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V für Vox Populi - Zur Stimme von V wie Vendetta und ihre Bedeutung (German Edition)

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At pop concerts, interaction among the audience as well as between performers and the crowd is abso- lutely encouraged, and kinaesthetic response to the music is expected and expressed in dancing. The position of the singer in pop in relation to the lyrics he or she sings and to the audiences he or she entertains is a peculiar one in this context.

Jameson in nature — in terms of multiple authorship, assemblage rather than organic creation, and an aesthetic scope that bows to strictly economic imperatives — its reception, however, continues to work along rather romantic lines. In reception, thus a sense of organic creation and integrity oddly prevails: Pop artists are expected to express and share very personal themes that audiences can identify with, yet they are never really part of their mundane world, both literally and figu- ratively.

Literally, pop performers inhabit the stage and back-stage areas to which audiences have no access contrary to folk performers, who tend to sit and drink with the crowd before and after gigs. Figuratively, the advent of the star system — which fully took hold only after WW II when singers and vocal music had almost entirely replaced band leaders and instrumental mu- sic — demanded that artists increasingly serve as unattainable foils for inti- mate projections of fantasy and desire.

Sexual love and desire almost anathema in the art music world, as Christopher Small is careful to point out, which instead favours untainted transcendent love; see Small , 25 have consequently not always had a firm place in popular music. During the 19th century, popular songs could embrace many themes, and the shift towards an almost exclusive preoccupa- tion with sentimental or sexual love only occurred with major changes in the technological processing of songs.

The perhaps most important change is marked by the introduction of the electric microphone in pop recordings, which opened up entirely new dimensions of vocal embodiment and inti- macy. Furthermore, there is a more general shift of popular music from the public sphere into the private, from collective experiences fed by the 19th- century sheet music industry to highly individual modes of consumption brought about by ever new recording and storing devices.

If the themes of pop songs nowadays tend to mostly revolve around rather narcissistic one to one relationships between two individuals, the new scope for intimacy both in sound production and consumption certainly plays a role. The third cornerstone in a triangular field of genres, finally, is the folk music world.

While folk music is thus perhaps as old as mankind, folk music dis- course is certainly not; instead, it is very much a product of the 19th century again. Similar to the workings of art music discourses, the folk world heavily relies on scholarship and institutional frameworks which research the musical tradition and distribute their knowledge in liner notes and scholarly magazines. The folk music world needs to be taken serious on these grounds as a deliberate and productive counterforce to the art and pop music discourses, and as a generic model that has established its very own social, communi- cative and ideological performing conventions.

Field of generic distinction For now, it needs to be emphasised that what has been outlined so far in terms of art, pop and folk music worlds is not to be seen as three independent categories of cultural practice. What is more, the most interesting genre formations are probably those that are located in the hybrid space in-between the core art worlds outlined above see fig.

I will in the following briefly address some of these — drawing, very selectively only, from an almost unending list of possible subcultures and genres of the extremely differentiated post-World War Western music scene. Let us take a break then and turn to the story of its late popularity. Generic Transformations The English folk clubs of the were very popular not only among young and aspiring British musicians and singers such as Marianne Faithfull, but also among American folk artists such as Bob Dylan and Paul Simon.

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As Nat Hentoff writes in the liner notes: Without going into the details of sound organisation at this stage, the vocal performance and instrumentation suggest a register and performance arena that draw equally on folk as well as on pop conventions. The communicative economy resulting from this register is such that there is a clear privileging of intimate melancholy and sentimental love.

Ah, can you find me an acre of land Parsley, sage, rosemary, and thyme Between the salt sea and the sea sand Or never be a true lover of mine. This shift crucially works toward the identification of speaker and singer in the last three stanzas: There is a clear movement, then, not only in terms of performing conventions, but also in the rhetoric structure of the lyrics themselves, from a communal folk-appeal to the privacy and erotic pseudo-intimacy of pop. It is during that time, also, that Simon came across Martin Carthy; as the latter relates: And during the course of the evening I wrote the song down for him and he went off happy as a sound boy.

The song already featured on Wednesday Morning, 3 A.

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The distinction between rock and pop is a much contested one, and may need some clarification in this context. Rock artists typically author their own songs, and propagate an awareness of their social and political role in society. There are clear allusions to classical music dis- course, here — not only in the effective use of counterpoint, but also in terms of instrumentation by adding floating synthesised harpsichord arpeggios to the acoustic guitar.

