Le Petit Nicolas (Tome 2) - Le match de lannée (French Edition)

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A Short History of Freethought Ancient and Modern (Volume 2 of 2)

Le grand album du film Mar 15, Only 14 left in stock - order soon. But no good reason is shown for doubting them. See it in full, in the original Latin, in Berti, p. V to Frith, Life [ 50 ] of Bruno , and partly translated in Prof. It was not printed till , but the grounds urged for its rejection are totally inadequate, and involve assumptions, which are themselves entirely unproved, as to what Scioppius was likely to do. Finally, no intelligible reason is suggested for the forging of such a document.

The remarks of Prof. Desdouits on this head have no force whatever. The writer in the Scottish Review p. There are preserved two extracts from Roman news-letters Avvisi of the time; one, dated February 12, , commenting on the case; the other, dated February 19, relating the execution on the 17th.

See both in S. They were first printed by Berti in Documenti intorno a Giordano Bruno , Rome, , and are reprinted in his Vita , ed. See it in S. The entry refers to the procedure of the Wednesday night and the Thursday morning; and such an error could easily occur in any case. Whatever may be one day proved, the cavils thus far count for nothing. No pretence is made of tracing Bruno anywhere after February, Since the foregoing note appeared in the first edition I have met with the essay of Mr.

This is a crushing answer to the thesis of M.

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Desdouits, showing as it does clear grounds not only for affirming the genuineness of the letter of Scioppius, but for doubting the diligence of M. Christie points out 1 that in his book Ecclesiasticus , printed in , Scioppius refers to the burning of Bruno almost in the words of his letter of ; 2 that in Kepler wrote to a correspondent of the burning of Bruno, giving as his authority J. Wacker, who in was living at Rome as the imperial ambassador; and 3 that the tract Machiavellizatio , , in which the letter of Scioppius was first printed, was well known in its day, being placed on the Index , and answered by two writers without eliciting any repudiation from Scioppius, who lived till Desdouits staked his case on the absence of allusion to the subject before overlooking even the allusion by Mersenne, in , cited by Bayle , his theory may be taken as exploded.

Bruno has been zealously blackened by Catholic writers for the obscenity of some of his writing and the alleged freedom of his life—piquant charges, when we remember the life of the Papal Italy in which he was born. Figuring as a Carmelite friar, which he was not, he came to England and deceitfully professed to abjure Catholicism, gaining, however, nothing by the step, and contriving to be reconciled to the Church, after being imprisoned for forty-nine days on an unrecorded charge.

Previously he had figured, like Bruno, as a wandering scholar at Amsterdam, Brussels, Cologne, Geneva, and Lyons; and afterwards he taught natural philosophy for a year at Genoa. Even the Dialogues , however, while discussing many questions of creed and science in a free fashion, no less profess orthodoxy; and, while one passage is pantheistic, they also denounce atheism. The judges, by one account, did not agree. Yet he was convicted, by the voices of the majority, and burned alive February 9, on the day of his sentence.

That went down scornful before many spears; A writer who set forth so fully the acute arguments of unbelievers, unprintable by their authors, might well be suspected of writing at Christianity when he confuted the creeds of the pagans. As was noted later of Fontenelle, he put arguments against oracles which endangered prophecy; his dismissal of sorcery as the dream of troubled brains appeals to reason and not to faith; and his disparagement of pagan miracles logically bore upon the Christian. When he comes to the question of immortality he grows overtly irreverent.

Asked by the interlocutor in the last dialogue to give his views on the immortality of the soul, he begs to be excused, protesting: He was in fact a deist with the inevitable leaning of the philosophic theist to pantheism; and whatever he may have said to arouse priestly hatred at Toulouse, he was rather less of an atheist than Spinoza or Bruno or John Scotus.

