these systems were based on the rule of law—that is, respect for and adherence to customary ways of resolving disputes and upholding the traditions governing political behavior.

More important, customary African laws were subject to full public debate and scrutiny; in fact, chiefs and kings could not promulgate laws without the consent of the councils. In Pharaonic Egypt—as in other indigenous African societies—every individual was equal before the law: In relation to royal decisions and to legal procedure and penalties, men and women of all classes seem to have been equals before the law. First, they were based on an elaborate system of checks and balances; such institutions as the Inner or Privy Council and the Council of Elders acted as effective checks on the potential abuse of power by the leader chief, king, or emperor.

Third, the basic political unit was the village assembly, where major decisions concerning the society were adopted and ordinary people were able to express their opinions, have their voices heard, and actively participate in a political decision-making process based on majority rule. A specific socioprofessional group or caste —such as the griots or praise-singers in the Western Sudan—were the custodians of tradition and the living historical memory of the society.

I n digeno us Af r ic an Poli ti cal Sy stems as S ec ul ar an d Sacred In indigenous African societies, the social order was informed by the belief— passed on from generation to generation—that the ancestors constituted the link between the present, the past, and the future. The African concept of power fused the secular and the sacred.

The leader was both a secular and religious leader and acted as intermediary between the living and the dead—between the people and their ancestors. The following quote from K. Busia perfectly captures the essence of this concept as it relates to the case of the Asante: The Political Ideology 13 In traditional African communities, it was not possible to distinguish between religious and non-religious areas of life.

All life was religious. In many tribes, the chief was the representative of the ancestors. This enhanced his authority. He was respected as the one who linked the living and the dead. The most important aspect of Ashanti [Asante] chieftaincy was undoubtedly the religious one. An Ashanti chief filled a sacred role. The chief was the link between the living and the dead, and his highest role was when he officiated in the public religious rites which gave expression to the community values. While some indigenous African political systems were more elaborate and institutionalized than others— the so-called state societies—all of them had some form of centralized power and authority.

The supernatural power of these ancestors, and the vigilance they were believed to maintain over the affairs of their descendants, were regarded as important factors in Mossi government. Ritual and the supernatural thus played an extremely important role in the cohesiveness of the Mossi kingdoms and in the functioning of their governmental processes.

As they derived their power from their ancestors, African leaders were endowed with and exercised both religious and secular powers. Wealth and property did not belong to the leader personally, but rather to the office. Without this precaution gold would become so plentiful that it would practically lose its value. It was the sacred symbol of the unity of the Ashanti [Asante] nation, and it was believed to contain the soul of the Ashanti [Asante] people. Therefore what the officer proposed was. Again, the Asante political system, as described by K. Busia, perfectly illustrates this situation: The Ashanti [Asante] were careful to prevent their chief from becoming tyrannical, and they developed a delicate balance between central authority and regional autonomy.

In matters of administration, each lineage or village managed its own affairs. If the chief abused his power, his subordinate chiefs, the members of his Council, could destool him. On the other hand, if a subordinate chief or councilor tried to become too powerful, the chief could destool him. In the Ashanti system, the fact that each lineage, village, or part of a chiefdom managed as much of its own affairs as was consistent with the unity of the whole chiefdom enabled many to share in decision-making in local affairs; for the head of each unit was, like the chief at the center, obliged to act only on the concurrence and with the advice of his own local council.

In theory, the leader ruled for life, but in practice, he ruled only as long as the people allowed it: There was a balance between authority on the one side, and obligation on the other. Thus The Political Ideology 15 K. The Ashanti [Asante] had a constitutional practice which ensured that the will of the people was given consideration. They had ultimately the constitutional right to destool a chief. As the fundamental principle was that only those who elected a chief could destool him, a destoolment required the consent of the elders. Sometimes they initiated a destoolment themselves when, for example, a chief repeatedly rejected their advice, or when he broke a taboo, or committed a sacrilegious act.

A chief was also destooled if he became blind, or impotent, or suffered from leprosy, madness, or fits, or if his body was maimed in a way that disfigured him. In most African societies, natural disasters such as droughts, famines, and epidemics were generally attributed to the fact that the chief or king had not ruled well and thus should be deposed or killed regicide. Ritual murders of kings deemed morally or physically unfit to rule were commonly practiced among the Serer of Senegal, the Junkun and Yoruba of Nigeria, and the Shilluk of the Nilotic Sudan.

C h e c k s a nd Bal anc es in I ndigenous Afr i can Po l i t ic al Sy stems and I nsti tuti ons An elaborate system of checks and balances ensured that the power and authority of the African leader was strictly circumscribed. In exercising his functions and discharging his duties as the ultimate political, legal, and religious authority—essentially the maintenance of law and order and the management of public affairs for the good of the community—the leader had to take the advice and counsel of two key advisory bodies: The Inner or Privy Council represented the aristocratic clans and constituted the inner circle of the chief: This system is well described by K.

Busia in the case of Asante: The chief was bound by custom to act only with the concurrence and on the advice of his Council. If he acted arbitrarily, and without consultation and approval by his Council, he could be deposed. Those who elected the chief, also had the power to depose him if he did not perform the duties of his office satisfactorily. On the other hand, the Council of Elders represented the non-aristocratic lineages and the commoners and thus could not be dismissed by the chief.

This body reached its decisions by consensus and aimed at unanimity rather 16 African Political Thought than majority. Failure on the part of the leaders to consult with the Council of Elders could result in their removal. Thus the Village Assembly was convened whenever the Council of Elders could not reach unanimity on a contested issue. Meeting procedures in the Village Assemblies were essentially democratic. First, the chief—addressing the assembly through a spokesman—would explain the purpose of the meeting, merely stating the facts.

Then, anybody else wishing to speak or ask questions commoners, women, etc. Decisions were usually taken by consensus; if that proved impossible, majority rule prevailed.

Total freedom of expression—in the form of open debate and free dissent—was the rule. Thus African political systems were truly democratic in the sense that they allowed ordinary people to have their voice heard and influence political decision making: In Ancient Egypt, women were master of their homes and senior to their husbands, and children were named after them.

It is interesting to note that there were four women pharaohs in Ancient Egypt: Nitokris, Sebeknefru, Hatshepsut, and Tauosre. Women played a key role in the political system. Also noteworthy is the fact that Ahmosis-Nefertari under Amenhotep I and Ahhotep under Amasis wielded considerable influence in political and religious matters. In the fifth year of her reign, she was powerful enough to declare herself supreme ruler of the country. The two peaceful decades of her reign were prosperous ones for Egypt. One could conclude from this that in Ancient Egypt, women naturally inherited political rights.

In religious matters, the queen was second only to the king. Queens could also act as co-regents when they assumed power after the death of their husbands. Sometimes, queen mothers directly assumed political office. Thus, until the middle of the fourteenth century, the first wife of the mansa emperor of Mali was the second most senior person in the politico-administrative hierarchy of the empire. The key province of Jenne was under her direct authority.

Various mechanisms and institutions were created to resolve these disputes. In Africa, individual attachment to lineages always carried the potential risk of transforming personal disputes into broader group conflicts, as was often the case among the Ganda Uganda and the Nuer Sudan. As a result, the principles of custom, tradition, and fairness were paramount, and particular emphasis was placed on the peaceful resolution of disputes and the promotion of social harmony. Thus the Mande Charter specifically states that in Mali foreigners should never be harmed and that the security of foreign envoys is inviolable.

As a result, respect of the other and peaceful settlement of disputes were the rule. Indigenous African political systems and institutions were traditionally based on kinship and common ancestry. These systems were based on the rule of law, and the rules and procedures of governance were established by custom and tradition. In these systems, succession was institutionalized in such a way that family, clan, and ethnic competition for power was minimized. The African concept of power fused the secular and the sacred; the leader was both a secular and religious leader, and he acted as intermediary between the living and the dead—between the people and their ancestors.

Indigenous African political systems were essentially democratic in the sense that 1 they were based on an elaborate system of checks and balances according to which advisory bodies—such as the Inner or Privy Council and the Council of Elders—acted as effective checks on the potential abuse of power by the leader chief, king, or emperor and 2 through the agency of the village assemblies these systems allowed ordinary people to have their voices heard and influence political decision making.

Moreover, the African leader was accountable for his actions at all times. In theory, the leader ruled for life, but in practice he ruled only as long as the people allowed it. In addition, women played a key role in African societies, as well as in Indigenous African political systems and institutions. Indigenous African political systems did not all follow the same pattern of state formation.

Each differed depending on the conditions facing it, resource availability, military strength, leadership style, population, types of state, and size. In indigenous Africa, power and authority varied from highly centralized kingdoms and empires to highly decentralized structures of governance. States were either centralized under one leader or federal systems in which the people in the periphery paid tribute to the leader.

Davidson, Basil, The African Genius: Little, Brown and Co. Lawrence Hill Books, University Press of America, The new states foundered, not primarily because they coincided with increasing European penetration, but because they could not transcend the basic African organization of society. These states fell to pieces because they were not based on indigenous institutions.

Egypt was also the starting point of the Arab conquest of the Maghreb, which led to the Islamization of North Africa and the emergence of a typically Islamic form of governance, the Caliphate. Furthermore, Egypt was the final destination of many African slaves imported from Nubia, Ethiopia, and the Western and Central Sudan from the ninth century onwards. In the Maghreb, it was not until the end of the seventh century that the conquering Arabs eventually subdued the majority of the Berbers, who then adopted Islam while resenting the political domination of the Arabs.

First, their democratic and egalitarian traditions led them to adhere to the teachings of those Islamic sects that preached those values, infusing Islam in the Maghreb with a spirit of reform and populism—such as Sufism—exemplified by the great movements of the Almoravids and the Almohads of Northwest Africa. A second wave of Islamization of the Western Sudan occurred in the eleventh century, with the rise of the Almoravids, a Berber reformist religious movement whose spirit survived for centuries until the nineteenthcentury holy wars jihads.

