None Dare Call It Reason: How the Average American has Hanged Himself

Clearly, the author had ties to the John Birch Society. It was written at the height of the New Left which of course scared the daylights out of Birchers and others of similar philosophical perspective. The author claims that the Rothschilds, a prominent European Jewish family, were conspiring with Communists to enslave the world. The lesson of this book: All freedom-loving people must read any extremist tome with skepticism, and challenge the author with t This is right-wing lunacy at its best.

All freedom-loving people must read any extremist tome with skepticism, and challenge the author with the facts. This book reminds us of the necessity for readers to educate ourselves in history, economics, and current events so that we are not unduly swayed or duped by such books, particularly during difficult economic times or in time of war and terrorism. Educate yourselves on the facts and stay focused on truth, fellow readers, and think and reason for yourselves. Challenge and debate demagogues of any stripe who would abuse freedom of expression to deprive us of that right later.

Like some other vintage, anti-communist, hysterical conspiracy writing I've read, None Dare Call It Conspiracy starts harmlessly enough. The first half of the book is merely irrational. I assume this is to eliminate open-minded readers who are naturally predisposed to disagree and bore those looking to have some laughs at the tinfoil hat crowd's expense. For those who make it past the half-way point, Gary Allen takes the gloves off and goes the kind of full-blown, bat shit loco crazy you are exp Like some other vintage, anti-communist, hysterical conspiracy writing I've read, None Dare Call It Conspiracy starts harmlessly enough.

For those who make it past the half-way point, Gary Allen takes the gloves off and goes the kind of full-blown, bat shit loco crazy you are expecting. It puts the 21st century lifelong liberal in an awkward spot, actually, as we have to be sympathetic - even defensive - for President Nixon. Granted, this was pre-Watergate, but President Nixon already had a storied career behind him, flush with things even a centrist Democrat would find objectionable. I'm sorry; I dislike him almost as much as Gary Allen does. But he wasn't that. But you have to understand: It's pretty much delusional ravings from the start, escalating to full blown clanging by the end.

And it does give you something to laugh at, after all: Silly John Birch Society! Dec 10, Scott rated it really liked it Shelves: If you know this book, then you'll understand why I don't intend to write a review on it. Seriously though, I picked it up because it had an endorsement on the back by "Ezra Taft Benson, former Secretary of Agriculture," which made me pay attention. The book outlines the rise of secret combinations in the United States, specifically ones with designs to overthrow freedom in America from within the government and without, through means lol.

The book outlines the rise of secret combinations in the United States, specifically ones with designs to overthrow freedom in America from within the government and without, through means such as the Federal Reserve, the income tax system, and the United Nations. Because it was published in the 's, it leaves out much that readers would want to know.

I won't go into detail on the fact that most of the arguments in this book are summarily dismissed by political science professors and would get you branded as a "John Bircher" the kiss of death in public circles if you were to publicly espouse them. That should go without saying. The most useful idea I've found from None Dare Call It Conspiracy over the years, which I still refer back to often, appears near the beginning of the book.

It is a discussion of the left-right political spectrum and how it can lead to misunderstanding about the aims of various political philosophies.

Have you ever wondered how strange it is that people call fascism the "far right" and communism the "far left," but in actuality they are not that different from each other both being totalitarian? The most bizarre thing about this way of looking at politics is that it doesn't tell you much about what we're getting "more of" as we go further right or further left, other than "extremism," which tells you quite little. This popular but erroneous framework also operates on the assumption that the more zealous a person is about his or her political ideas, the more apt they are to be a closet extremist meaning that if they had the opportunity, they would enact a government on the far end of the spectrum in whatever direction they are leaning.

Thus a whole-hearted leftist is actually a nascent communist, and someone arguing fervently for states rights typically a right-wing topic, but in the s it was the pet topic of Democrats is secretly a Nazi. Gary Allen proposes what I think is a far more useful framework for looking at political philosophies: He places "total government" on one end of the spectrum with communism, fascism, and similar approaches of complete government control grouped there; today you could put Islamic theocracy there too, such as what you see under ISIS.