Generic Conventions and Cultural Capital 61 easy to make out beneath the dominant vocal layer of the folk song, but here are the lyrics: On the side of a hill in the deep forest green, Tracing of sparrow on snowcrested brown. Blankets and bed-clothes, the child of the mountain, Sleeps unaware of the clarion call. A soldier cleans and polishes a gun. Apart from the institutional mechanisms of major label production and mass market distribution, the most telling key, here, is the type and quality of the vocal performance.

Such a reading, however, is of course contested by the lyrical content of the canticle part, which ranges somewhere in-between conventions of art music and the protest song as a folk variant.

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So that gives a kind of turbular, strong, commercial sound to the front. And we double that melody. A listener more steeped in the ideologies of folk rock will instead focus on very different keys, presumably, and recognise the align- ment of folk tradition with collective social protest in the light of models such as Guthrie or Baez. Love is thus affected by notions of senseless battle, and in true protest song fashion, the failure of love as expressed in the cryptic riddles in turn highlights the futility of war. This also has to do with a faux pas at the crossroads of communicative, eco- nomic and legal generic conventions Simon committed and which all but meant his excommunication from the British folk scene for many years to come.

The ongoing popularity of the song ranges from Europop and Schlager e. Harry Belafonte and jazz Wes Montgom- ery to folk rock e. Pentangle and heavy metal e. Sarah Brightman or classical goes pop e. In all cases, the lyrics are framed in typical generic conventions and ideologies, and it would ex- plode this chapter to go into detail of how all these affect aspects of verbal meaning.

I learned it from Martin Carthy. Martin Carthy had a beautiful arrangement of it, and my arrangement is like my memory of his arrangement. He was a wonderful guitarist and singer. What is at stake is a well-intended and benevolent, but at the end of the day ego- and Eurocentric appropriation of South African music culture, indicated not least by the fact that Simon retained the exclusive copyright for the final product of his collabora- tion with South African artists cf.

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Lipsitz , for an introduction. The Oriental cultural he- gemony during the middle ages, for instance, not only affected Sub-Saharan African folk music styles, but also European aristocratic and in turn folk mu- sic to a considerable degree see e. All of these musical styles travelled back and forth across the Atlan- tic and elsewhere since the multiple voluntary and forceful migrations of aristocrats, merchants, labourers or slaves ever since the colonial expansions of the Renaissance, where they continually came in contact with each other as well as with new musical ideas.

While almost all music is thus — ontologi- cally, so to speak — hybrid, the ideological and institutional politics of genre formations do not equally acknowledge or encourage syncretism and transcultural dialogue. My faith in this great spirit is total and unquestioning. Generic Conventions and Cultural Capital 65 One may briefly illustrate some of the problems in this context by taking a look at jazz, which has historically travelled between folk, pop and art mu- sic discourses. Schuller , the jazz world has been torn between two conflict- ing ideological positions or camps since around the The social and institutional conditions of the so-called swing era of the 20s and 30s, then, were such that much of jazz was ap- propriated into the commercial music world, with almost exclusively white band leaders and en- trepreneurs at the forefront.

The bebop and later free jazz movements consciously incorporated conventions of the art music world by cultivating an aura of connoisseurship and musical gen- ius to regain a sense of artistic agency, while at the same time deliberately returning to the blues roots and complex African poly-rhythms of earlier folk modes see esp. Jost , more generally Campbell or Tirro What is interesting for our context is that the bulk of the lyrics seemingly did not go along with this scheme: One could reasonably expect that the song loses much of its appeal on these grounds, and that the verbal repetitiveness should be rather annoying; this is, however, not necessarily so.

Generic frames indeed also matter when it comes to the typical relationship between words and music in songs; but the issue of verbal and musical meaning is a complex one, and it takes a new chapter to address what is at stake. Sound and Songfulness Song lyrics, as I have argued in the previous two chapters, rely on the em- bodiment of language in specific situations of performance, and their mean- ing is affected by generic conventions which shape the lyrical register and performance arena with regard to communicative, social, ideological, eco- nomic and juridical conventions.

The most distinctive marker that distinguishes song lyrics from written poetry, after all, is that they are sung and that the verbal meaning of the words is set in relation to the musical meaning of their vocal embodiment and, if applicable, musical ac- companiment. The words of songs, that is to say, are always doubly encoded, as both verbal and musical referents. While there is wide-spread agree- ment about the fact that words carry meaning, the case is much less straight forward for music.

What exactly is the meaning of music, and how, or in how far, does music mean anything in particular? For centuries, philoso- phers have tried to come to terms with what it exactly is that music can tell us, and possible answers have varied widely between all sorts of philosophi- cal camps.