On his trial, pressed as to his real beliefs by judges who had doubtless challenged his identification of God with Nature, he passed from a profession of orthodox faith in a trinity into a flowing discourse which could as well have availed for a vindication of pantheism as for the proposition of a personal God. Seeing a straw on the ground, he picked it up and talked of its history; and when brought back again from his affirmation of Deity to his doctrine of Nature, he set forth the familiar orthodox theorem that, while Nature wrought the succession of seeds and fruits, there must have been a first seed which was created.

It was the habitual standing ground of theism; and they burned him all the same. It remains an open question whether personal enmity on the part of the prosecuting official or a real belief that he had uttered blasphemies against Jesus or Mary was the determining force, or whether even less motive sufficed. A vituperative Jesuit of that age sees intolerable freethinking in his suggestion of the unreality of demoniacal possession and the futility of exorcisms. There are in fact reasons for surmizing that in the cases alike of Bruno and of Vanini it was the attitude of the speculator towards scientific problems that primarily or mainly aroused distrust and anger among the theologians.

Vanini is careful to speak equivocally of the eternity of the universe; and though he makes a passing mention of Kepler, he does not name Copernicus. He had learned something from the fate of Bruno. The sea also at certain and fixed times, by its nature, as you peripatetics affirm, is moved in progressions and regressions. No less, then, I affirm the heaven to be forever carried by the same motion in virtue of its nature a sua pura forma and not to be moved by the will of intelligence.

It is at this stage that we begin to realize the full play of the Counter-Reformation, as against the spirit of science. The movement of mere theological and ecclesiastical heresy had visibly begun to recede in the world of mind, and in its stead, alike in Protestant and in Catholic lands, there was emerging a new activity of scientific research, vaguely menacing to all theistic faith.

Kepler represented it in Germany, Harriott and Harvey and Gilbert and Bacon in England; from Italy had come of late the portents of Bruno and Galileo; even Spain yielded the Examen de Ingenios of Huarte , where with due protestation of theism the physicist insists upon natural causation; and now Vanini was exhibiting the same incorrigible zest for a naturalistic explanation of all things.

His dialogues are full of such questionings; the mere metaphysic and theosophy of the Amphitheatrum are being superseded by discussions on physical and physiological phenomena. It was for this, doubtless, that the De Arcanis won the special vogue over which the Jesuit Garasse was angrily exclaiming ten years later.

And for every new inquirer there would be a hostile zealot in the Church, where the anti-intellectual instinct was now so much more potent than it had been in the days before Luther, when heresy was diagnosed only as a danger to revenue. It was with Galileo that there began the practical application of the Copernican theory to astronomy, and, indeed, the decisive demonstration of its truth. With him, accordingly, began the positive rejection of the Copernican theory by the Church; for thus far it had never been officially vetoed—having indeed been generally treated as a wild absurdity.

Thus he had against him both the unbelieving pedants of the schools and the typical priests. In his book the great discoverer had said nothing explicitly on the subject of the Copernican theory; but in lectures and conversations he had freely avowed his belief in it; and the implications of the published treatise were clear to all thinkers.

The Church still contained men individually open to new scientific ideas; but she was then more than ever dominated by the forces of tradition; and as soon as those forces had been practically evoked his prosecution was bound to follow. With such minds the man of science had to argue, and in deference to such he had at length to affect to doubt his own demonstrations. When in he published his treatise on the solar spots, definitely upholding Copernicus against Jesuits and Aristotelians, trouble became inevitable; and his letter to his pupil, Father Castelli, professor of mathematics at Pisa, discussing the Biblical argument with which they had both been met, at once evoked an explosion when circulated by Castelli.

New trouble arose when Galileo in wrote his apology in the form of a letter to his patroness the Dowager Grand Duchess Cristina of Tuscany, extracts from which became current. An outcry of ignorant Dominican monks sufficed to set at work the machinery of the Index , the first result of which was to put on the list of condemned books the great treatise of Copernicus, published seventy-three years before. Galileo personally escaped for the present through the friendly intervention of the Pope, Paul V, on the appeal of his patron, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, apparently on the ground that he had not publicly taught the Copernican theory.