On the opposite end of the spectrum Allen places "no government" anarchy, and close to it would be tribalism. In the middle you have such philosophies as limited government such as what our Republic was designed to be , constitutional monarchy, democratic socialism, and so forth. Looked at this way, it is more clear why fascism and communism are so similar, and also why you automatically start to lose the argument for limited government which today is usually labeled as right-wing extremism when you accept the standard left-right political philosophy framework: The majority of the book is spent on showing how agreements made behind the scenes since the beginning of the 20th century have reduced our freedoms and gradually eroded our constitutional limits on government.

Many details are given in a historical narrative that, if true, would alarm anyone who loves this country. The author aims to show how these efforts have paved the way for the United States to surrender its sovereignty to globalist designs for a one-world government. He calls for patriots to stand up and help preserve our Republic before it is too late. Sep 05, Becky rated it it was amazing. The title of this book initially made me nervous, and I would have never picked it up except that someone recommended it to me and it has this endorsement from Ezra Taft Benson: It's tot The title of this book initially made me nervous, and I would have never picked it up except that someone recommended it to me and it has this endorsement from Ezra Taft Benson: It's totally changed my way of thinking about our political system and who is really running it.

I would recommend this to anyone as a serious consideration of our duty as American citizens. Mar 08, Eric rated it liked it Shelves: This is a good introductory book on the subject of economic and political conspiracy but I think "The Creature from Jekyll Island" by G.

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• Fourmilog: None Dare Call It Reason.
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• Il regalo perfetto (Italian Edition).

Edward Griffin is a better work. That book has a lot of quality detail, analysis and perspective that this book lacks. It also outlines even more important and consequential conspiracies than Gary Allen exposes. Since I was already knowledgable about most of Allen's revelations, what I found most interesting was his description of what conspiracy is, how This is a good introductory book on the subject of economic and political conspiracy but I think "The Creature from Jekyll Island" by G.

Since I was already knowledgable about most of Allen's revelations, what I found most interesting was his description of what conspiracy is, how and why people plot it, how others look for it, and how still others react to the people trying to expose it. This is mostly in chapter one. Some quotes from the book on this below: They never attempt to refute the evidence. It can't be refuted. If and when the silent treatment doesn't work, these "objective" scholars and mass media opinion molders resort to personal attacks, ridicule and satire.

The personal attacks tend to divert attention from the facts which an author or speaker is trying to expose. The idea is to force the person exposing the conspiracy to stop the exposure and spend his time and effort defending himself. People are usually comfortable with their old beliefs and conceptions. When Columbus told people the world was a ball and not a pancake, they were highly upset. They were being asked to reject their way of thinking of a lifetime and adopt a whole new outlook. The "intellectuals" of the day scoffed at Columbus and people were afraid they would lose social prestige if they listened to him.

Many others just did not want to believe the world was round. It complicated too many things. And typical flat-earthers had such a vested interest involving their own egos, that they heaped abuse on Columbus for challenging their view of the universe. These same factors apply today. Because the Establishment controls the media, anyone exposing the Insiders will be the recipient of a continuous fusillade of invective from newspapers, magazines, TV and radio.

In this manner one is threatened with loss of "social respectability" if he dares broach the idea that there is organization behind any of the problems currently wracking America. Unfortunately, for many people social status comes before intellectual honesty. Although they would never admit it, social position is more important to many people than is the survival of freedom in America.

May 30, Anna rated it it was amazing Shelves: My favorite book on globalism. Jan 29, Richard Kelly rated it liked it Shelves: As far as political conspiracy goes this book is fairly solid. Assuming that all the research pans out when investigated it lays down a very convincing idea that our country has been on the march towards socialism for that last hundred some odd years.

The problem with this book is the fact that it was written 40 years ago. Unless you have a real strong grasp on what was going on in parts of it can quickly fly off the radar. But, if you have a decent understanding of where the world was at t As far as political conspiracy goes this book is fairly solid.

But, if you have a decent understanding of where the world was at that time, it flows very well. The surprising thing is how well the premise holds up even 40 years later. The suggestions of how the government will act to move their attempt at a one world government holds very true and the ability to see the line that distinguishes republicans and democrats dwindles just as the book points out. The kindle version of this book is riddled with typos, but it feels as if it were a conversion issue.