In fact, rather than putting forth what music actually is or does, it is easier to start out with what music most likely is or does not, by reviewing some of the traditional positions of music philosophy. The earliest Western philosophical endeavours in this vein date back to Pythagoras, whose theories start from empirical evi- dence — the most famous being the discovery of the relationship between pitch and the length of vibrating bodies — but extend into highly speculative and metaphysical realms. Pythagoras put forth that planets and stars emit different pitches which result in a vast music of the spheres producing a cos- mic harmony grounded in particular numerical, rational relations.

Sound and Songfulness 69 indolence, as well as the Mixolydian mode, expressing lamentation and sor- row were in turn to be banned. Plato similarly posits set relations of other features of sound organisation such as timbre, rhythm, or instrumental quail- ties — the shrillness of reeds and flutes, for instance, or the confusing polyphony of panharmonic instruments were undesirable with predictable social and moral effects on the listeners. The assumption that music, through a certain mimetic capability, pro- duces specific, rationally predictable effects has been taken up by modern philosophers and still reverberates in contemporary commonplaces about music.

There is, however, what may be called a watershed between medieval and early modern conceptions of music: Athanasius Kirchner, for instance, assumed in his Musurgia univer- salis that [t]here are eight main affects which music may express: First, love; second, mourning and lament; third, happiness and exultation; fourth, fury and indignation; fifth, mercy and sorrow; sixth, fear and affliction; seventh, resolve and courage; eighth, astonishment; all remaining emotional dispositions can easily be traced back to them.

Kirchner , , my tr. The overall argument, which is duly exemplified in analyses of contemporary compositions by Palestrina and others , is that the meaning and emotional effect of music is a singular, rationally predictable, and universally valid affair. What is highly questionable, rather, is of course the claim to a rational, direct relation between musical quality and social, psychological or conceptual effect.

Second, such judgements are, other than rational or ethical judgements, not based on mental concepts, but con- ceptless; in a blend of empiricist and rationalist arguments, aesthetic beauty is perceived to be located in the object itself, yet nevertheless in need of being processed by human understanding in disinterested fashion to be properly acknowledged. The particular consequences of the Kantian legacy for the interpretation of music have been far-reaching in received Western cultural practices, and implicitly affected Western school syllabuses at least far into the second half of the 20th century see e.

Music, for Hegel, gives us direct access to the inward world of feeling, which he does not see as opposed to the world of ideas, but as a firm part of it; music thus forms an essential step in matters of the spiritual elevation of the human mind see Bowman , esp. The price to be paid for aesthetic autonomy and universal viability tends to be, quite literally, insignificance.

As Nicholas Cook memora- bly notes: A Trialectical Approach to Musical Meaning Let us try and take stock of what can indeed be asserted about musical meaning. Subtitled Toward a Semiology of Music, it implicitly challenges the formalist tendencies in, for instance, Theodor W. Defining the musical sign by taking recourse to Charles S.

There is, consequently, no such thing as a stable, unchangeable relationship between signs and objects as conceived in struc- turalist approaches , neither for musical nor for verbal signs. Music thus works on very similar premises as language does, the only dif- ference being that musical discourse is marked by a greater degree of arbi- trariness; the webs of interpretants drawn by musical signs tend to be far more unstable than the webs drawn by verbal signs. It is on these grounds that music is much less of a communicational art than verbal art can be.

As such universes are rarely congruent for producers and receivers; since situational contexts and individual dispositions of reception are open to infinite variation; and owing to the general instability and rather arbitrary nature of clusters of in- terpretants, successful communication is the exception rather than the norm in musical discourse: This is not to endorse notions of the purely random and relative, however, or to resort to exclusively social models of explication: But this level is not sufficient: There is clearly no room in this model for any such thing as musical uni- versals in the Kantian sense; musical meaning is an historically and culturally relative affair.

While there seems to be something like an anthropologically given, common faculty or drive to create meaning from sound, this meaning nevertheless remains rather elusive. The heuristic value of this assumption, to my mind, is rather limited, though, and diverts from the ana- lytical grounds on which the elusiveness and polyvalence of music may be partly contained. In particularly, it diverts from the commonsensical notion that musical meaning is continuous with meaning in general — an idea that is only surprising be- cause we are so used to thinking the opposite without enough surprise.