This trade— gold being exchanged for the salt and copper of the Saharan mines Taghaza, Tawdeni, and Takkeda —became a major source of revenue and wealth for the states of the Maghreb acting as intermediaries between sub-Saharan Africa and North Africa and Europe. Thus the Western Sudan became progressively integrated into the Muslim world not by force there was no Arab conquest of the area but through commercial and cultural contacts. After the Fatimids of Egypt began to develop their commercial relations with the Indian Ocean, East African coastal settlements—such as Lamu, Mombasa, Zanzibar, and Sofala—played an increasingly important role in this commercial network.

Thus Islamic religion and culture progressively fused Th e I n f lu e n c e o f I s l a m i c Va lu e s a n d I d e a s 23 with indigenous African culture, leading to the emergence and blossoming of the Swahili culture in the next centuries. From the tenth century on began a new period of Islamic penetration of Ethiopia by Muslim merchants that led to the foundation of the first Muslim states in southern Ethiopia.

Thus, in the first five centuries of the Islamic era, many regions of Africa had come, directly or indirectly, under the influence of the new Islamic empire. The pitfalls of African historiography are accurately identified by Dramani-Issifou: The oral transmission of their [African cultures and societies] knowledge, the implicit nature of their rich and ancient cultural life, means that factual evidence concerning them is often derived from external sources; in this instance, the evidence comes from Arab historiography which is marred by prejudice and by ideological assumptions which must be identified and clarified.

As was the rule in those societies, Muslim women have always had the right to initiate legal proceedings without referring to their husbands and administer their property independently of them. Under the Umayyads, the Arabs formed the exclusive ruling class, and Muslim Arabs were exempted from paying taxes while all non-Muslims were subject to taxation.

Unable to cope with the complex administrative problems arising from the continuing expansion of the empire, the Arabs adopted the administrative systems already existing in the provinces and left their running in the hands of the converted indigenous people. The contradictions resulting from the monopoly of political and economic power by the Arab ruling class while the indigenous minority even though it was Muslim was excluded led to a crisis that ended in the fall of the Umayyads and the rise to power of a new dynasty, the Abbasids, centered in Iraq.

The Abbasid revolution was engineered by all the nonArab Muslims, who claimed their fair share in the community; it inaugurated an Islamic empire in which Arabs lost their privileged status and in which distinctions followed religious rather than national lines. However, Arabic continued to be the language of the state, arts, sciences, and literature employed widely by the non-Arab—including African—peoples.

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In political terms, the end of the eleventh century heralded the definitive preponderance of the Berbers—Almoravids and Almohads—in North Africa. By the end of the century, the Fatimids had lost their Maghreban provinces but retained their hold on Egypt. Between the tenth and eleven centuries, the Indian Ocean trade shifted gradually to the Red Sea, to the benefit of Egypt, which became, for many years to come, the main center of the transit trade between the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean.

Ideologically, Islam discourages compulsory conversion. Islamic political theory requires control of the polity for the Muslims, but it does not require bringing every subject of the Muslim state into the fold. The Muslims were more interested in incorporating non-Muslims into the Islamic state than in their immediate conversion. Thus, while conversion was desirable from a religious point of view, it was not necessary from a political point of view. Over time, the Arab conquest resulted in the Islamization of the majority of the North African population.

The conquest of African societies by local Islamized states was a significant factor only in the Lake Chad region and in southern Ethiopia. The Kharidjites of the Sufri sect were ruling Sidjilmasa, one of the most important northern termini of the caravan trade until the tenth century. Thus one may safely assume that the centuries-long presence and missionary activities of these merchants in the most important Western Sudanese centers exercised a profound religious influence on the local people, with the local traders—such as the Dyula, the Soninke, the Hausa, and the Dyakhanke—being the first converts to Islam.

Islam as a religion born in the commercial society of Mecca provides a set of ethical and practical rules closely related to business activities. This moral code helped to regulate and control commercial relationships and constituted a unifying ideology among the members of different ethnic groups, thus helping to guarantee security and credit, two of the main requirements of long-distance trade. Islam helped maintain the identity of members of a network or firm who were scattered over a wide area, and often in foreign countries; it enabled traders to recognize, and hence to deal readily with, each other; and it provided moral and ritual sanctions to enforce a code of conduct which made trust and credit possible.

Since its emergence in West Africa, Islam has always had to contend with non-Islamic customs and practices. For most converts, the acceptance of the new religion had never meant a complete abandonment of beliefs, practices, and rituals associated with indigenous African religion. The first ruler in the Western Sudan to become Muslim—even before the rise of the Almoravid in the s—was War-Dyabe d.

Al-Bakri also clearly shows that while Islam was the official royal religion, the majority of the population continued to adhere to indigenous African beliefs, and 26 African Political Thought court ceremony—as in other Western Sudanese states—remained essentially traditional. In the Central Sudan, the first ruler to convert to Islam was the mais of Kanem in the eleventh century. That century witnessed the spread of Islam in the Western and Central Sudan. From the lower Senegal to the shores of Lake Chad, Islam was adopted by various chiefs, kings, and emperors, thus gaining official status in a number of African states and societies.

The eleventh century also saw the conversion to Islam of Ghana, the most powerful of the Western Sudanese states at that time. The most important achievement of the Almoravid intervention —77 was undoubtedly the conversion of the king and his court. Thus they in fact substantially helped to spread Islam to non-Muslim parts of the Western and Central Sudan where neither Arabs nor Berbers ever penetrated.

The Diakhanke Soninke of Dyakhaba adopted the Maninka language and developed a closely knit community in which religious and commercial activities went hand in hand. Other southern traders of Soninke origin who adopted the Maninka language were the Dyula, as well as the Marka of the Niger Bend. Under his rule, Mali expanded and took control of the trading towns of Walata, Timbuktu, and Gao. The Islamic character of the empire was strengthened in the fourteenth century under Mansa Musa —37 and his brother Mansa Suleyman —60 , who encouraged the building of mosques and the development of Islamic learning.

The general security prevailing during the heyday of the Mali Empire was favorable to the expansion of trade in the Western Sudan. Until the sixteenth century, the majority of Muslim scholars in Jenne and Timbuktu—many of them world-renowned experts in Islamic science—were Sudanese, who also held senior public offices. Among the most prominent Timbuktu scholars specializing in jurisprudence, philosophy, and theology were Mahmud ben Omar Aqit — , Muhammad Bagayokho —94 and his brother Ahmad, Mahmud Kati, and Ahmed Baba d. As El Fasi and Hrbek point out, this was an important factor in the indigenization of Islam in Africa: It meant that from then on Islam was propagated and spread by autochthons armed with the knowledge of local languages, customs and beliefs.

In the eyes of the Africans Islam ceased to be the religion of white expatriates and, because it was now carried by Africans themselves, it became an African religion. Externally, since the economic function of these empires was the control and exploitation of the trade gold for salt with North Africa, the ruling class had a vested interest in adopting Islam in order to establish and maintain good relations with its North African clients and partners.

Internally, the dilemma of the Islamized ruling dynasty was to secure the allegiance of clans and peoples still governed by indigenous African values and beliefs. This helps explain the numerous indigenous rituals and ceremonies observed by Arab travelers at the courts of Muslim emperors like the mansas of Mali and the askiyas of Songhay—men who were commonly considered to be devout Muslims. By the second half of the fifteenth century, a strong Islamic tradition was established in the cities and major trading centers of Zaria, Katsina, and Kano.

Islam at that time was not generally accepted and was still infused with many local customs and practices: By the sixteenth century, the position of Islam had been further improved by the policies of Askya Muhammad Toure of Songhay as well as the exodus of the mais from Kanem to Bornu and the long rule of Idris Alaoma. In the same century, both Bagirmi and Wadai became Muslim states.

After the decline of the Mali Empire in the fifteenth century, the Maninka lived in small kafu chiefdoms without central administration and without urban life while the Bambara formed an island of indigenous religion. Islam was then abandoned by the political class and was only represented by the traders Dyula or the clerics moriba.

The ruling classes of all the states of the region—large and small—were at least nominally Muslim. In all the towns and in many villages of the area lived communities of African Muslims of various ethnic origins, traders and clerics with a broad outlook and in contact with Muslim states and communities in North Africa. Although the majority of African peasants remained untouched by this universal religion, Islam had become, after so many centuries, part and parcel of the culture and society of West Africa.

With the exception of North Africa—where it was the result of Arab conquest—Islam was spread peacefully by first Arab then Berber and other indigenous African traders. As a result, Islam was an essentially urban phenomenon found in all the major and minor commercial and political centers. Islam was adopted by the merchant classes as well as by the rulers, ruling elites, and aristocracy of all the states and societies of these regions; it also gave rise to a cosmopolitan class of Muslim clerics and scholars ulamas.

However, the rural areas and the majority of the population mostly peasants remained largely untouched by the new religion and continued to adhere to their indigenous African beliefs. Islam as a religion and way of life is one of the fundamental aspects of African civilization.

This spirit of community is clearly compatible with indigenous African values, culture, and tradition, such as giving the greeting of peace to members of the community and strangers alike or giving alms to the poor and food to the hungry. It must be noted that the act of embracing Islam is an individual one, Th e I n f lu e n c e o f I s l a m i c Va lu e s a n d I d e a s 29 but it is also an irreversible one. This is a fundamental point at issue for the relations between the Muslim world and the societies and cultures of Africa.

Historically and geographically, two different Islamic legal schools of jurisprudence prevailed in different regions of Africa. In the eleventh century, Islam developed in two directions that had a profound influence on the relations between Islam and African societies. On the one hand, Sunnism tended to impose, through the law, uniformity on the authority of the state, education, and a single Muslim rite. On the other hand, mystic currents of thought—Sufism—sought to express religious feeling through asceticism and rejection of the world.