Spaces and paragraphs start in odd places. But other than that it is written well and flows nicely. It does require some thought and lots of attention. This is a great book for those who are fascinated with politics, conspiracy, and revolution, but not such a great book for entertainment.

This and other banditry, criminal enterprises, and unauthorised publications resulted in multiple arrests, imprisonments, exiles to Siberia, escapes, re-captures, and life underground in the years that followed. In , while living underground in Saint Petersburg after yet another escape, he was named the first editor of the Bolshevik party's new daily newspaper, Pravda , although his name was kept secret.

As a Georgian Bolshevik, Jughashvili was seen as uniquely qualified and credible to address this thorny question. When Russia entered the Great War in , events were set into motion which would lead to the end of Czarist rule, but Stalin was on the sidelines: In late , as manpower shortages became acute, exiled Bolsheviks including Stalin received notices of conscription into the army, but when he appeared at the induction centre he was rejected due to a crippled left arm, the result of a childhood injury.

It was only after the abdication of the Czar in the February Revolution of that he returned to Saint Petersburg, now renamed Petrograd, and resumed his work for the Bolshevik cause. In April , in elections to the Bolshevik Central Committee, Stalin came in third after Lenin who had returned from exile in Switzerland and Zinoviev. Despite having been out of circulation for several years, Stalin's reputation from his writings and editorship of Pravda , which he resumed, elevated him to among the top rank of the party.

As Kerensky's Provisional Government attempted to consolidate its power and continue the costly and unpopular war, Stalin and Trotsky joined Lenin's call for a Bolshevik coup to seize power, and Stalin was involved in all aspects of the eventual October Revolution, although often behind the scenes, while Lenin was the public face of the Bolshevik insurgency. After seizing power, the Bolsheviks faced challenges from all directions. They had to disentangle Russia from the Great War without leaving the country open to attack and territorial conquest by Germany or Poland.

Despite their ambitious name, they were a minority party and had to subdue domestic opposition. They took over a country which the debts incurred by the Czar to fund the war had effectively bankrupted. They had to exert their control over a sprawling, polyglot empire in which, outside of the big cities, their party had little or no presence. They needed to establish their authority over a military in which the officer corps largely regarded the Czar as their legitimate leader. They must restore agricultural production, severely disrupted by levies of manpower for the war, before famine brought instability and the risk of a counter-coup.

And for facing these formidable problems, all at the same time, they were utterly unprepared. The Bolsheviks were, to a man and they were all men , professional revolutionaries. Their experience was in writing and publishing radical tracts and works of Marxist theory, agitating and organising workers in the cities, carrying out acts of terror against the regime, and funding their activities through banditry and other forms of criminality. There was not a military man, agricultural expert, banker, diplomat, logistician, transportation specialist, or administrator among them, and suddenly they needed all of these skills and more, plus the ability to recruit and staff an administration for a continent-wide empire.

Further, although Lenin's leadership was firmly established and undisputed, his subordinates were all highly ambitious men seeking to establish and increase their power in the chaotic and fluid situation. Whether it was securing levies of grain from the provinces, putting down resistance from counter-revolutionary White forces, stamping out opposition from other parties, developing policies for dealing with the diverse nations incorporated into the Russian Empire indeed, in a real sense, it was Stalin who invented the Soviet Union as a nominal federation of autonomous republics which, in fact, were subject to Party control from Moscow , or implementing Lenin's orders, even when he disagreed with them, Stalin was on the job.

Lenin recognised Stalin's importance as his right hand man by creating the post of General Secretary of the party and appointing him to it. This placed Stalin at the centre of the party apparatus. He controlled who was hired, fired, and promoted. He controlled access to Lenin only Trotsky could see Lenin without going through Stalin.

This was a finely-tuned machine which allowed Lenin to exercise absolute power through a party machine which Stalin had largely built and operated. Then, in May of , the unthinkable happened: Lenin was felled by a stroke which left him partially paralysed. He retreated to his dacha at Gorki to recuperate, and his communication with the other senior leadership was almost entirely through Stalin. There had been no thought of or plan for a succession after Lenin he was only fifty-two at the time of his first stroke, although he had been unwell for much of the previous year.

