Oeuvres de Charles de Montalembert (French Edition)
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Overall rating No ratings yet 0. How to write a great review Do Say what you liked best and least Describe the author's style Explain the rating you gave Don't Use rude and profane language Include any personal information Mention spoilers or the book's price Recap the plot. Close Report a review At Kobo, we try to ensure that published reviews do not contain rude or profane language, spoilers, or any of our reviewer's personal information. Kerry, wrote extensively about Ireland and its troubled history, and ended up by being hailed as "the O'Connell of France".
When he reached Paris on the 26th of March , O'Connell was a dying man, utterly distressed by the tragedy of the Irish Famine, physically as well as mentally diminished by a brain congestion that would take his life less than two months later. Although helplessly weak, he agreed to receive a delegation of Catholic Liberals led by the Count Charles de Montalembert.
In a state of utter grief, the Frenchman delivered an address to the pale figure who was lying in a chair, wrapped in a blanket, looking frail and exhausted:. When I had the great fortune, said Montalembert, to see you for the first time, sixteen years ago, in your house at Derrynane, on the shores of the Atlantic, we had just gone through the revolution of July, and you were anxiously and ardently preoccupied by the fate of religion in France.
I respectfully collected your wishes and your teachings. You then pointed out to us the course we should pursue, and the rules we should follow in order to emancipate the Church from the temporal yoke by legal and civil means, and at the same time to dissociate its cause from all political causes. I have come to present to you the men who in France have enrolled themselves as the first soldiers under a banner that you were the first to unfurl and that will never disappear.
We are all your children or, rather, your pupils. You are our master, our model, our glorious preceptor. It is for that reason we have come to tender you the affectionate and respectful homage we owe to the man of the age who has done most for the dignity and liberty of mankind and especially for the political education of Catholic people. We are admiring in you the man who has accomplished the most glorious duty that a man can dream of in this world: We have come to salute in you the liberator of Ireland, of.
But, said Montalembert, you are not only the man of a nation, you are the man of the whole of Christendom. Your glory is not Irish only, it is Catholic. Wherever Catholics begin anew to practise civic virtues and devote themselves to the conquest of their civil rights, after God, it is your work. Wherever religion tends to emancipate itself from the thraldom in which several generations of sophists and lawyers have placed it, to you, after God, is religion indebted.
May that thought fortify you — revive you in your infirmities, and console you in the afflictions with which your patriotic heart is now overwhelmed. The wishes of Catholic France, of truly liberal France, will accompany you in your pilgrimage to Rome. The day of your meeting with Pius IX, when the greatest and most illustrious Christian of our age will kneel at the feet of a Pontiff who recalls to our recollection the most brilliant period of our Church history, a truly momentous event in the history of our time will take place.
If, in that instant of supreme emotion, your heart should entertain a thought not absorbed by Ireland and Rome, remember us! The homage of the affection, respect and devotion of the French people for the Head of the Church could not be better placed than on the lips of the Catholic Liberator of Ireland. Gentlemen, he said, sickness and emotion close my lips.
I should require the eloquence of your president to express to you all my gratitude. But it is impossible for me to utter all I feel. Know, simply, that I regard this demonstration on your part as one of the most significant events of my life. Significant it certainly was in many respects: During the French Restoration, which lasted fifteen years, from Waterloo to the "three glorious days" of the Revolution of July , Catholicism and royalism had been walking hand in hand. The unity of throne and altar which had existed prior to the Great Revolution of '89 had been re-established by the late Bourbons and had become aggressive and unpopular under the reign of the reactionary mystic Charles X.
Congregation and the Jesuit order accused of being the inspirers of the anti-liberal policy of the Court and the State. The Revolution of July was directed as much against the throne as against the altar.
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The fall of the Bourbons was also a defeat for the Church. This was not just a moment's excess in the heat of a short-lived It lasted for months after the proclamation of Louis-Philippe and the constitution of a Cabinet which could not or did not want to interfere. Churches were closed, others were sacked like Saint-Germain-PAuxerrois as late as February , processions were attacked, and ecclesiastical buildings searched allegedly for arms, plotters and emissaries of hostile foreign powers.
Newspapers and pamphlets were spreading the most obscene stories about the Church and the Catholic faith ; bishops and priests were not only denounced as being dissolute and corrupt, but they were also accused of conspiring to bring about a St Bartholomew's massacre against the patriots.
Numerous plays written in the same vein were staged to the utter delight of the Voltairian bourgeoisie which was to become the backbone of the regime of Louis-Philippe. An influent writer, Jules Janin, summed up the situation by saying: We find the same obituary under the pen of the German poet Henrich Heine: They expressed themselves in L'Avenu ; the first issue of which was published on the 15th of October , less than three months after the.
A Romantic Hibernophile : Charles de Montalembert, The O'Connett of France
At a time when Catholicism did not seem to have any future at all and when believers were more inclined to take refuge in the past than to question the future, L'Avenir was a rather challenging and provocative title for a daily religious newspaper. A devout Catholic, friend of Chateaubriand, Joseph de Maistre and Bonald, he was at first a staunch traditionalist and a firm believer in the union of throne and altar.