In the twelfth century, Sufi brotherhoods—such as the Kadiriyya and the Shadhiliyya—began to appear, notably in Morocco. Sunnism which was dominated by Malikism made the Muslim community more intransigent in its dealings with African cultural traditions. Conversely, Sufism successfully spread the cult of holy men, which took on the role of healers and diviners, thus Islamizing some very ancient aspects of the culture and daily life of Africans.

Thus developed first in the Maghreb and then particularly after the seventeenth century in West Africa the character of the marabout, a cleric and learned scholar of Islam also acting as a magician, healer, and more important a living intermediary between mere mortals and Prophet Muhammad, who is in direct contact with God.

The emulation of the Arab religious and cultural model posed a real danger to African societies; should Africans renounce their culture and traditions and adopt Arab culture and values instead? In other words, could Islamization lead to Arabization? According to Dramani-Issifou, the process whereby Islam became established as a social system in Africa has its own, unique dynamics: Thus, in certain tribes of Kabylia or the Atlas, the Berbers preserved their language and their customs.

Furthermore, Berber law is characterized by customary law, as exemplified by the collective oath as a means of proof as well as the administration of justice by judge-arbiters or village assemblies. In fact, some of these 30 African Political Thought features were reflected in the organization of the Almohad Empire. After the major confrontation of the eighth century between Arabs and Berbers, the strategically vital process of territorial and political integration of the latter into the House of Islam Dar al-Islam was complete.

As the case of the Ibadites demonstrates, relations between Saharan Berbers and sub-Saharan Africans were excellent; these relations were characterized by genuine mutual religious tolerance, as well as by open-mindedness and understanding toward indigenous African cultural and social practices. The introduction of the Muslim social system into indigenous African societies was a very long and gradual process, as the case of the gold miners and blacksmiths clearly shows.

In the empires of Ghana and Mali, the numerous producers of gold and iron did not convert to Islam, continued to practice indigenous religion and magical rites, and were exempted from the tax that was imposed on the nonbelievers. In Takrur, Ghana, and Mali, ironworkers became progressively divorced from the ruling elite and lost their political influence; they were feared on account of their economic and magical powers, and they gradually formed a group hemmed in by prohibitions that became socially isolated. While in the Arabo-Islamic world the keystone of the social structure was the nuclear family—man, wife, and children—the extended family, consisting of the descendants of a common ancestor bound together by kinship and territorial ties, was the basic component of indigenous African societies.

In addition, African indigenous societies had a holistic concept of culture and religion according to which all the constituent elements of the culture, religion, and society were interlinked and constituted a whole whose elements could not be dissociated without destroying the entire balance of their life. Communal bonds were shared by all their ancestors, the living, and the unborn children in an unbroken generational chain in perfect harmony and in a sacred bond with their natural environment the soil, the bush, the waters , which provided food and was the object of worship.

In general, the African retained his or her vision of the world as a vast confrontation of natural and supernatural forces that were to be exploited or exorcised. Cheikh Anta Diop notes that there is a metaphysical convergence between indigenous African beliefs and the Muslim faith.

This dual conception of the world is common to both religions. This, Diop argues, explains why Africans so easily and comfortably fit into the Islamic faith. While among the Arab people, Islamic law was based on the patrilineal family, indigenous African societies were essential matrilineal: The pressure to change the matrilineal rules of succession in favor of the patrilineal practices imposed by the Quran was a cause of extreme tension between indigenous African law and Islamic law.

From a social point of view, the Africanization of Muslim names marked a simple and gradual transfer from the indigenous African community to the Muslim community umma. Thus, in the Western Sudan, Muhammad became Mamadu. African and Islamic moral values also came in conflict with regard to the behavior and customs of African women. They no doubt tended to see these opposing forms of social life as indicating an incompatibility between Islam and African religion. In the former, administrators appointed by the African leaders resided in the urban centers, while in the second, the peasant majority constituted a source of agricultural labor whose conversion was not considered essential or urgent.

Sub-Saharan African rulers and their Muslim advisers attempted to achieve political and social integration on the Islamic model. As the case of the conversion of a king of Malal in the eleventh century—as recounted by al-Bakri and al-Dardjini—clearly illustrates, the exercise of political power by the leader was based on indigenous religion and the consent of the people.

Acting in accordance with indigenous African political tradition and practices, the king of Malal, the ruling clan, and the aristocracy—but not the commoners and peasants—adopted Islam after a drought in order to obtain of the God of the Muslims acting as a substitute for the God of the Ancestors the rain that was necessary for the survival of his people.

According to Dramani-Issifou, the price of the conversion was a heavy one: The response of the people was unexpected: From this middle position some chiefs or dynasties might turn towards the true Islam, while others might fall back to regain closer relations with their traditional religion. His brand of Islam incorporated elements of indigenous beliefs and magical rites imported from Arab countries. Furthermore, the peasant masses continued to adhere to their indigenous beliefs, and this was tolerated by the emperor in exchange for their loyalty and their taxes.

He proceeded to introduce Islamic values into the society as well as Islamic principles and rules of governance. Almost all the ministers of state, provincial governors, army commanders, and judges were Muslims. The emperor relied almost entirely on the advice of prominent Muslim scholars in matters relating to the administration of the empire.

At the request of the askiya, one of them, Al-Maghili, wrote a kind of handbook of the perfect Muslim prince. Islamic justice was dispensed by the Muslim judges kadi only in the urban areas, while indigenous African law continued to be administered to the African majority in the country. Muslim scholars—such as Muhammad Bagayokho, Mahmud Kati, and Ahmed Baba of Timbuktu—belonged to a very small intellectual elite thinking and writing in Arabic and facing a mass of believers in African indigenous religion, whom they considered themselves duty-bound to convert to Islam.

It was under the rule of the Soninke leader Sonni Ali Ber —92 that the sharpest conflict between Islam and indigenous African traditions and beliefs occurred. The reign of Sonni Ali Ber was marked by the bringing into line of Timbuktu, the supremacy of Gao, and the revival of African indigenous religion against Islam. Apart from two brief interludes that witnessed a revival of Islam—the reigns of Askiya Muhammad I — and Askiya Dawud —82 —the end of the sixteenth century was marked by the Moroccan conquest , the collapse of the political system and institutions of the empire, the disorganization of the society, and the decline of the urban centers.

Popular resistance to the Moroccan invasion in the last decade of the sixteenth century took the form of small, independent states that abandoned Islam and reverted to African indigenous religion, most notably the Songnanke cult magician-healers in Dendi southwestern Songhay. The Moroccan occupation and the subsequent disintegration of the Songhay state created a political vacuum and social and religious disarray that eventually led, during the late seventeenth century, to the emergence of the Bamana kingdom of Segu — , whose leaders and people exclusively adhered to indigenous African beliefs.

Bamana religion Batair was expressed through rituals in age-sets and secret societies, whose members served as intermediaries between the spiritual and temporal worlds. This process may rightly be described as the Africanization of Islam. The conversion of the African rulers and ruling elite to Islam was not always heartfelt, deep, and unconditional; it was essentially a matter of economic and political expediency, and the African leaders retained elements 34 African Political Thought of indigenous values, beliefs, traditions, and decorum in order to ensure the loyalty of their citizens.

This process of mutual cross-fertilization of Islamic religion and culture with indigenous African religion and culture is well captured by Nehemia Levtzion: While winning over converts, Islam also assimilated African traditional elements. Having received a broad education from the best scholars of the time in Islamic law and jurisprudence, as well as in Arab philology and literature, he travelled widely throughout North Africa and the Western Sudan and rose to high positions in government, law, and academia in Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria, Spain, and Egypt, eventually becoming Chief Malakite Judge and lecturer at Al-Azhar University in Cairo, where he died in His prolific scholarship reflected an encyclopedic knowledge of history, anthropology, sociology, geography, economics, jurisprudence, and politics.

Dawood puts it best: Rational in its approach, analytical in its method, encyclopedic in detail. To the extent that he turned from considering how things ought to be to studying states and societies as they really are, he may also be considered to be the founding father of political realism. Two centuries before Hobbes, he located the vital force of human behavior and thus society in passions, not reason. His thought thus represents a unique instance in the transition from classical to modern theory. Political institutions are rudimentary: As the society grows, subgroups appear, loyalties become divided, and the subgroup with the strongest solidarity becomes dominant.

Chieftainship turns into kingship. The king consolidates his power through force. National solidarity disappears and decline begins. Such a new group is unlikely to rise within the state, however. Eventually they also will generate the same processes that led to the decline of the state they conquered. For him, it is merely the decay of political organization and power of government that gives the impression that contemporary civilization is inferior to that of the past. Yet, after assuming power, the leader will progressively steer the society toward umran hadari, thus leading to the weakening and eventual disintegration of the state.

At the dawn of the century, the large and powerful Western Sudanic states had disintegrated and split into a multiplicity a small kingdoms and chiefdoms at war with each other not so much for the purpose of expansion as for the capture of slaves. In this context of extreme social and political fragmentation and relative anarchy, Islam regressed and indigenous African religions became once again dominant, as in the Bamana kingdoms of Segu and Kaarta.

As the century progressed, the actual expansion of Islam was achieved by means of the alliance of the military and Muslim clerics. Radical Muslim clerics, reacting against the Western Sudanese accommodation of Islam and indigenous African religion, proclaimed the jihad holy war and found in the theocratic state a unique means for the attainment of power and the subjection to the state of all the diverse social, regional, and ethnic elements incorporated in their empires.

The core social and ethnic element of this Islamic revivalist movement was primarily Fulani and secondarily Hausa , and it took the form of an alliance between a military aristocracy and a Muslim clerical class, characterized by many authors as an alliance of the sword and the book. Thus Islam became an agent of social mobilization and a powerful factor of social integration, which undermined the fragile equilibrium and coexistence of the Muslim faith with indigenous African beliefs and traditions. In spite of its derogatory description of indigenous African religion, the following statement by J.

