LES POUBELLES DU PALAIS (Ecrire lAfrique) (French Edition)

This obviously simplified dichotomy between association and NGO needs to be clarified because there are a number of other inter-connected and overlapping reasons that motivate Kinois to pursue both of these dynamic forms of social organisation. Given the overwhelming degree of un- and under-employment, participating in an association or NGO provides hope of evolving from voluntary work to gainful employment. Beyond hope, associations and NGOs help people increase their self-esteem because their activities relieve the social burden associated with idleness. Associations and NGOs can also improve peoples' reputations within the community if their activities are socially useful.

The Kinois who farms on the outskirts of the city is apt to say that he has an agricultural NGO, opposed to merely saying that he growing maniac to feed the family! The NGO is, in this context, both myth and nightmare. They are part of the internal dynamics of social organisation. The most common forms manifested in Kinshasa today, the likelemba and the muziki are referred to as ndjonou, ndjangui or ntchwa in Cameroon, ekub in Ethiopia, esusu in Liberia and Nigeria and kwegatta in Uganda see below.

It is also an historic process intimately linked to urbanisation. Benoit Verhaegen documented emerging political associations based on ethnic and regional origins, professions and school relations in colonial Leopoldville. Suzanne Comhaire-Sylvain traced the evolution of women's associations in the capital from to Pascal Elengesa Ndunguna identified leisure associations sports, fashion, music, homonym!

Developed to facilitate specific ethnic priorities, they tend to be headed by important traditional figures such as chiefs or elders based in Kinshasa or by well-to-do individuals of an ethic group. Some of these associations trace their origins to ethnic associations going back as far as the early colonial period formerly called mutualistes. The real strength of ethnic associations was their degree of solidarity - especially amongst adults who immigrated to Kinshasa and helped each other in the urban integration process.

Ethnic associations are however increasingly subject to a serious generation gap because the young, on the contrary, tend to see ethnic affiliation more as a social constraint than as an opportunity for solidarity. In the spirit of multiplying opportunities, many belong to different ones at the same time. Because they are so diverse and numerous, Kinois joke that if the presidents of every association and NGO in the capital were to meet, the Palais du Peuple would not be big enough 2! On a more serious note, many intellectuals in Kinshasa consider that in the years to come, associations will be in a far better position than the state to help them find peace, improved quality of life, eventually democracy and perhaps poverty alleviation.

In order to continue their work, and to reach the people that they perceived as most urgently needing this form of development aid, they established partnerships with associations and NGOs. There were few other options due to pressure to exclude the state - even though this strategy never really succeeded. The responsibility of managing development and humanitarian aid consequently shifted away from state partners to civil society partners. International NGOs and donors thus had to identify serious and reliable local structures to serve as intermediaries between the international community and local populations.

This became crucial and urgent because navigating on the bureaucratic, complex and ostensibly chaotic Kinshasa landscape is practically impossible without local partners. It was not easy to establish working relations with these resource people without involving their ministerial hierarchy.

Despite the policy of not working with the state, some international NGOs made official agreements with administrative authorities in order to facilitate specific programme priorities. This is an important yet unresolved debate between development strategists. These examples from Kinshasa reveal that it is not a question of supporting either the state or civil society.

The real problem is how to support both state and civil society. Even in what is perceived as the paradigmatic failed state, results are best achieved by dealing with both. This option has proven pragmatic because it has maintained qualified staff in their administrations. Without such support, these people would probably have been forced to engage in other survival activities having nothing to do with their areas of competence.

With respect to state infrastructure such as buildings, this outside funding slowed down the rate of dilapidation. The system provoked rivalries and tensions between state employees because those that were able to work for an externally funded project earned much more money than those that did not. Such salary imbalances pervert the work environment as the best workers abandon their administrative functions if they find NGO work. In addition to creating rivalries within ministries, this system also creates rivalries between ministries.

Not all sectors of the administration are priorities for internal projects so those that cannot tap into NGO wealth are left to fend for themselves. They have become bitter opponents to NGOs and do whatever they can to either sabotage their activities or hamper projects being set up. As most NGO projects eventually need some kind of official bureaucratic support for, for example, an authorisation, information or resolving a conflict between workers, a jaded bureaucrat usually enjoys revenge at some point. The problem is so widespread that it constitutes one of the major preoccupations of project officers in the setting up phases of their projects.

In order to circumvent this problem, NGO project officers try to co-opt senior officials by involving them in their work. This again contributes to the paradox of state workers participating in or implementing NGO activities. They are important examples of social organisation and are clearly representative of changing patterns of solidarity because they reveal how people get things done despite political obstacles. Credit and savings processes are intertwined in this system.