As Lenin's health declined, ending in his death in January , Stalin increasingly came to run the party and, through it, the government. He had appointed loyalists in key positions, who saw their own careers as linked to that of Stalin. When confronted with opposition, on three occasions he threatened to resign, each exercise in brinksmanship strengthening his grip on power, as the party feared the chaos that would ensue from a power struggle at the top. His status was reflected in when the city of Tsaritsyn was renamed Stalingrad. This ascent to supreme power was not universally applauded.

This set the stage for the collectivisation of agriculture and rapid industrialisation which was to come. Of the fifty-three engineers accused, five were executed and forty-four imprisoned. A country desperately short on the professionals its industry needed to develop had begin to devour them. It is a mistake to regard Stalin purely as a dictator obsessed with accumulating and exercising power and destroying rivals, real or imagined.

The one consistent theme throughout Stalin's career was that he was a true believer. He was a devout believer in the Orthodox faith while at the seminary, and he seamlessly transferred his allegiance to Marxism once he had been introduced to its doctrines. He had mastered the difficult works of Marx and could cite them from memory as he often did spontaneously to buttress his arguments in policy disputes , and went on to similarly internalise the work of Lenin.

These principles guided his actions, and motivated him to apply them rigidly, whatever the cost may be. Starting in , Lenin had introduced the New Economic Policy , which lightened state control over the economy and, in particular, introduced market reforms in the agricultural sector, resulting in a mixed economy in which socialism reigned in big city industries, but in the countryside the peasants operated under a kind of market economy.

This policy had restored agricultural production to pre-revolutionary levels and largely ended food shortages in the cities and countryside. But to a doctrinaire Marxist, it seemed to risk destruction of the regime. Marx believed that the political system was determined by the means of production. Thus, accepting what was essentially a capitalist economy in the agricultural sector was to infect the socialist government with its worst enemy.

Once Stalin had completed his consolidation of power, he then proceeded as Marxist doctrine demanded: This began in And it is with this momentous decision that the present volume comes to an end. This massive work pages in the print edition is just the first in a planned three volume biography of Stalin. The second volume, Stalin: Waiting for Hitler, — , was published in and the concluding volume is not yet completed.

Reading this book, and the entire series, is a major investment of time in a single historical figure. But, as the author observes, if you're interested in the phenomenon of twentieth century totalitarian dictatorship, Stalin is the gold standard. He amassed more power, exercised by a single person with essentially no checks or limits, over more people and a larger portion of the Earth's surface than any individual in human history.

He ruled for almost thirty years, transformed the economy of his country, presided over deliberate famines, ruthless purges, and pervasive terror that killed tens of millions, led his country to victory at enormous cost in the largest land conflict in history and ended up exercising power over half of the European continent, and built a military which rivaled that of the West in a bipolar struggle for global hegemony.

It is impossible to relate the history of Stalin without describing the context in which it occurred, and this is as much a history of the final days of imperial Russia, the revolutions of , and the establishment and consolidation of Soviet power as of Stalin himself. Indeed, in this first volume, there are lengthy parts of the narrative in which Stalin is largely offstage: The level of detail is breathtaking: There are more than two hundred pages of end notes, source citations, bibliography, and index.

If you are interested in Stalin, the Soviet Union, the phenomenon of Bolshevism, totalitarian dictatorship, or how destructive madness can grip a civilised society for decades, this is an essential work. It is unlikely it will ever be equalled. McDivitt's crew was trained and ready to go in December Unfortunately, the lunar module wasn't. The lunar module scheduled for Apollo 8, LM-3, had been delivered to the Kennedy Space Center in June of , but was, to put things mildly, a mess.

None Dare Call It Conspiracy

Testing at the Cape discovered more than a hundred serious defects, and by August it was clear that there was no way LM-3 would be ready for a flight in In fact, it would probably slip to February or March Unlike Apollo, the Soviet space program was highly secretive and NASA had to go on whatever scraps of information they could glean from Soviet publications, the intelligence community, and independent tracking of Soviet launches and spacecraft in flight. There were, in fact, two Soviet manned lunar programmes running in parallel. The craft would fly out to the Moon, use its gravity to swing around the far side, and return to Earth.