Spencer Trimingham perfectly captures the essence of this dilemma: The religious change brought about by the nineteenth-century reformers lay in the stress laid on the uniqueness of Islam and its incompatibility with worship within the old cults. The political revolution set in motion by the need to impose the religion upon all societies, Muslim as well as pagan [sic], broke the long established social equilibrium. Th e I n f lu e n c e o f I s l a m i c Va lu e s a n d I d e a s 37 The Theocratic State of the Futa Jalon Founded in by karamoko Ibrahim Musa, a theocratic state was consolidated during the period from to in the Futa Jalon and became firmly established there in under the rule of almami Ibrahim Sori.

The state was organized as a confederation of nine provinces, each headed by a Muslim cleric who pledged allegiance to the almami the leader of the prayer in a feudal type of relationship. As supreme leader, the almami was inaugurated in the religious capital Fugumba according to Islamic rituals. The almami ruled from Timbo the political capital assisted by a Council of Elders. The Futanke system of governance functioned as a diarchy in which power was alternatively held by two prominent Fulani aristocratic families: While dominated by the Fulani, the state was truly multiethnic in nature: The administration of the empire was highly centralized, with a central government located in the capital, Sokoto where the caliph resided , and regional governments organized in emirates.

Appointed by the caliph, the provincial emirs owed him obedience; every year, they travelled to Sokoto to pay tribute and renew their pledge of allegiance to the caliph, from whom they received specific instructions on matters of governance. The Sokoto caliphate constituted a vast space of economic prosperity, political stability, and social peace and tranquility that survived until the British eventually took control of the area at the end of the nineteenth century.

As amir, Sheiku ruled over a centralized theocratic state with the assistance of two advisory bodies: The territorial administration was divided into five units, each led by a military governor amiru assisted by a religious council, a judicial council, and a technical council. The administration of justice was highly decentralized, and each district had a governmentappointed judge cadi. Founded in the eighteenth century, the Tijaniyya is a Muslim sect whose egalitarian philosophy and democratic features had broad popular appeal, as opposed to the more aristocratic Qadriyya.

As caliph of the Tijaniyya and amir al-muminim commander of the faithful , he was invested with supreme religious and temporal power and authority. Provincial government was divided between a civilian governor pacha and a military governor bey. In addition, a well-defended fortress tata headed by a military commander was built in each province.

In , the Tukulor Empire eventually succumbed to the relentless military assaults of the French. He then acts as supreme leader caliph or amir with the assistance of some advisory bodies councils and a tightly controlled provincial administration. Based on an interpretation of Islam that had broad popular appeal, this movement took the form of a social revolution leading to a truly multiethnic community umma.

In essence, the novel concept of the Islamic theocratic state collided with indigenous African political systems and institutions, and the two systems could not be reconciled. These North African states developed trade relations exchanging salt for gold with states in the Western Sudan. This led, in the eleventh century, to a peaceful Islamization of the ruling elite and aristocracy of the states of the Western and Central Sudan through the agency of Islamized Maninka and Soninke merchants. The period from the seventh to the sixteenth century witnessed the progressive Islamization of the states and societies of North Africa, the Western 40 African Political Thought and Central Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia, the East African coastal areas, and the Indian Ocean islands.

In these last two areas, Islam spread through the agency of Arab and Persian Muslim commercial networks and led to the emergence of the Swahili culture a mixture of Islamic religion and culture with indigenous African culture. In West Africa, Islam spread mostly to the urban commercial and political centers—such as Jenne, Timbuktu, and Gao—among the ruling elite and aristocracy, and it led to the emergence of a clerical class ulama in these urban centers. The majority of the people—mostly peasants living in the rural areas—were barely influenced by Islam and remained faithful to their indigenous African beliefs.

The success of Islam in Africa is usually attributed to its tolerance of non-Islamic religious beliefs and practices. As a result, Islam in the Western Sudan was very much a mixed religion that included elements of the Berber and other indigenous African religions. This situation raises a fundamental philosophical and existential question: The available historical evidence shows that from the eleventh to the eighteenth century, a process of Africanization of Islam took place.

This process of mutual cross-fertilization resulted from a fusion of elements of Islamic religion, culture, and values with elements of indigenous African religion, culture, and values that produced a mixed religion retaining aspects of both. The historical record also shows that African leaders borrowed from Muslim society what was convenient for the administration of their kingdoms and helped them sustain their legitimacy and consolidate their power. In fact, the conversion of African leaders was essentially a matter of economic and political expediency.

prepared by the Arid Lands Information Center Tucson, Arizona

These leaders retained elements of indigenous values, beliefs, traditions, and decorum in order to ensure the loyalty of their citizens. The last section of the chapter focuses on the Islamic theocratic states that emerged in the Western Sudan in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: In this case, Islam acted as a powerful agent of social mobilization and social integration leading to the creation of a multiethnic community umma. This social revolution led to the creation of a new political entity, the Islamic theocratic state, which collided with a preexisting political structure—namely, indigenous African political systems and institutions.

As Trimingham correctly observed, the two systems could not be reconciled, and the main reason the theocratic states failed is because they were not based on indigenous values, traditions, and institutions. Further Readi ng Dramani-Issifou, Z. El Fasi and I. Unesco, , 92— An Introduction to History, edited by N. Levtzion, Nehemia, and Randall L. Cambridge University Press, Oxford University Press, They can be institutionalized in any culture.

These include some of the early West African nationalists of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, mostly Westerneducated members of the West African elite such as James B. Africanus Horton, Edward W. Blyden, and Joseph E. This is followed by 44 African Political Thought an overview of the political ideas of two prominent mid-twentieth-century moderate African nationalists: Busia of Ghana and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia. I magining Af r ic a: E uropean C o nstruc tio n o f Afr i ca From the sixteenth century onward, Europeans created a new image of Africa and Africans: Implicit in Enlightenment thinking was a humanitarian duty to bring the blessings of European civilization—presumed to be superior to all others—to all areas of the world, including those still languishing in darkness.

These ideas, which were to African Theories and Ideologies 45 have a profound effect on African thought, were essentially similar whether French or English. Stimulated by the universal ideals of the French Revolution of i. Freedom, Equality, and Brotherhood , this vocation became, in the nineteenth century, a mission civilisatrice civilizing mission , intimately linked with French imperialist expansion and colonialism in Africa.

Even after decolonization, France retained its claim to be the center of an international culture and pursue a policy of cultural rayonnement diffusion. Underlying this quest is a belief in the innate value of the French language. But cultural pride has also been mixed with a need to spread the culture beyond France and a claim to share with Africans—via association or assimilation—the ideals of French civilization by imparting to them the essentials of that language and culture.

They were to become French through an acculturation process. In its most extreme form rarely achieved , assimilation could lead to the granting of French citizenship to colonial peoples. Although neither of these doctrines was ever really practiced, they both implied an intimate link between France and its colonies that survives albeit in a modified form to this day. Indirect Rule Contrary to the French, the British were more interested in colonial expansion and economic profit than in any so-called civilizing mission in Africa.

Indirect rule was inspired by the belief that the European and African were culturally distinct though not necessarily unequal, and that the institutions of government most suited to the latter were those which he had devised for himself. Therefore, the European colonial powers should govern their African subjects through their own political institutions.

Lord Lugard conceived Indirect Rule as a dynamic system of local government, progressively evolving from the traditional to the modern: Smith and his followers argued that free trade could best lead to increased world production and exchange; urged the abolition of colonies as an expensive impediment to economic expansion; argued for world peace and disarmament as a necessary prerequisite to an international economy of plenty; and demanded a reduction of the role of the state in the economy to the barest minimum necessary for the maintenance of law and order.

Gradually translated into action, economic liberalism progressively led to political liberalism. If the state should not interfere with the natural growth of commercial and industrial activities, it followed that the best type of government was a government run in a businesslike manner by commercial and industrial interests and limiting its activities to minimum maintenance of law and order.

Soon, economic and political liberalism were joined by a third strand of liberal thought: An ideology that had survived unchanged from the Age of Enlightenment, humanitarianism was a belief in the innate goodness and perfectibility of man—an appeal to the heart and spirit rather than to rational thought. The ideology of humanitarianism informed the nineteenth-century European missionary movement designed to abolish the slave trade and bring to all the peoples of the world including Africans the blessings of Christianity as well as the benefits of the—presumably more advanced—European civilization.

As such, they were engaged in an audacious and perilous experiment in political modernization. They were ambassadors of Christianity and modernization as well as protagonists of African interests. It is also necessary to assess whether the management of the con- stituent protected areas is achieving the objectives set for them Carrillo et al. Conservation biologists recognize that good management goes beyond imple- mentation — effective management is integrally linked to well-designed monitoring and evaluation systems Stem et al.

Moreover, monitoring data are used to track the spread of invasive and pest species Rooney et al. In essence, monitoring and evaluation forms the basis for improved decision making Stem et al. This study provides a substantive analysis of poaching activity and elephant popula- tion dynamics in Bia-Goaso Forest Block BGFB in Western Ghana as a means of mon- itoring and evaluating the success or failure of conservation effort in reserves belonging to two protected area management categories Biosphere and Forest Reserves. These reserves have similar environmental characteristics but different habitat conditions, hunting restrictions and levels of protection.

Our objective is to provide a historical review of elephant numbers and poaching activity in the area and relate distribution patterns with trends in poaching activity. The hypothesis was that elephant numbers in the Goaso Forest Reserves would be lower than in the Bia Biosphere Reserve, where hunting is prohibited and there is better natural-resource management. We hope that this review will generate broader discussion and encourage the conservation community to look within and outside its boundaries to identify the most appropriate and effective approaches to measure conservation success under varying conditions.

Showcasing Sustainable Development 2. The area extends from latitudes 6. The inset map shows the location of the study area in Ghana. Methods We reviewed publications including organizational documents and reports, journal articles, and books from the field of conservation as part of our overall synthesis of secondary data. We concentrated primarily on elephant research related to the study areas. In addition, we interviewed key informants from different conservation institu- tions to identify and obtain recommendations on key publications to review.