We make sense of music as we make sense of life. And since we make sense of life only amid a dense network of social, cultural and historical forces, musical meaning inevitably bears the traces, and sometimes the blazons, of those forces. Kramer , Departing from this statement by Lawrence Kramer, I suggest that what we make of musical sound and experience indeed evolves from the interplay of different yet interdependent aspects of perception: Each aspect — cognitive, social, physical — informs the other. While certain generic conventions may put particular emphasis on any one of these aspects often with vested interests — certainly, the art music world propagates a predominantly cognitive experience, the folk world emphasises social interaction, and musical styles associated with pop often relish in physical hedonism , all three aspects of music evaluation invariably come into play.

At the risk of stating the obvious: The cognitive sphere is crucial in the pro- posed triad as without cognition, bodily experience cannot be reflected upon, nor can it be verbally communicated and shared with others. Inversely ar- gued, however, cognition is never disinterested, i. I have dealt rather extensively with the social and performative aspects framing musical meaning in the previous two chapters: Such conventions charge particular patterns of musi- cal immanence with culturally specific meanings which can be shared with or withheld from others in processes of distinction, and they are firmly embed- ded in specific institutional, juridical and economical frameworks of produc- tion and consumption.

To be sure, some aspects of the codes are strikingly resilient and have been transmitted in ways that are quite recognizable up to the present […]. The effect, which only seemingly origi- nates in the music alone, is in fact generated by an interplay with other areas of perception; with the previous personal experiences of a human being, with the perception of the situ- ational context, and with lasting or ephemeral emotional conditions. Attributing notions of gender, sexuality and desire to music, of course, not only relates to questions of social construction, but also to the body as the core sensorial medium of experiencing musical sound.

One of the most intriguing phenomenological approaches to art music has been proposed by Thomas Clifton in Music as Heard Clifton thus outright defies the Cartesian mind- body dualism characterising much discourse on art music. Music may exist outside of human perception, yet it becomes meaningful only if a human be- ing attends to it with his or her whole body; it requires the complicity and presence of a person who interacts with the musical source in reciprocal dia- logue. Moreover, Clifton proposes that much of the descriptive vocabulary of traditional musicology — such as pitch, interval, harmony, dissonance or to- nality — are not foundational to what we hear and perceive.

The passage of time is hardly ex- perienced as unidirectional or constant: This last stratum refers to the degree of mutual possession of music and embodied self: This re inauguration of the body as a formative category in experiencing music is crucial; yet it also bears the danger of both new essentialisms — Clifton thinks of his four strata time, space, play and feeling as essential and universal — as well as of relativisms.

It is important, therefore, to align no- tions of bodily subjectivity with cognitive and social processes in a more fundamental way than Clifton does. Even though she does explicitly refer to Bourdieu, the idea of a socially framed bodily disposition or hexis is basically also what Susan McClary drives at when she writes on the importance of the body in musical communication: Let us return to the core questions asked at the beginning of this chapter then and see whether we can make better sense of them in the light of what has been said: Music is not a thing at all but an activity, something that people do.

It evolves every time anew in the trialectical dynamics between cognitive contemplation, pro- cesses of social interaction and distinction, and corresponding conventions of kinaesthetic involvement and bodily complicity. This understanding of what music means or rather means to us , is fun- damental not only with regard to musical sound itself, but also when it comes to the question of how sound and verbal meaning interact in songs. Let me empha- sise again, however, that word-music relations cannot be sufficiently accounted for by merely investigating formal relations.

Both systems, moreover, are instable in themselves, even if verbal meaning is more conventionalised and depends to a lesser degree on pragmatic fixture. The results of word-music interaction in this sense are hardly predicable and shift with shifting social and bodily dispositions from arena to arena. Rather than turn- ing exclusively to sociological explanations involving problems of production and con- sumption to account for this phenomenon see e. These effects all depend on the ability of the singing voice to envelope or suffuse both melody and text so that their inde- pendent existence is obscured.

One way of defining songfulness is as the condensation of this distinctness into a quality, the conversation of the absence of textual and melodic dis- tinctness into a positive presence. Sound and Songfulness 81 cal and cultural context of its performance , whereas the latter deliberately seeks it within particular generic conventions.

Let us first reconsider the vocal performance of Carthy: Carthy sings with a full-bodied, expressive, yet conversational voice shifting between rough- ness and tenderness while carefully avoiding sterile perfection. Rather, except for the addition of some reverb, the processing attempts to retain the original quality of a voice that is not trained classically, but rather through sufficient practice in having to carry without amplification in pubs and smaller venues.