But the whole thesis is otiose. It is admitted Gebler, p. The two records are quite in the spirit and manner of Inquisitorial diplomacy. Its first judgment, in either form, merely emphasizes the guilt of the second. The latter could now [ 60 ] hope for freedom of speech, as he had all along had a number of friends at the papal court, besides many priests, among his admirers and disciples. But the enmity of the Jesuits countervailed all. They did not succeed in procuring a censure of the Saggiatore , though that subtly vindicates the Copernican system while professing to hold it disproved by the fiat of the Church; but when, venturing further, he after another lapse of years produced his Dialogues on the Two Systems , for which he obtained the papal imprimatur in , they caught him in their net.

Having constant access to the pope, they contrived to make him believe that Galileo had ridiculed him in one of the personages of his Dialogues. He was old and frail, and sent medical certificates of his unfitness for such travel; but it was insisted on, and as under the papal tyranny there was no help, he accordingly made the journey.

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In this case the pope, whatever were his motives, acted as a hot anti-Copernican, expressing his personal opinion on the question again and again, and always in an anti-Copernican sense. In both cases, however, the popes, while agreeing to the verdict, abstained from officially ratifying it, so that, in proceeding to force Galileo to abjure his doctrine, the Inquisition technically exceeded its powers—a circumstance in which some Catholics appear to find comfort.

Seeing that three of the ten cardinals named in the preamble to the sentence did not sign, it has been inferred that they dissented; but there is no good reason to suppose that either the pope or they wilfully abstained from signing. They had gained their point—the humiliation of the great discoverer. To such straits has the Catholic Church been reduced in this matter that part of its defence of the [ 61 ] treatment of Galileo is the plea that he unwarrantably asserted that the fixity of the sun and the motion of the earth were taught in the Scriptures.

Had Galileo really taught as is there asserted, he would only have been assenting to what his priestly opponents constantly dinned in his ears. But in point of fact he had not so assented; for in his letter to Castelli see Gebler, pp. The thesis revived by Monsignor Marini deserves to rank as the highest flight of absurdity and effrontery in the entire discussion cp.

Berti, Giordano Bruno , , p. Every step in both procedures of the Inquisition insists on the falsity and the anti-scriptural character of the doctrine that the earth moves round the sun see Berti, Il Processo , p. In the Roman Index of the works of Galileo and Copernicus are alike vetoed, with all other writings affirming the movement of the earth and the stability of the sun; and in the Index of are included libri omnes docentes mobilitatem terrae et immobilitatem solis Putnam, The Censorship of the Church of Rome , —, i, , In reality he was formally in the custody of the Inquisition—and this not in a cell, but in the house of an official—for only twenty-two days.

After the sentence he was again formally detained for some seventeen days in the Villa Medici, but was then allowed to return to his own rural home at Acatri, on condition that he lived in solitude, receiving no visitors. The worst part of the sentence, however, was the placing of all his works, published and unpublished, on the Index Expurgatorius , and the gag thus laid on all utterance of rational scientific thought in Italy—an evil of incalculable influence. Thus Italy, after the marvellous period of vigorous native civilization in the thirteenth century, after a second period of civilization less native but still its own, as being Latin, saw itself arrested on the threshold of a third and not less splendid period.

Vexations and prohibitions expelled courage, spontaneity, and universality from the national mind; literary style became uncertain, indeterminate; and, forbidden to treat of government, science, or religion, turned to things frivolous and fruitless. For the great academies, instituted to renovate and further the study of natural philosophy, were substituted small ones without any such aim.

Intellectual energy, the love of research and of objective truth, greatness of feeling and nobility of character, all suffered. Nothing so injures a people as the compulsion to express or conceal its thought solely from motives of fear. The nation in which those conditions were set up became intellectually inferior to those in which it was possible to pass freely in the vast regions of knowledge. Her culture grew restricted, devoid of originality, vaporous, umbratile; there arose habits of servility and dissimulation; great books, great men, great purposes were denaturalized.