We analyzed the literature to identify key trends in elephant densities, distribution patterns and poaching activity in the two focal areas over the years. We subsequently concentrated on elephant research that incorporated a combination of elephant abun- dance data and illegal activity data.

Theoretically, an analysis would not vary by whether the data come from scientific or indigenous sources. In reality, however, analyses that rely strictly on indigenous data sources are probably less likely to be formally published. As a result, this analysis focuses on more formal systems. Elephant distribution was defined as land cover actively used and occupied by elephants and was scored by means of grid overlay with resolution of 0.

This was expressed as a percentage of each elephant range and was termed Core Elephant Range CER of each of these areas. CER was then regressed against poaching activity within each site. An index of poaching activity was derived based on the number of spent gun cartridges, gunshots, hunting camps, wire snares recorded and direct encounters with hunters. We operated under the implicit assumption that increased conservation effort at Bia, based on its status as a Biosphere Reserve would often lead to better management decisions and therefore improved trends in elephant abundance patterns and reduced poaching activity compared to Goaso.

However, it was beyond the scope of this research to assess how successfully different conservation programmes have been implemented and whether they have resulted in improved conservation. Based on his elephant densities, he provided an estimate of between 89 and ele- phants 0.

This compared well with the estimated density of 0. Heffernan and Graham later estimated elephants 0. Later in , Sam et al. They used two estimation models Rainfall and Steady State Assumption to generate two different estimates for Bia. These estimates were merged Norton-Griffiths which gave elephants 0. Soon afterwards, in , Danquah et al. Their merged estimate in both the dry and wet seasons was elephants 0. A decade later, in , Sam et al. Shortly in , Danquah et al. Both Sam et al.

Though insufficient data exist for Goaso, available data suggest a rather decreasing elephant population. Conversion of the Sukusuku and Bia Tawya FRs in southern Bia to cocoa farms might have further attracted elephants southwards Martin Records of elephant activity since show a gradual northward spread of elephant density back into the Bia NP Danquah et al. By , poaching activity was much reduced 0. The number of poaching indices snail harvesting, wire snares, spent cartridges, carbide spots and poacher camps declined to mostly snail harvesting and hunting with wire snares from to Pre and early post densities indicate a very widespread elephant distribution Dickinson , De Leede , Parren et al.

There was no sign of elephant movement between reserves except from Mpameso to Bia Tano through the Bia Shelterbelt. Poaching activity was highest 1. In , Danquah et al. Poaching activity was generally higher than in encounter rate: Current poaching activity is slightly lower than in encounter rate: Discussion It is difficult to make realistic density comparisons between Bia and the Goaso area for elephants because different sampling methods were used. A particular problem is the different sampling survey periods and sampling objectives. Nevertheless, we are moti- vated by the apparent trends revealed.

It appears that there has been a general increase in elephant numbers and core range in Bia and that the elephant population might have more than doubled over the years from to During the past decade elephant numbers may have more or less stabilized. Showcasing Sustainable Development the population, and there is no other evidence to indicate that the population is not increasing or, worse still, have declined.

The Bia elephant population in terms of its size, seems a more viable population compared to the Goaso population, and with sustained wildlife protection, the Bia population has a good chance of survival in the long term. Many reports describe the simultaneous increase in elephant density in Bia Sam et al. Several factors may have favoured the persistence of elephants in Bia over the past few decades. One is the status of protection of the reserve.

Secondly, Bia has benefitted from several conservation-oriented projects. Notable projects include the just-ended European Union funded Protected Areas Development Programme Phase II PADP II in , under which research and law enforcement were increased and more patrol staff were trained and equipped with improved monitoring and research techniques.

Major reductions in mean poaching encounter rates in Bia and associated sig- nificant increases in the core elephant range occurred under the project lifespan from the year to Danquah et al. Hence, the elephant population seems to have recovered significantly through improved and regularly applied wildlife management strategies or new guard strategies devised by wildlife patrol teams. The fact that elephants in general have increased in range may also arise from the need to decrease competition because of increasing densities.

Again, changes in elephant abundance and distribution since could also result from changing hunting patterns by poachers e. The Goaso range of reserves on the other hand is managed by the Ghana Forestry Division, which does not focus on conserving wildlife. Most of the management priori- ties are directed at sustaining logging regimes. The area has also not benefitted from any major wildlife conservation-related project. Moreover, more than a decade of exces- sive commercial hunting in the s has severely reduced the population of elephants including several large specimens. Recent confirmed reports Sam et al.

The abundance of mammal species has generally been shown to vary considerably between reserves and several mammal species have not been reliably observed in certain areas for several years Danquah et al. This could particularly be the case for other large mammal species such as buffalos, bongos, leopards and chimpanzees and this is suspected to reflect population changes, resulting from high hunting pressure.

However, the principal threat in the Goaso area which could have led the transition of elephants from highly abundant animals to their generally threatened and vulnerable status is loss of range and habitat as result of rapidly increasing human populations. For the period, forests cover decreased by 4. The rate of forest loss was estimated to be The size of the degraded or open area has increased by Current satellite images combined with ground investigations indicate few forests remaining outside the reserves where much of the original vegetation has been converted for agricultural pur- poses and for urban expansion.

Currently, many villages and hamlets also lay scattered through the whole area. We classify elephants currently as uncommon in the Goaso area and have assessed trends to be decreasing. The significant number of low density reserves compared to past levels of abundance suggests an elephant population in danger. Interviews with conservation managers and local hunters suggest that elephant density and core range in the Goaso area continue to decline. With improvement in management and wildlife protection, the Goaso population has a good chance of survival, simply because the area is bigger and reserves are already networked.

Conclusions The Goaso Forest Reserves seem to be achieving only partial success in protecting elephants, whereas Bia Biosphere Reserve seems to be considerably more effective. Compared to Goaso, elephant numbers and range are significantly higher and increasing in Bia, confirming our hypothesis of higher elephant numbers in Biosphere Reserves than in Forest Reserves. The level of law enforcement and poaching activity is directly affecting core elephant range.

Hence, the study documents a case in which conservation effort in a reserve category of protected area clearly has an effect on the resident elephant population Carrillo et al. Taking action Based on these general lessons, it is possible to identify at least three immediate areas for action in the high forest zone of western Ghana. First, it is clearly necessary to establish a more concerted effort involving more stakeholders for monitoring elephant trends and habitat variables on the long-term in the Goaso area. There is a need for greater collaboration among the government and the conservation community to work col- lectively and support the Biosphere Reserve concept in the forest reserves.

Showcasing Sustainable Development standards, however, it is important not to be sidetracked by nuances inherent in dif- fering approaches e. Which specific approach an organization uses is less important than its adherence to these underlying principles and guidelines.

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Programmatic indicators, however, should not be drawn from the laundry-list efforts of the past. Instead, these indicators should be the result of a process to identify measures that clearly relate to programmatic goals, objectives, and activities and that show pro- gress along a causal chain toward the desired conservation state. Secondly, the conservation and restoration of degraded forests should be a priority for stabilizing and maintaining existing healthy elephant populations.

A variety of economic instruments, including carbon financing and payments for environmental services PES , can be used to encourage farmers to restore and conserve forests, retain tree cover and adopt biodiversity-friendly cropping systems. PES holds particular promise.

Although PES schemes appear to be successful in conserving forest cover in different parts of the world, they could have a greater positive impact on rural landscapes and livelihoods if they included payments for a greater diversity of sustainable land uses, removed inap- propriate access restrictions such as minimum land size , lowered transaction costs, and carefully targeted priority landscapes that have the greatest potential to conserve both biodiversity and rural livelihoods Grieg-Gran et al.

Finally, despite the lack of extensive experimental evidence, more management activities aimed at decreasing poaching activity and increasing the quantity and quality of both refuge and food should be implemented. Enforcement of hunting restrictions in the forest reserves is difficult, perhaps unrealistic, and even socially undesirable, as long as the current socioeconomic conditions persist. Yet overexploitation must be avoided so that many other large animals do not become extinct in the region; hunting should be sustainable.

This goal can be reached, however, only if we have basic information about the populations of most other wildlife in the area so that changes in their abun- dance and the effects of disturbance and management can be assessed. Standardization of methods to undertake these assessments in tropical forests is of foremost importance. It is also necessary to work with the communities that live in and around protected areas: Acknowledgements We offer our sincere thanks to the Forestry Commission and A Rocha, Ghana for their administrative and logistical support.

The study would not have been possible without the effort and companionship of the field team. The conflict between humans and elephants in the central African forests. The path of last resort: Monitoring mammal populations in Costa Rican protected areas under different hunting restrictions. Conservation Biology 14 6: A survey of large mammals of the Ankasa and Bia Conservation Areas. How can market mechanisms for forest environmental services help the poor? Preliminary lessons from Latin America. Distribution and ecology of vascular plants in a tropical rainforest.

Forest vegetation in Ghana. Urban Institute Press, Washington, D. Forest protection in Ghana. Showcasing Sustainable Development Heffernan, P. Bia Elephant Census Ghana. University of Newcastle, UK. Effects of human colonization on the abundance and diversity of mammals in eastern Brazilian Amazonia. Island Press, Washington, D. Current trends in plant and animal population monitoring. African Wildlife Foundation, Nairobi.

Ankasa Conservation Area Management Plan. Ghana Wildlife Division, Accra. Bia Conservation Area Management Plan. Can payments for environmental services help reduce poverty? An exploration of the issues and the evidence to date from Latin America. Elephant corridor creation and local livelihood improvement in West Africa. Sustainability indicators for natural resource management and policy: University of Manchester, Manchester, United Kingdom. The distribution of Elephants in relation to crop damage around Bia Conservation Area during the raining season.

Detection of population trends in threatened coho salmon Oncorhynchus kisutch. Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences African Journal of Ecology Report on preliminary elephant population survey in Bia National Park Unpublished report. Monitoring and Evaluation in Conservation: Synecology and sylviculture in Ghana. Thomas Nelson and Sons, Edinburgh. Planning, monitoring and evaluating programmes and projects: World Conservation Union, Gland, Switzerland. The TBR W has a long conservation history spanning from the colonial era to modern day.