Even before communicating any verbal content, the embodied voice thus signifies notions of gender, class and performing space, demarcating a par- ticular speaking position within the context of the British folk revival. The ideal generic conventions of listening to a Carthy-style folk perform- ance work against songfulness: Second, folk ideology quite simply tends to privilege nar- rative over sound, and folk performers are cherished for their quality as story- tellers as much as for their skills as musicians: As a consequence, the performance of musical accomplishment is care- fully checked in order not to get in the way of the verbal message.

Carthy is commonly considered one of the most refined guitar players within and beyond the world of folk, yet his technical brilliance is seen in the elab- orateness with which he hides the artfulness of his arrangements behind de- ceptive simplicity and ease. On certain things I rest the heel of my hand on the guitar. The resulting sound thus has a repetitive, mesmerising, and resounding steadiness producing a quietly pulsing beat; in fact, the guitar arrangement in itself would have potential for songfulness which was later fully exploited by Simon and Garfunkel.

How does the vocal performance help to key the generic dominance of narrative over sound? Bossa nova underwent at least two critical transformations on its way from small Copacabana clubs in the late 50s to Hollywood and on to a global phenomenon in the 60s: This variant of bossa catering to the global mass markets quite obviously created a particular fantasy-structure for Western audiences drawing on Hollywoodised associations of the Copacabana; it emphasised an exoticist sensuous pleasure and pseudo-erotic easiness which was then translated into a formalised dancing pattern that was all about loosening lower body stiffness.

The first thing to note, here, is of course that Mendes uses a heavily trun- cated version of the text, by merely adopting the first stanza which is then repeated three times. On the one hand, this selection is indicative of the value that Mendes attributes to the respective verbal and musical content, where the latter clearly has the upper hand.

The vocal lines are dominated by Lani Hall and Karen Phillips in crystal- clear unisono, with Mendes occasionally adding a lower and mellow octave parallel line. The overall vocal peformance is thus gendered as dominantly female, yet at the same time slightly androgynised. It is the positive quality of sing- ing-in-itself: The repetitiveness of the vocal and musical content — unbearable to the art music connoisseur preferring a disinterested mode of listening — turns from aesthetic obstacle into a prerequisite: Mediality and Musical Multimedia In the previous chapters, it has been tacitly assumed that making sense of lyrics has a lot to do with live performance: This requires some qualification and complication, of course, as participating in live events has long ceased to be the dominant mode of experiencing lyrics, even if the popular music in- dustry has experienced a paradigmatic shift towards liveness again in the wake of the digital revolution and the demise of the traditional recording in- dustries since around It is vital, therefore, to turn to questions con- cerning the changing medial base of lyrics.

This first aspect of mediality has already been tackled in the previous chapter to some extent, and will serve as a basis for the following discussion. This chapter will mainly concentrate on the second, more encompassing connota- tion of medialty as a particular apparatus of communication. Mediality and Musical Multimedia 89 formance. It is possible to again distinguish between four different types of visual presence, here: Modes of medial performance The system of primary mediality is of course historically the oldest mode of staging lyrics, and has arguably been culturally dominant until the turn of the 20th century, when the new modes of sound recording developed by Thomas A.

Edison and Emil Berliner began to more thoroughly take hold cf. In view of songs and lyrics in particular, however, I hold this view to be problematic, as the symbiosis with other medial formats has, neither then nor today, fully displaced the social relevance of the human medium. Singers have managed to continually carve out a social space for the primary mediality of songs, and the cultural validity of the live concert cannot be simply subsumed under the validity of theatre either, which, according to Faulstich, remains the only human medium today a medium which, one feels tempted to add, has similarly evolved in dialogic relation with printed texts — and, more recently, analogue and digital technology — and has been similarly affected by increasing professionalisation and commercialisation.

What, then, is the particular performance value of live events which dis- tinguishes primary mediality in a thoroughly mediatised culture? According to Fischer-Lichte, the physical co-presence of performers and audiences matters in at least three respects: Second, events constitute communities which are temporarily generated by the embodied activities of performances.

One of the core commu- nity-building properties of performances highlighted by Fischer-Lichte, for instance, is rhythm and its invitation to collective kinaesthetic response ibid. Third, events are marked by the potential of physical contact between performer and audiences, in the sense of sight as well as touch which can both be read as markers of intimacy breaking down the opposition of public and private spheres.