There was even more embarrassement to come. Enthralled by the awakening of Catholic Ireland under the leadership of O'Connell and disappointed by the Bourbons who did not think much of his ideas and occasionally censored his writings, the new Bossuet was transformed into a kind of Catholic Rousseau. He was still very much enamoured of theocracy, but the People instead of the King was to be the mediator.
A Romantic Hibernophile : Charles de Montalembert, The O'Connett of France - Persée
He strongly advocated public liberties. The Church was fiercely attacked for having spared no effort to identify the cause of religion with the defence of the crown. Lamennais urged the clergy to dissociate itself from a discredited monarchy, to embrace the cause of democracy and liberalism, and to bless the coming revolution seen as the necessary and providential step towards a new organisation of society which would see the final triumph of the Church. The Revolution of July, which confirmed all his predictions, found Lamennais more convinced than ever of the need to liberalize Catholicism and catholicize liberalism.
This is indeed reflected in the defiant epigraph of L'Avenir: From the start, Lamennais was joined by two men of great energy and talent. The first one was Henri Lacordaire, a twenty-eight-year-old convert, a scholar and a superb dominican preacher, burning with love for the holy trinity of faith, freedom and fatherland. Lamennais' second companion was Charles de Montalembert, a young man of twenty, energetic, generous and romantic. And from then on, Montalembert would be the link between Ireland and Catholic Liberals in France, who would rely on him to know what was taking place in and outside Dublin, the lessons and examples to be learnt and followed accordingly.
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Not surprisingly, he would be, in his turn, hailed as "the O'Connell of France". In fact, so great was Montalembert's role in drawing the attention of his Liberal associates to the Irish question, and pointing out its relevance to the state of French affairs, that it is essential to study his association with Ireland in general and O'Connell in particular to understand how the influence of the latter was able to shape the very beginning of Christian democracy in France. Montalembert had Irish blood in his veins: He gave the speeches of Grattan and Burke to read to his grandson who would be able, years afterwards, to recite them to his school mates at Sainte-Barbe.
He was thus prepared to respond enthusiastically to the great patriotic and religious campaign towards emancipation that was taking place in Ireland. I have decided to write a history of Ireland since , as quickly as possible so that it may be published before the vital question of emancipation is settled In achieving this project, I will be eager to pursue two aims: He asked for books and novels on Ireland, wrote to the son of Grattan for information, decided to visit Ireland to study at close range the country and the people, mentioned his "adorable project" to Chateaubriand, and began taking notes in abundance.
This frenzy of enthusiasm is attested by. However, the immaturity of youth — he was barely eighteen — the enormity of the work to be achieved, the sudden realization of the complexity of the history of Ireland and, above all, the cruel death of his sister, led him to abandon his "adorable project". Bitterly disappointed, he wrote to his friend Comudet in June It now seems to me that I have lost a beloved friend".
Montalembert still devoted a lot of his time to Ireland. In June , he wrote for the Correspondant a passionate article on this "country of wonders" where "religion, freedom and poetry better than in any other land". Indeed whether he was dealing with the Emerald Isle, the faith and fate of the Church, or the sacred cause of freedom, Montalembert was and would remain all his life a dedicated romantic for whom intuition, imagination and emotion counted far more than abstract reasoning or the sober examination of facts.
He welcomed the fall of the Bourbons because they were old- fashioned, dull and suspicious of freedom and everything he loved and craved for ; and because he had convinced himself that the union of the throne and the altar had paralysed the Church and alienated from religion the youth and the people of France.
By constrast, the situation in Ireland where O'Connell had united the people and the Church in a formidable non-violent campaign for freedom which had extracted the emancipation of all Catholics in the British Isles from a reticent State, appealed strongly to his imagination eager for heroic action and to his intelligence convinced of the necessity to achieve a total separation between Church and State. It was in this exalted frame of mind that Charles de Montalembert crossed the Irish Channel at long last and set foot in the country of his dreams, at the beginning of September My heart "is full of admiration and love for this dear Ireland".
More than my own country, he added, Ireland "gratifies all my beliefs, all my tastes, and even the slightest of my prejudices". Funnily enough, the only disappointment of his idyllic journey occurred when Montalembert met Daniel O'Connell. The twenty-year-old French aristocrat, full of romantic ideas about Ireland "this living remnant of the Middle Ages", probably expected to meet in O'Connell a white Knight in shining armour. But the King of the Beggars was not Arthur in Camelot. When Charles de Montalembert arrived at Derrynane, the door was besieged by one hundred and fifty peasants eager to submit their dispute to the Councillor.
He was brought in by O'Connell himself who displayed a great affability but left him alone in a drawing room overcrowded by a family of biblical proportions!
During the dinner the two men were able to talk at great length: Fitzpatrick, to celebrate the Paris Revolution of July. Unable to attend, O'Connell had sent a public letter rejoicing over the event and anticipating, as it happened, the complete separation of Church and State.