The region is characterized by i great natural and agricultural potential, ii a changing environment as a result of strong migratory pressure, and iii the develop- ment of production systems and the degradation of natural resources. Preliminary investigations into the protected areas have revealed that bush fires and excessive logging constitute the main causes of vegetation degradation, while stock farming and agriculture are in third and second place, respectively.

The bio- sphere reserve management plan, should it be successful, could be used as a model for the sustainable use of natural resources within the context of sustainable local development, and it would also serve as an integration indicator as advocated by the Economic Community Of West African States ECOWAS. Transboundary biosphere reserve, W Park, biodiversity conservation, zonation, West Africa. Recent statistics established by the United Nations show that in the year Africa had between and million inhabitants. This rapid demographical expansion was accompanied by an increase in the use of the natural environment, intense urbanisation and an ever-increasing and changing economy.

Closer to us, in Sahelo-Sudanese Africa, the latitudinal displacement of the isohyets over the last forty years has led to an increasingly intense desertification and over-utili- sation of natural resources, which threatens the protected areas. Environmental degra- dation is therefore not a new phenomenon in Africa; it occurs when natural resources are used up by human activity.

It is evident that drought and environmental degradation complement one another and could become irreversible. Sustainable resource management currently seems to be the mobilising theme for apprehending the wide variety of environmental management issues with which we are faced. Since the first Biosphere Reserve Congress held in Minsk Belarus in to the second congress in Seville Spain , to the 4th World Congress on National Parks and Protected Areas held in Caracas Venezuela , in February , important innovations were made in biosphere reserve management.

New methodologies were developed for enabling all partners to get involved in the decision making and conflict resolution process, and more attention was focused on the necessity of using regional approaches. New forms of biosphere reserves, such as transboundary reserves, were developed. It has since become possible to tackle the challenges related to biosphere reserve manage- ment from a cross-border angle, on a local as well as on a global scale. The inter-state conservation location of the W Park West African francophone countries such as Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger have several protected areas which were mostly listed during the colonial period.

The W Park, which extends over the northern parts of Benin, eastern Burkina Faso and southern Niger, is a particular case due to its inter-state and bio-geographical location. Since , when the area was identified as a zone of refuge, W National Park con- stituted, according to the colonial administration based in Dakar, an entity in accord- ance with French legislation and regulations in the colonies.

The zone as a whole had a sparse human population and harbours a rich biodiversity. These assets won the area its listing as a total wildlife reserve through Decree no. The administrative and forest services were in charge of the coherence of its management at the federal level. Similar statutory conservation texts also exist in the two other components of the park in Niger and Benin. The introduction of a cross-border collaboration arose from a joint initiative between Benin and Burkina Faso who had, on either side of their shared border, the group of parks and hunting areas that make up W National Park shared by Niger, Burkina Faso and Benin, the Kourtiagou, Arly, Pama and Madjaori reserves in Burkina Faso and the national park and hunting areas of the Pendjari and Atakora in Benin.

This initiative was formalised on 12 July by the signing of an agreement for the fight against poaching to which Niger adhered to in , and which came into effect on 1 January Degradation in the climatic con- ditions has been observed for many years. This climatic degradation results in the intensifi- cation of southward migrations and significant population densities around W Park Map 2 which have caused intense anthropogenic pressures on the natural resources as the production systems of food-producing crops have not evolved towards an intensive form of land use.

On the whole, they remained non-intensive, and land shortage has led to the shortening of fallow periods, compromising the natural soil fertility regeneration process. The combined effects of climatic condition degradation and inappropriate land management intensive agriculture, overgrazing, bush fires, etc. The region is characterised by four major phenomena which put the issue of zona- tion for uniting conservation and local development supported by applied research Anonymous , Poda on centre stage: The zone can be used in a concerted manner for the in situ conservation of genetic resources flora and fauna of rare, endemic and endangered species.

The area can also be used for the rehabilitation and reintroduction of endangered or extinct multi- purpose plant species. Seven main types of habitat can be distinguished: Description of the flora is still imprecise, despite several lists which cover the three parts of the park simultaneously. The information available on woody plants is fragmentary and there is no collected data on grasses. In the areas bordering on villages, the rate of agricultural encroachment stands at a manageable level of 1.

The list of fish species included in the dossier shows the available data with regard to conservation units and is supplemented by the results of works com- pleted at various times. As far as avifauna is concerned, the listing is far from complete. Avifauna can be estimated to be relatively abundant. Large fauna, which attracts tour- ists, consists of approximately 20 species including three primates, three large carni- vores lion, leopard and cheetah , thirteen ungulates such as hippopotamus, buffalo and elephant, which are relatively easy to observe.

The various works indicate the density of certain species, showing a predominance of buffalo, sable antelope, hartebeest, warthog, waterbuck and duiker. The information available indicates very low densities of species adapted to riparian formations, including bushbuck, reedbuck and waterbuck. Small fauna is relatively abundant. Showcasing Sustainable Development 3.

The need for collaboration, consultation and cooperation was hampered by the lack of a communication and concerted decision making system, by institutional and organisational weaknesses and the lack of a trans-border management approach in the national environmental policies. This great opportunity allowed for cross-border zonation, as the regional zonation approach added value compared to the national management in terms of protected area conservation and the sustainable use of natural resources.

The central transboundary area thus formed takes into account all the ecosystem types, including the border watercourse Pendjari. The central zone participates in functions relating to conservation, ecological monitoring and scientific research. This group of cross-border buffer zones constitute con- trolled land use zones. The main role players currently intervening in these zones could implement the development and specific management plans mainly focusing on the development of all the resources.

The transition area comprises the most anthropogenic spaces agriculture, stock farming that extend from the outer boundary of the buffer zone over a radius of several dozen kilometres in the three countries. It is noteworthy that the village zones of hunting interest at the periphery of the sport hunting concessions are an integral part of this transition area. Showcasing Sustainable Development land management, etc. However, with the fast advancement of cotton cultivation, the need for agricultural space is pushing the populations towards the transition zones.

The transition zone should be the first to benefit from the economic and social development actions as well as ecosystem and resource rehabilitation actions that are to be initiated within the context of the transboundary biosphere reserve. Much like in the entire Sahelo-Sudanese zone, the sustainable use of natural resources is a conflicting phenomenon within the populations farmers and cattle breeders, migrants and sedentary groups , between the populations on a global level and local authori- ties managers, line-functionaries and politicians as well as global authorities inter- national conventions , and it is also complementary between these same role players.

Taking into account the interactions of the opposing parties The resident population, essentially consisting of the Gurma majority ethnicity , the Fula, the Hausa and the Zarma people, are agricultural people. The main crops include grains millet and sorghum , and recently, cash crops peanuts and cotton. Vegetable growing for the market concerns crops such as potatoes and various other vegetables. The animal species that are bred are among others: While the craft industry and commerce are not highly developed, the proximity to the borders encourages smuggling, which especially concerns various commercial articles such as bicycle tyres, batteries, and some alcoholic beverages.

Various forms of interaction exist between the resident populations and the forest Poda Map 2: Forests and watercourses are considered to be forms of divinity in the surrounding villages and are used as places of sacrifice: These are generally situated on the higher parts of the plateau in wooded savannah areas and are linked to the ruins of fortified villages. Showcasing Sustainable Development tree concentrations which are frequently monospecific can be considered to be the result of ancient anthropogenic activity, the ancient inhabitants of these zones having contributed to the germination and development of this useful species.

These different sources of income stemming from the management of the proposed biosphere reserve make it possible for village wildlife management committees to generate significant amounts of money during each hunting season. Tourism beautiful landscapes, biodiversity of the natural resources is a means of developing the cultural potential of the zone organising cultural evenings, visiting meaningful sites and monuments, etc.

The zone is in fact home to a traditional dance whose importance is recognised nationally. Another characteristic of the zone is the practice of divination based on geomancy the interpretation of markings in the sand. This practice is used to predict the fate of an individual or event. In this way, significant contributions in kind or cash are generated by tourism for the benefit of the local populations support for health schools and training programmes.

Young generations who did not experience the classifica- tion of the forest learn about it through word of mouth; the elders show them the boundaries and boundary markers of the forest and also teach them their rights and responsibilities related to the classified zone. This attitude has made it possible to develop a sense of collective responsibility among the populations for the protection of the forest.

All the role players expressed a wish for the W Transboundary Biosphere Reserve to become reality and for the protective attitude towards natural resources to be main- tained in order to support development during an era where an aggressive climate and human pressures on the environment are intensifying. This shows that there is more and more desire for local cooperation for the effective management of resources across the zonation.

It constitutes an ideal framework for the implementation of the zonation which unites national policies for traditional and modern wildlife area management. The need for an integrating and sustainable view of the resources Beyond the natural degradation conditions, anthropogenic pressures constitute major stresses to which zonation should provide answers. While permanent human occupa- tion is not deplored in the central zone of the TBR, the situation is different in the buffer zone and the transition area, especially with regard to agricultural pressure.

The most recent observations indicate a succession of new freshly cleared fields or fields in the process of being cleared all around the zone. The attachment to a former view of the national parks the paramilitary character of the water and forestry officers on the front line goes against the participative and regional development approach. Cross-border management supplementing the national management on which it is based requires measures which are concerted, accepted and coordinated by the involved parties at all levels: The cross- border nature of the W Transboundary Biosphere Reserve of Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger, provides the basis for regional exchanges relating to the conservation and sus- tainable use of natural resources.

The pioneering nature of this cross-border character- istic in Africa paves the way for exchanges at the regional and global level. Here is where the concept of a transboundary biosphere reserve finds its meaning. Despite the efforts made in the entire W Park, the three countries require a har- monised institutional and legal framework, such as the framework of a transboundary biosphere reserve which takes into account the integrated and participative manage- ment of shared transborder resources. Showcasing Sustainable Development environmental improvement one of the priorities in the domain of joint action.