The desire of his last blind days, to have with him his best-beloved pupil, Father Castelli, was granted only under rigid limitation and supervision, though even the papacy could not keep from him the [ 63 ] plaudits of the thinkers of Europe. At that time his doctrines were under anathema in Italy, and known elsewhere only to a few. Hobbes in tried in vain to procure for the Earl of Newcastle a copy of the earlier Dialogues in London, and wrote: I hear say it is called-in, in Italy, as a book that will do more hurt to their religion than all the books of Luther and Calvin, such opposition they think is between their religion and natural reason.

While modern science was thus being placed on its special basis, a continuous resistance was being made in the schools to the dogmatism which held the mutilated lore of Aristotle as the sum of human wisdom. Like the ecclesiastical revolution, this had been protracted through centuries.

Aristotelianism, whether theistic or pantheistic, whether orthodox or heterodox, had become a dogmatism like another, a code that vetoed revision, a fetter laid on the mind. Even as a negation of Christian superstition it had become impotent, for the Peripatetics were not only ready to make common cause with the Jesuits against Galileo, as we have seen; some of them were content even to join in the appeal to the Bible.

Naturally, the less sacrosanct dogmatism was the more freely [ 64 ] assailed; and in the sixteenth century the attacks became numerous and vehement. The Spaniard Ludovicus Vives, too — , pronounced by Lange one of the clearest heads of his age, had insisted on progress beyond Aristotle in the spirit of naturalist science. Bacon, who carried on in England the warfare against the Aristotelian tradition, never ventured so to express himself as against the theological tyranny in particular, though, as we have seen, the general energy and vividness of his argumentation gave him an influence which undermined the orthodoxies to which he professed to conform.

On the other hand, he did no such service to exact science as was rendered in his day by Kepler and Galileo and their English emulators; and his full didactic influence came much later into play. Already in his own day his arguments were logically confuted by both Gassendi and Hobbes; and his partial success with theists was a success of partisanism. It was primarily in respect of his habitual appeal to reason and argument, in disregard of the assumptions of faith, and secondarily in respect of his real scientific work, that he counts [ 65 ] for freethought. Ultimately his method undermined his creed; and it is not too much to say of him that, next to Copernicus, Kepler, and Galileo, he laid a good part of the foundation of modern philosophy and science, Gassendi largely aiding.

It is rather the schemed statement, by a ripened mind, of how it might best have been developed. Nor did Descartes, any more than Bacon, live up to the intellectual idea he had framed.

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All through his life he anxiously sought to propitiate the Church; and his scientific as well as his philosophic work was hampered in consequence. Despite his constant theism, accordingly, he had at length to withdraw. France was just then, in fact, the most freethinking part of Europe; and Descartes, though not so unsparing with his prejudices as he set out to be, was the greatest innovator in philosophy that had arisen in the Christian era. He made real scientific discoveries, [ 66 ] too, where Bacon only inspired an approach and schemed a wandering road to them.

Only less important, in some regards, was the influence of Pierre Gassend or Gassendi — , who, living his life as a canon of the Church, reverted in his doctrine to the philosophy of Epicurus, alike in physics and ethics. Among his other practical services to rationalism was a curious experiment, made in a village of the Lower Alps, by way of investigating the doctrine of witchcraft.

A drug prepared by one sorcerer was administered to others of the craft in presence of witnesses. As they had never left their beds, the experiment went far to discredit the superstition. That Parlement proposed to burn fourteen sorcerers. Yet further, in the section of his posthumous Syntagma Philosophicum entitled De Effectibus Siderum , Gassendi dealt the [ 68 ] first great blow on the rationalist side to the venerable creed of astrology, assailed often, but to little purpose, from the side of faith; bringing to his task, indeed, more asperity than he is commonly credited with, but also a stringent scientific and logical method, lacking in the polemic of the churchmen, who had attacked astrology mainly because it ignored revelation.