Within the material performance arena of an event, audience—performer relationships thus become to a certain extent ephemeral physical realities rather than mere fictions and fantasies. Liveness and Recordedness in a Mediatised Culture The question remains what kind of status we wish to attribute to live events on these grounds. Performance cannot be saved, recorded, documented, or otherwise participate in the circula- tion of representations of representations: To the degree that performance attempts to enter the economy of reproduction, it betrays and lessens the promise of its own ontology.

Phelan , 3 2 I have dealt with the Gorillaz-phenomenon in detail elsewhere see Eckstein It is something we make together every time it happens. In- stead of being bombarded by a cathode ray tube we are speaking to ourselves. Mediality and Musical Multimedia 93 This proclamation of a binary opposition between live events and mediatised representations, however, is questionable in a number of ways, all suggesting that the proclaimed difference is of a largely ideological, rather than, as Phelan implies, purely ontological nature.

To begin with, the perceived opposition of liveness and recordedness is problematic when thrown into historical relief. Donald Sassoon notes on aristocratic audiences in the 18th century: Their behaviour reflected the absence of any profound interest in the performance. To have an idea of the degree of attention pre audiences paid to what they were watching or listening to, we should consider not modern audiences, but the relatively relaxed and dis- tracted way in which people watch television: Within art music culture, the 19th century was then marked by the extension of musical experience into the bourgeois domestic sphere through, first, the mass distribution of musical instruments and the piano in particular, and sec- ond, printed sheet music, which after the invention of lithography at the turn of the century could not only be produced at affordable cost, but also embel- lished with colourful illustrations and thus very effectively marketed to pri- vate households.

While in , there existed only 12, and in , 30 shops which sold sheet music in London, this number dramatically increased to a total of in cf. The expansion of the live music market, the establishment of a concert scene with specifically designed con- cert halls, and particularly the advent of performer stardom which shaped the devotional listening conventions of both the art and pop music world are thus intimately related to the wider dissemination of printed music.

Widely different from the true popular ballads, the spontaneous products of nature, are the works of the professional ballad-maker, which make up the bulk of Garlands and Broadsides. These, though sometimes not without grace, more frequently not lacking in humour, belong to artificial literature — of course an humble department. This was either at- tempted by syntactic and semantic analysis with often dubious results, cf. Harker , or by an ethnographic impulse to record rural performances which were presumably still unspoiled by the corruptions of urban com- merce.


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Again, performance and mediatisation prove to be complicit rather than mutually exclusive. To make better sense of this, it is necessary to take a brief detour via the na- ture of recorded sound and its relation to the visuality of performance. The dissemination of sound recording technology in the 20th century un- doubtedly revolutionised the cultural economy of songs and firmly estab- lished analogue and later digital media formats as culturally dominant.

The medial availability of recorded, actual sound consequently had far-reaching effects: Some of the core steps were the invention of the wax cylinder phonograph Thomas A. Second, by entering into an externalised, archival cultural memory, sounds became emancipated from the confines of human interaction to freely travel across time and space, leading to an hitherto unknown simultaneity and ubiquity of historically and culturally specific acoustic material.

But most basically and crucially, perhaps, the experience of songs and lyrics initially became a purely auditory experience suddenly severed from the primary visual aspects of their performance cf. These initially manifest themselves, in the absence of primary visuality, in what W. Mitchell would term mental or perceptual images Mitchell , Simon Frith notes that the simultaneous emergence around the turn of the century of the telephone, the gramo- phone, and he radio meant that people became accustomed, for the first time ever, to hearing a voice without a body previously such an experience would have meant the supernatural, the voice of God or the evil.

And this is not just a matter of sex and gender, but involves the other basic social attributes as well: Frith , 6 first introduced in the , enabling multi-track mixing and editing and digital recording in the s. The first marketable format for the distribution of digital recordings, the CD, was launched in , while MP3, a data format that compresses music to file sizes that can be distributed via the world wide web, shook up the music market in and led to the Napster crisis cf.

Mediality and Musical Multimedia 97 What is crucial for our context, moreover, is that Frith and Auslander hold against the views of, for instance, Theodore Gracyk and others that this does not change even if, as in the case of rock, music is a product of an elaborate studio recording which could never have existed as an organic per- formance: Frith , The aesthetic experience of recorded music thus remains crucially and para- doxically informed by certain notions of liveness.

What are we to make of this? In der vierten Staffel werde er nicht mehr dabei Nachfolger von Xavier Naidoo, der zum Ende der Der Sender befinde sich aber mit allen German words that begin with v. German words that begin with vo. German words that begin with vox. Load a random word. Discover all that is hidden in the words on.