Regarding the adherence to international statutes and conventions, particularly the concept of biosphere reserves, the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, the World Heritage Convention, the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species CITES Washington , the Bonn Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals, bilateral projects each display their sense of iden- tity, which goes against an integrated conservation and development approach.

It is necessary to encourage this dynamic within the context of national and international conservation strategies based on development and the joint management of resources. The W TBR together with zonation provide the ideal context for the utilization and conservation of natural resources in the WAP complex as a prelude to an integration of all the develop- ment tools of the entire WAP space Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger.

Conclusion The joint management of the W Transboundary Biosphere Reserve within the frame- work of local land development programmes and the decentralisation underway in Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger, takes into account the zonation and the cross-border character of the W Biosphere Reserve. This joint management, if successful, would serve as a model for protecting natural biological resources and threatened ecosystems.

From this point of view, the transboundary biosphere reserve increases the chances for the success of the shared and integrated regional development programme between three countries. Bibliography and References Anonymous. La pollution des eaux continentales africaines: Showcasing Sustainable Development Poda, J. This scenically beautiful area slopes over the Cape Fold Mountains and includes towns, smaller settlements, rural communities, wine farms, commercial forests and protected areas with Fynbos vegetation.

The biosphere reserve is clearly delimited into core, buffer and transition areas. The Cape Winelands Biosphere Reserve is managed by a private company in col- laboration with relevant stakeholders. It aims to equally address all three functions of a biosphere reserve with a focus on social upliftment and sustainable development.

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The biosphere reserve has drafted a spatial framework plan, based on bioregional planning principles, that provides detailed spatial guidance for future land-use management. This paper discusses the establishment of the Cape Winelands Biosphere Reserve CWBR management entity, as well as the challenges and positive outcomes linked to the biosphere reserve. Through the application of social research methods, the effec- tiveness of the CWBR has been addressed in such a way that it could be compared to other biosphere reserves in the country.

A case is made for use of the biosphere reserve concept, not only as a support mechanism to the South African protected areas expan- sion strategy, but also as a sustainable social-ecological land management tool. Showcasing Sustainable Development Keywords: The nomination document clearly noted that the CWBR will be promoted as a site of excellence to support environmental sustainability and human well-being. These functions are biodiversity conservation, sustainable development and logistic support.

The biosphere reserve is managed by a private company without share capital, incor- porated under section 21 of the South African Companies Act in close collaboration with government departments, local authorities, landowners and communities. It has an approved spatial framework plan, is in the process of developing an integrated man- agement framework and envisages implementing a sustainable development manage- ment model for the region. The value of using the biosphere reserve concept lies in its ability to inclusively stretch beyond biodiversity by giving equal priority to socio-economic issues.

This intrinsic value of the biosphere reserve concept is being realized through the CWBR. Although still in its early stages, the CWBR as a concept has the potential to become a well-managed, multidisciplinary planning tool that will guide future land management decisions in support of sustainable development. Showcasing Sustainable Development Figure 3: It comprises wonderful geographical, biological and cultural diversity: Core areas comprise statutory conserved provincial nature reserves, local authority nature reserves and one private nature reserve. Most of the core is situated along the slopes of high mountain ranges.

This was a serial nomination and the site was inscribed on the World Heritage List in One of the protected areas is named the Boland Mountain Complex. Buffer zones include mostly natural areas that are registered as private nature reserves or are included in private conservancies. Some private mountain catchment areas declared under the Mountain Catchment Areas Act of , managed by CapeNature, are included as part of the buffer.

Transition areas consist mainly of urbanized, cultivated and otherwise transformed lands. The CWBR has many outstanding features. It contributes greatly to conserving a large section of the globally important Fynbos and its associated biotic and abiotic elements. Core areas consisting of pristine natural landscapes form a continuous biodiversity corridor running from north to south through the biosphere reserve and linking up with moun- tainous areas of the Kogelberg Biosphere Reserve.

In this way the functioning of valuable ecosystem processes is ensured as well as the preservation of habitat for large mammals such as the endangered Cape Leopard Panthera pardus. An impressive list of plant species can be found in the CWBR, including representatives of the three main Fynbos compo- nents: Safe habitat is provided for a number of threatened species, such as the blushing bride Serruria florida , Diastella buekii, Moraea worcesterensis, Haemanthus pumilio and Gladiolus citrinus to name but a few.

The area also boasts a large variety of birds. Quite a few endangered butterfly and various endemic fish species also occur within the CWBR. Ecological corridors have been identified, mainly along major river courses that link core and buffer areas and allow genetic movement within ecosystems.

The region has been inhabited since approximately 1 million years ago with the ancestors of the San people, the first known indigenous human population. In Europeans colonized the surrounds of the Cape of Good Hope as a stop-over for sailing vessels. The first village to be established outside of Cape Town was Stellenbosch when Governor Simon van der Stel allocated a number of farms on the banks of a river that he crossed and aptly named Eerste River translation: By the end of the nine- teenth century the major towns and villages of the CWBR were established, including Stellenbosch, Paarl, Wellington and Franschhoek.

The rich history of the last years is palpable when one walks the streets of these towns with beautifully preserved his- torical buildings that loom from every corner. As the name implies, the wine lands region is also probably the most famous for its epic wine routes. The Stellenbosch Wine Route is the oldest wine route in South Africa and provides for a wonderful wine experience. It is divided into five sub-routes and includes more than wine and grape producers. The agricultural sector is therefore one of the main providers of employment.

With three biosphere reserves on its doorstep, the university is becoming more and more involved in research projects related to the bio- sphere reserve concept and using biosphere reserves as study sites. The region is very well known worldwide for its vernacular architectural styles, including Early Cape and Cape Dutch. The Stellenbosch Village Museum boasts the oldest restored townhouse in the country — the Schreuderhuis.

Many excellent exam- ples of Cape Dutch homesteads are dotted around the CWBR, as well as beautifully restored buildings from other eras such as Georgian, Edwardian and Victorian. Large reservoirs, receiving crystal clear water from various mountain ranges, provide services to populated areas both inside and outside of the CWBR. Water runoff in Fynbos catchments is amongst the highest in South Africa. Provision of clean water is one of the major ecosystem services of the biosphere reserve. At the same time changes in land-use patterns could have a potential seriously detrimental impact on this service.

The nomination document of the CWBR was drafted in such a way as to position the biosphere reserve as an entity to facilitate sustainable development which would serve as a mechanism against poverty and inequality. It was foreseen for the management entity to eventually be a registered non-profit company. These specific functions are conserva- tion of biological diversity; sustainable development; and logistic support that includes research, education and training. The core areas of what would many years later become the Cape Winelands Biosphere Reserve were already depicted on the map accompanying the document Stanvliet The idea for a biosphere reserve had its origins in with the Stellenbosch Municipality and University of Stellenbosch, and was grounded in the Stellenbosch structure plan Moss The name originated with the merging of the then Breede River District and Winelands District into the Boland District in the run-up to the national elections Johnson Since the Boland Biosphere Reserve idea was promoted by municipalities and documentation was generated regarding a proposed Boland Biosphere Reserve.

Later in during a consul- tative process the name Cape Winelands Biosphere Reserve was decided upon. The main champion is the Cape Winelands District Municipality. This notion led to the generally accepted principle that responsibilities of municipalities versus that of the biosphere reserve management entity will have to be very clearly defined. The process included an extensive public participa- tion process, focusing mainly on private landowners with the view to obtain increasing support for the biosphere reserve.

Implementation of the Cape Winelands Biosphere Reserve 4. The interim committee facilitated two important processes, namely i drafting of a spatial framework plan for the CWBR, and ii compiling documentation towards the estab- lishment of a non-profit company as the management entity. Provide practical ways to resolve land-use conflict and to protect biological diversity 2.

Provide opportunities and share ideas for education, recreation and tourism to address conservation and sustainability issues 3. Co-operate on thematic projects or on ecosystem types 4. Create a connection among people and cultures worldwide on how to live in harmony with the environment and each other Local level 1. Help create and maintain a healthy environment for people and their families 2. Maintain productive and healthy landscapes 3. Reduce conflict among people 4. Encourage diverse local economies to revitalize rural areas 5.

Increase the involvement of communities in land-use decisions and thus the connection to the land 6. Support and facilitate interconnected scientific studies and monitoring 7. Celebrate cultural diversity and provide opportunities to maintain existing traditions and lifestyles As a first priority a biosphere reserve Framework Plan, based on bioregional planning principles, was drafted with various opportunities in the course of the process for stake- holders, including landowners, to provide inputs.

The final CWBR Framework Plan was adopted in by the Cape Winelands District Municipality as biosphere reserve custodian and provides detailed spatial guidance for future land-use management. Through a consultative process, the management entity to champion the CWBR was selected by the interim committee to be a private non-profit company, registered under Section 21 of the Companies Act.

It was argued that this notion will put the biosphere reserve in direct opposition to the municipalities, which have a defined development oriented agenda according to the Municipal Systems Act Act 32 of However, Brandon noted that conservation agencies would likely become rural development organizations in partnership with other stakeholders. Such comprehensive manage- ment agendas could be a characteristic of modern biosphere reserves and, if appro- priate, be translated into objectives of the biosphere reserve management entity.

The interim committee was transformed into a manage- ment committee. The structure of the management committee incorporates a Board of Directors, a technical committee providing technical advice to the Board and a coor- dination unit. This resulted in quite a similar management structure to the other two biosphere reserves in the Western Cape Province — Kogelberg and Cape West Coast. The management committee adopted the vision of the CWBR as stated in the nomina- tion document: The committee meets on a monthly basis.