Members save to obtain credits of sizeable sums from the group. The first collector in the group receives an interest-free loan while the last collector extends credit to other members. Other members alternate between debtor and creditor positions. The order of rotation is determined following a negotiation according to the degree of solvency and needs of the participants. The amount of money perceived by a member when his or her turn comes and the duration of the cycle of rotation depends on the number of participants. The amount of money perceived by the member, however, is lower than if the group has a broader base.

They discuss everyday issues such as marital problems, business activities, birth and death. The meeting is organised by the member who benefits from the payments of other members. At that occasion, he or she must offer something to drink and to eat. Civil servants, teachers and craftsmen have the same system. The most significant group, however, is the urban traders. There are some large-scale traders among these women but the majority of them are petty traders.

The great number of women involved in small trade in Kinshasa can best be accounted for by the need for them to earn enough money to feed their families. Due to the collapse of the formal banking system in the country, the majority of these traders are forced to depend on this informal financial system to finance trading activities that are based on the distribution of local foods and manufactured consumer goods. They are appropriate to the economic and social needs of members easy to join the group, rules and procedures easy to understand, emphasis on social networks and easily accessible.

They are also highly effective economically because transactions costs are low and the costs to collect unpaid loans are almost non-existent: Although the main goal here is savings, these associations function as a financial support group that help members in need of cash for their money changing activities, but also in emergency situations like funerals of sickness. They can loose relatively huge sums of money by misjudging the direction of exchange rates. To help this member, two possibilities are presented: These are the values that link individuals by relations of affection or assignment.

They are not limited to members of a family, clan, or tribe, even if these are very significant. They are also to be found between the inhabitants of a neighbourhood, the alumni of a school, the members of a religious sect or members of a sports association. They see the state as unable and unwilling to make decisions or implement them in cases where they are made.

Lack of progress in putting democratic institutions in place is considered a deliberate political strategy aimed at maintaining incumbency to the detriment of social and economic priorities. The state appears to have accommodated itself to the activity of the people involved in a process of cannibalisation. Society has become its own prey. There is a collective sense of guilt that helps explain why so many individuals see divine intervention as the only possible remedy.

There is also a sense of collective social stress: Mobilisation aimed at inducing change is perceived as a long-term commitment that transcends the demands of daily combat. It would require even more sacrifice, but provides no guarantees of success. More and more people prefer to pray and wait for God to liberate them from their woes. Given 32 years of oppressive dictatorship, when political contest was brutally silenced, social discontent is rarely voiced against political authorities. Complaint and criticism are directed at society itself or God.

Rich and poor alike participate in solidarity networks based on family ties, friendship, marriage alliances, neighbourhood groups, clan, or region of origin. These networks are dynamic and multiply themselves into new forms of organisation. One political implication of this situation is the protection it provides to whatever group is in power because reliance on solidarity has replaced reliance on government. Indeed, Kinois have replaced faith in the political system with their own people-based forms of social organisation. Hier et Aujourd'hui, Paris, Mouton, Deux ans plus tard, Chedly Hammi sort de prison.

Ben Ali le fait venir au palais de Carthage. Et il a raison! A Tunis, Imed fait la loi. Mal lui en prend. Extraits mis en ligne par www. Je vois que votre commentaire etai ecrit en , mais nous voila en le peuple tunisien a oublie de se taire cette fois-ci!! Omar Khayyam — Samedi 20 octobre Enfin, comme partout ailleurs dans les pays arabe, toute la famille se sert et les meilleurs profits sont pour les proches.

Que des miettes quoi. Il y en a, encore.

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Merci bien les auteurs… vous avez montre beaucoup de chose et de temps en temps toute la tunisie sera consciente de tout… vraiment chapeau…. Tunisie changera bientot de nom et deviendra: Pourquoi ceci est si difficile!!!! Les tunisiens sont des connards???? Les tunisiens parlent trop???? La meilleur arme contre ce regime et les dictatures c est la parole. En t exprimant ici et ailleur, et en participant a briser le mur du silence et de la peur, tu fais deja beaucoup. En t instruisant et t entrainant sur les valeurs democratique, pas seulement dans le domaine politique, c est deja un grand pas vers l avant.

Ne te fais pas d illusions, c est pas le fait que l opposition avait plusieurs candidat qui a cause leur reultats catastrophiques. En plus a ce que je sais, il y avait seulement un candidat vraiment opposant, tous les autres c etait des marionettes. Meme si tu fais une union avec d autres partis opposant serieux, ben ali creras plus de partis opposants decorative et devisera le pourcentage qu il veut accorder a l opposition sur tous les parties, de telle facon que tu auras le meme score.