Such anomalies meet us many times in the history of scientific as of other lines of thought; and the residual lesson is the recognition that progress is infinitely multiplex in its causation. Yet in that kind also an incalculable influence has been wielded. This kind of impact we shall find historically to be the service done by Descartes to European thought for a hundred years. From Descartes, then, as regards philosophy, more than from any professed thinker of his day, but also from the other thinkers we have noted, from the reactions of scientific discovery, from the terrible experience of the potency of religion as a breeder of strife and its impotence as a curber of evil, and from the practical freethinking of the more open-minded of that age in general, derives the great rationalistic movement, which, taking clear literary form first in the seventeenth century, has with some fluctuations broadened and deepened down to our own day.

Nares, ii, ; iii, ; Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, ed. It is not generally realized that many of the burnings of heretics under Mary were quasi-sacrifices on her behalf. On each occasion of her hopes of pregnancy being disappointed, some victims were sent to the stake. The influence of Spanish ecclesiastics may be inferred. The expulsions of the Jews and the Moriscoes from Spain were by way of averting the wrath of God.

Still, a Spanish priest at Court preached in favour of mercy. It amounted to at least , perhaps to Soames, Elizabethan Religious History , , p. Under Mary there perished some Durham Dunlop, The Church under the Tudors , , p. Yet when Morris, the attorney of the Duchy of Lancaster, introduced in Parliament a Bill to restrain the power of the ecclesiastical courts, she had him dismissed and imprisoned for life, being determined that the control should remain, through those courts, in her own hands.

Five of them had been frightened into a public recantation in The burning was on the 20th. Matthew Hamond , in Dict. Francis Kett , in Dict. Storojenko, Life of Greene , Eng. It is quite clear that Malone and the critics who have followed him were wrong in supposing the unnamed instructor to be Francis Kett, who was a devout Unitarian. Storojenko speaks of Kett as having been made an Arian at Norwich, after his return there in , by the influence of Lewes and Haworth.

It is given in full in the appendix to the first issue of the selected plays of Marlowe in the Mermaid Series, edited by Mr. Crawford for the whole play. But all the external evidence ascribes the play to Greene. Robert Parsons , and Storojenko, as cited, i, 36, and note. Raleigh , in Dict. Edwards, Life of Sir Walter Raleigh , , i, , Gardiner, History of England, — , vol. Chapman spells the name Harriots. See the citations in Buckle, 3-vol.

Note also the conclusion of The English Traveller. Ruskin, Sesame and Lilies , Lect. Reprinted in , , and Seccombe and Allen, The Age of Shakspere , , ii, Europe , ii, , ; Pattison, Isaac Casaubon , 2nd ed. Johnson, Memoirs of John Selden , , pp. On the whole question see the Review appended by Selden to his History after a few copies had been distributed.

Grosart, , i, 82, Jonson himself could have been so indicted on the strength of certain verses.

Vorstius , Note N. By his theological opponents and by James, Vorstius was of course called an atheist. Nichols gives a full survey of the subject, pp. At the Synod of Dort, however, the British representatives read only, it seems, a decree dated Sept. Fuller is cheerfully acquiescent, though he notes the private demurs, which he denounces.

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Randall was executed, and the others reprieved. Underhill, in the vol. Tracts on Liberty of Conscience and Persecution, — They do not speak of Legate or Wightman. The work was posthumous and incomplete. Huarte, cited above, p. Compare Valerius Terminus , ch. Valerius Terminus , ch. Brewster, Life of Newton , , ii, —; Draper, Intel. Materialismus , i, sq. Sciences , 3rd ed.

The facts are fairly faced by Prof.

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Fowler in his Bacon , , pp. See also the summing-up of Ellis in notes to passages above cited, and at p. Martin, Character of Bacon , , pp. Fowler, Bacon , pp. Martin, as cited, pp. The notion of a dialectic method which should mechanically enable any man to make discoveries is an irredeemable fallacy, and must be abandoned. A specially strong reaction set in about Ritter, Geschichte der deutschen Union , i, Lecky, Rationalism in Europe , i, 53— See it described by Lecky, Rationalism , i, 85—87; Hallam, Lit.