Each Director is allocated a specific portfolio as indicated on the membership application form Box 2. Economic Development and Planning 3. Tourism and Heritage 4. Biodiversity and Research 5. Marketing, Public Relations and Communications 6. Community Affairs, Labour and Education 7. Agriculture and Mining 8. Business and Corporate Engagement 9. Finance The functions of the management committee are listed in Table 1. Since late the CWBR is actively implementing an awareness campaign that includes information leaf- lets and banners.

A new biosphere reserve logo was formally approved at a meeting on 7 December Figure 4. Facilitation of employment creation and economic growth. Support for implementation of collective local, provincial and national government projects where the biosphere reserve is concerned. Globalisation and promotion of international competitiveness. Creation of enabling environments for private sector growth and public-private partnerships.

Procurement and appropriate allocation of development funding. Preparation of a detailed land-use pattern in the form of a comprehensive framework plan. Implementation of a multi-stakeholder approach, with specific emphasis on the involvement of local communities in issues that influence them directly. Resolution of conflict pertaining to the use of resources and development.

Integration of cultural and biological diversity in ecosystem management through the use of traditional knowledge and science. Demonstration of sound implementation and management policies in conservation and in all economic sectors represented in the biosphere reserve. Development of a culture of learning, training and education throughout the local communities. Support for development strategies that build upon and promote the comparative and competitive advantages of the region; in particular the promotion of the role of responsible tourism in the Cape Winelands Biosphere Reserve.

Development and regulation of a biosphere branding and marketing strategy aimed at improving the comparative and competitive status of the biosphere reserve in the global arena. Rationale This logo uses many components to get its meaning across. Human figures within the leaves point to the need for humankind and nature to live in balance to survive. One cannot function without the other and both are important elements in a vast circle called life. How important is the simple leaf to life on earth?

Light is processed through the cells of a leaf to create energy. During this process of photosynthesis, oxygen in released into the atmosphere. Leaves, from the smallest plants hugging the earth to the mightiest trees that tower far above us, are a food source for just about all living creatures, from the insect to the elephant, not to mention human beings.

The single leaf is an ancient heraldic symbol said to signify happiness, healing and of peace and quiet. The Biosphere will inspire these values in those who choose to live in the reserve; happiness in a beautiful surrounding, healing of the environment and peace and quiet in an area where humans and nature function well together. Leaves are also potent symbols of regeneration and resurrection as they cycle through the seasons. This brings forth positive associations of humans using wisdom to resurrect and regenerate an environment that has in previous generations taken a beating.

Showcasing Sustainable Development The first annual general meeting of the CWBR Company took place on 26 May at which people were nominated and elected to serve as the first Directors of the Company. Company structures are to include the following: Conservancies positively indicating a synergy and compatibility with the objectives and goals of the CWBR. Only technical support, no financial support, will be required from these partners, except the District Municipality. Recently, however, the district municipality ceased supporting the biosphere reserve to the same financial extent although they still provide most needed secretarial services to the bio- sphere reserve.

The Western Cape Biosphere Reserves Act Government Gazette Extraordinary of 13 December makes provision for financial assistance from the provincial Government for the management or extension of a biosphere reserve. The aim of the CWBR is, however, to move away from government supported funding systems towards financial support from the private market. Methods of the Cape Winelands Case Study In a case study was conducted on the Cape Winelands Biosphere Reserve, using a specific social research methodology Stanvliet that included the following techniques: Why was the biosphere reserve concept selected for this specific area?

Data obtained through content analysis, interviews, questionnaire surveys and observa- tions were used towards a complete portrayal of the historical past and present situation of the Cape Winelands Biosphere Reserve. The questionnaire consisted of a box for personal information and question boxes 2 to 4. This question box provided interviewees the opportunity to put forward an opinion on five questions of a general biosphere reserve nature. The third box addressed problems and challenges faced by the CWBR.

Interviewees were given ten elements to order in priority from highest to lowest. The fourth box addressed positive elements linked to the CWBR. Interviewees were again given ten elements to order in priority from highest to lowest. Results The first question referred to the issue that a series of instruments are being used in the South African context with which to practise landscape scale management, such as World Heritage Sites, biodiversity initiatives, transfrontier conservation areas, bio- sphere reserves and megareserves Stanvliet This is important in view of the high expecta- tions of the public in this regard.

It produced interesting opinions on the ideal of an effective biosphere reserve. However, one interviewee specifically noted that the biosphere reserve concept is much more effective if applied in a smaller homogenous area. In larger biosphere reserves, diverse populations are being divided by natural boundaries which also sometimes act as social boundaries and complicate biosphere reserve aware- ness and marketing projects. The collective ranking ranking of problems and challenges listed in Box 3 from highest to lowest came out as follows: Insufficient long-term financial resources 2.

Too little benefits perceived by local communities resulting in a lack of support 3. Too little awareness amongst role-players and local communities 4. Lack of support buy-in from local authorities 5. Lack of designated biosphere reserve personnel 6. Lack of long-term vision and objectives 7. Not enough insight into the value of implementing the biosphere reserve concept 8. Too much of a conservation green focus and not enough emphasis on other issues such as development Biosphere reserve concept not strongly supported by national government The high priority given to factors such as funding problems, lack of awareness and support, and the lack of benefits to local populations is probably due to the fact that the WCBR has only been in existence for such a short period of time.

The task of convincing people of the benefits of a biosphere reserve was also highlighted as a challenge. Urban sprawl and increased development in rural areas were noted as a particularly serious problem. The collective ranking from highest to lowest of the positive elements linked to the CWBR came out as follows: The biosphere reserve creates awareness about sustainable development 2.

The biosphere reserve provides a means to attract international funding to the region 3. The biosphere reserve has resulted in people becoming more aware of their inter- connectedness to the natural environment 4. The biosphere reserve creates an opportunity for communities to be involved in management decisions about the future of their area 4.

The biosphere reserve concept is a tool with which to facilitate collaborative management to the benefit of the region 6. The biosphere reserve creates international visibility for the area 7. A biosphere reserve is much different in a positive way to a traditional protected area such as a national park or nature reserve 8.

The biosphere reserve created more jobs in the area The biosphere reserve resulted in increased property values It is interesting to note that there is some agreement in the top rankings of both the challenges and positive elements. In clarification, a number of interviewees mentioned the difficulty to provide a clear record of positive elements because the CWBR has only been an active entity for about two years.

Thus most listed positive aspects are being perceived as potential and will only be realised once the management entity is in full operation and sufficiently funded. Nonetheless most are of the opinion that the CWBR has the potential to become a truly efficient biosphere reserve, a tool with which to address pressing issues such as climate change, and an example to other South African biosphere reserves in future. Different opinions were provided on the actual value of the biosphere reserve concept.

In this specific region it is of special importance due to the fine line between respon- sibilities of the district municipality and the biosphere reserve management entity. Bioregional planning principles are in any case implemented within local authorities through spatial planning processes. These are further refined through the biosphere reserve framework plan.

However a designated biosphere reserve does provide interna- tional recognition for areas of exceptional significance from a global perspective. In more than one interview the importance of using relevant legislation to ensure implementation of the biosphere reserve was emphasized Johnson , Volschenk , Le Keur These comments must be seen in light of the lack of enforcement mechanisms forthcoming from the MAB Programme itself Schliep et al.

The plan is mapped on a 1: This Framework Plan used bioregional planning principles as a point of departure and provides an implementable land-use management tool to guide future sustainable development. One of the interviewees raised an interesting perception that a biosphere reserve must be run on sound business principles, albeit with some flexibility Holmes The CWBR is currently experimenting with a new concept of financing biosphere reserves that involves a move away from government funding towards funding by the private business world.

The selling point is the opportunities for development and sus- tainability that are being provided by the biosphere reserve model Holmes The CWBR is being perceived in a generally positive light by all interviewees. Some forthright critique was also noted, specifically related to lack of involvement of his- torically disadvantaged communities in the management framework. Concern was expressed over the uncertain funding mechanisms of the biosphere reserve.

A long- term solution could potentially be found in facilitating joint South African biosphere reserve funding applications to potential national and international donors. The semi-structured interviews provided additional opinions related to the effec- tiveness of the CWBR. Descriptive results are summarized in Table 3. A general rating of between 1 and 3 where 1 means not meeting the criteria at all, 2 means a middle of the road performance, and 3 means a good performance was allocated for each component based on the performance of the biosphere reserve as expressed by the interviewees.

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Out of a potential total of 33, the CWBR scored 24 This result would place the CWBR in a joint third position when ranked with the five other South African bio- sphere reserves, a low position which is understandable in view of the short time this biosphere reserve has been in existence. A biosphere reserve marketing campaign is Strategy active. Queensland Parks and Development function is to relate to evaluation of devel- Wildlife Service , opment proposals specifically in buffer zones to reflect UNESCO , biosphere reserve principles.

The process included an extensive public participation process, focusing mainly on private land- owners with the view to obtain increasing support for the biosphere reserve. Aspects of Implementation Institutional authority The designated institutional authority is a private company 2 Corbett , without share capital, incorporated under section 21 of UNESCO , the Companies Act. The institutional authority is ear- marked to operate in close collaboration with government departments, local authorities, landowners and communi- ties. Currently the biosphere reserve is being managed by an interim management committee in collaboration with the Board of Directors of the Company.

However, some communities still feel excluded from the management process. Recently, however, the UNESCO district municipality is not nearly supporting the biosphere reserve to the same financial extent although they still provide most needed secretarial services to the biosphere reserve. Despite their rather bleak financial situation at present, the CWBR is planning for a most secure financial future with very innovative tools.

The final CWBR Framework Plan was adopted in by the Cape Winelands District Municipality as biosphere reserve custodians and provides detailed spatial guidance for future land-use management. However, there is concern about ad hoc urban develop- ment on rural land that tends to erode the unique char- acter of the area. Management The CWBR does not have a management framework, 1 framework although it is a high priority on the agenda of the manage- Ervin , ment entity.

Legislation and gov- Presently the biosphere reserve concept in SA is being 1 ernment support legislated using a soft law approach.