Il n a meme pas besoin de faire ca. S il le veut il peut meme decider de ne laisser personne participer. Les elections et les tactiques pour decrocher du pourcentage ne sont pas le probleme, bien que j avoue qu il vaut mieux que l opposition reelle s unisse. D autre part je comprends et je respecte la position de chaque parti politique opposant honnete tunisien. Le club de Maya a prefere se retirer des elections, ils sont propose des arguments pour ca. Et Ibrahim a fais une campagne honorable et vue les moyens et les obstacle qu il avait, une campagne reussi.

Je constate que toput les deux ont servi la cause tunisienne et du peuple, chaqun a sa maniere, et ont tous les deux derange le regime par la participation et la non participation.

Bien que je crois que le choix de participer jusqua la fin etait le plus juste. Concernant la semaine de la tunisie une fois par ans je suis avec toi. Et je dis meme qu il faut que ca soit plus qu une semaine et plus qu une fois par ans. Il faut que ca soit continue et a chaque evenement. Le probleme qu on a la est a ce que je crois, qu on seulement 2 ou 3 personne opposants, qui circulent dans les milieux pouvant changer quelque chose ou aboutire a une plainte devant les tribunaux internationaux. Ces gens la ne sont pas toujours d accord entres eux et en plus en grand manque de financement.

Si ces gens bien rode, initie plus de jeunes et intellectuelles dans le domaine et les spheres politiques et ONG et si ils arrivent a avoir un soutient solide, aussi moralement que financiellement, leurs actions pourrait etre plus efficaces. Il ne faut pas oublier que la tunisie a une ou des agences qui ont pour seule but de dejouer et de contrecarrer les procedures et actions des opposant dans l etranger.

décomposition

Et ce ne sont pas les applaudisseurs debiles qu on voit a la tele. Il y a parmis eu qui se nomme journaliste, docteur, professeur ou philosophe. Pour neutraliser la propagande de ceux la et les isoler et descridite, c est pas le niveau intellectuelle ou de discussion qu on voit sur ce forum qui est requis. A lire quelques commentaires ici, de quelques uns bien intentionnes, qui se nomment opposants, je ne peux m empecher de me gifler nindibhom du degres de maturite qu ils ont atteint. Sarko est le president de la france et c est pas de ses devoirs de se preocuper du sort des tunisiens.

Je ne veux pas faire l eloge de Sarko, qui est un demagogue, menteur et rassiste, mais il ne fait que appliquer ce qu il crois mieux pour le pays qu il gouverne. Si un jours en tunisie il y aura un gouvernement legitime qui tire sa legitimite par son engagement pour ses citoyens, ca ne fera pas forcement et toujours l affaire de la france qui ,il faut le dire, ne manque pas d arrogance a l encontre des peuples indigenes et a pas mal de traits colonionaux aujourdhui encore.

Personellement je pense que de telles politiques peuvent servire la france a court terme, mais du point de vue strategique, il vaut mieux avoir des relations internationales dans le respects et l equite. Et plutart un regime parlementaire qui forme le gouvernement et le premier ministre comme la Turquie et l Italie,.

Vous avez raison quelque part. Je corriges la naamel propagande nous nous faisons pas de propagande pour l Iran wa machrouhouha aliklim,,ya Melek hal clavier en arabe bach ihizni li Guantanamo. Chirac l a felicite ok dans le passe ok,,ca c est du proticole entre tous les Etats,c est normal,et il ne faut pas demander ni a Chirac ni Berlusconi de lutter pour la Democratie en Tunisie, ce n est leurs taches,arrete de dire n importe quoi,Chaabek yalaab fil karta ou chicha wa yourkass nuits et jours,drogues mil korrrra. Nothing,absolutely nothing,the raison is tunisien are nothing,definitely nothing.

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I personnally support Leila to be the president of tunisia. I voted for ben ali 4 times each election and i will vote for you 2. You vote for who you want. Tunisians who live there are monitored overwhelmed. So, what you want them to do. They are not yet ready.

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No, they are cowards,they have no will to change the way they live. Read the portry of belkassem chebbi he sees them as dead and always talk about nature not because he is romantic but cause nature is movement,life,change and beauty. The frensh people lived under dictatorship but revolted and establish their democratie. When Chebbi was writing his poems about nature, thousands of Tunisian militants were struggling against France for a free tunisia.

I know you are one of them.