His ideas are probably traceable to his studies in France. Jonckbloet Beknopte Geschiedenis der Nederl. It reached a sixth edition in Budny translated the Bible, with rationalistic notes. Fausto Sozzini also could apparently forgive everybody save those who believed less than he did.

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Watts, Miguel de Cervantes , , pp. Spain alone had 9, monasteries. Lewes, Spanish Drama , passim. It is not quite certain that Lafuente expressed his sincere opinion. As to earlier Spanish heresy see above, vol. Trained as a mathematician, astronomer, and physician, he showed a keen and competent interest in the practical problem of currency; and one of the two treatises which alone he published of his own accord was a sound scheme for the rectification of that of his own government.

Though a canon of Frauenburg, he never took orders; but did manifold and unselfish secular service. He has, however, omitted to embody the later discoveries of Dufour and Berti, and has some wrong dates. The Life of Giordano Bruno , by I. Oppenheim , , gives all the data, but is inadequate on the philosophic side. A competent estimate is given in the late Prof. For a hostile view see Hallam, Lit.

Much new matter has since been collected, for which see the Vita di Giordano Bruno of Domenico Berti, rev. The study of Bruno has been carried further in Germany than in England; but Mr. Whittaker Essays and Notices , and Prof. McIntyre make up much leeway. Bruno gives the facts in his own narrative before the Inquisitors at Venice. Owen has the uncorrected date, The documents are given in full in Frith, Life , , p.

Here there is no case; but there is much to be said for Mr. What happened was that at Wittemberg he was on his best behaviour, and was well treated accordingly. Wagner, ii, 27; Cena de la Ceneri , ed. Wagner, i, ; Acrotismus , ed. It takes much searching in the two poems to find any of the ideas in question, and Berti has attempted no collation; but, allowing for distortions, the Inquisition has sufficient ground for outcry.

De duodecima contractionis speciae. Clemens, Giordano Bruno und Nicolaus von Cusa , , pp. According to Berti p. Gustav Louis, as cited, p. Whittaker, Essays , p. Carriere has contended that a transition from pantheism to theism marks the growth of his thought; but, as is shown by Mr. Whittaker, he is markedly pantheistic in his latest work of all, though his pantheism is not merely naturalistic.

Essays and Notices , pp. That inscribed on the Bruno statue at Rome is a close rendering of the Latin: Majori forsan cum timore sententiam in me fertis quam ego accipiam , preserved by Scioppius. An Avviso reports that Bruno said his soul would rise with the smoke to Paradise p. And Levi accepts the other report that Bruno was gagged. A full narrative, from the documents, is given in R. Machiavelli is elsewhere attacked. Owen makes a serious misstatement on this point, by which I was formerly misled.

Owen forgets the references to the Amphitheatrum. This passage is cited by Hallam Lit. On this and on other points Cousin cited by Owen, pp. See many others cited by Carriere, p. In any case the permit was revoked, and the book condemned to be burned. Carriere translates the passage in full, pp. Of Vanini, as of Bruno, it is recorded that at the stake he repelled the proffered crucifix. Owen and other writers, who justly remark that he well might, overlook the once received belief that it was the official practice, with obstinate heretics, to proffer a red-hot crucifix, so that the victim should be sure to spurn it with open anger.

It is significant that Vanini was tried solely for blasphemy and atheism. What is proved against him is that he and an associate practised a rather gross fraud on the English ecclesiastical authorities, having apparently no higher motive than gain and a free life. Christie notes, however, that Vanini in his writings always speaks very kindly of England and the English, and so did not add ingratitude to his act of imposture. In the Amphitheatrum he adduces an equally skilful German atheist p. Rousselot, notice , p. J'ai le hoquet 22 May Le grand album du film 15 Mar Only 14 left in stock - order soon.

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