The Zond lacked the propulsion capability to enter lunar orbit. Still, success would allow the Soviets to claim the milestone of first manned mission to the Moon. In September Zond 5 successfully followed this mission profile and safely returned a crew cabin containing tortoises, mealworms, flies, and plants to Earth after their loop around the Moon.

Navy destroyer observed recovery of the re-entry capsule in the Indian Ocean. Clearly, this was preparation for a manned mission which might occur on any lunar launch window. The Soviet manned lunar landing project was actually far behind Apollo, and would not launch its N1 booster on that first, disastrous, test flight until February But NASA did not know this in Every slip in the Apollo program increased the probability of its being scooped so close to the finish line by a successful Zond flyby mission.

They plotted in secret, beneath the radar and unbeknownst to NASA administrator Jim Webb and his deputy for manned space flight, George Mueller, who were both out of the country, attending an international conference in Vienna.

None Dare Call It Conspiracy by Gary Allen

What they were proposing was breathtaking in its ambition and risk. They envisioned taking Frank Borman's crew, originally scheduled for Apollo 9, and putting them into an accelerated training program to launch on the Saturn V and Apollo spacecraft currently scheduled for Apollo 8. They would launch without a Lunar Module, and hence be unable to land on the Moon or test that spacecraft. The original idea was to perform a Zond-like flyby, but this was quickly revised to include going into orbit around the Moon, just as a landing mission would do.

This would allow retiring the risk of many aspects of the full landing mission much earlier in the program than originally scheduled, and would also allow collection of precision data on the lunar gravitational field and high resolution photography of candidate landing sites to aid in planning subsequent missions. But could it be done? There were a multitude of requirements, all daunting. Borman's crew, training toward a launch in early on an Earth orbit mission, would have to complete training for the first lunar mission in just sixteen weeks.

The Saturn V booster, which suffered multiple near-catastrophic engine failures in its second flight on Apollo 6, would have to be cleared for its first manned flight. Software for the on-board guidance computer and for Mission Control would have to be written, tested, debugged, and certified for a lunar mission many months earlier than previously scheduled. A flight plan for the lunar orbital mission would have to be written from scratch and then tested and trained in simulations with Mission Control and the astronauts in the loop.

The decision to fly Borman's crew instead of McDivitt's was to avoid wasting the extensive training the latter crew had undergone in LM systems and operations by assigning them to a mission without an LM. McDivitt concurred with this choice: If the plan were approved, Apollo 8 would become the lunar orbit mission and the Earth orbit test of the LM would be re-designated Apollo 9 and fly whenever the LM was ready.

While a successful lunar orbital mission on Apollo 8 would demonstrate many aspects of a full lunar landing mission, it would also involve formidable risks. The Saturn V, making only its third flight, was coming off a very bad outing in Apollo 6 whose failures might have injured the crew, damaged the spacecraft hardware, and precluded a successful mission to the Moon. While fixes for each of these problems had been implemented, they had never been tested in flight, and there was always the possibility of new problems not previously seen.

The Apollo Command and Service modules, which would take them to the Moon, had not yet flown a manned mission and would not until Apollo 7, scheduled for October Even if Apollo 7 were a complete success which was considered a prerequisite for proceeding , Apollo 8 would be only the second manned flight of the Apollo spacecraft, and the crew would have to rely upon the functioning of its power generation, propulsion, and life support systems for a mission lasting six days. Unlike an Earth orbit mission, if something goes wrong en route to or returning from the Moon, you can't just come home immediately.

The Service Propulsion System on the Service Module would have to work perfectly when leaving lunar orbit or the crew would be marooned forever or crash on the Moon. It would only have been tested previously in one manned mission and there was no backup although the single engine did incorporate substantial redundancy in its design. The spacecraft guidance, navigation, and control system and its Apollo Guidance Computer hardware and software, upon which the crew would have to rely to navigate to and from the Moon, including the critical engine burns to enter and leave lunar orbit while behind the Moon and out of touch with Mission Control, had never been tested beyond Earth orbit.

The mission would go to the Moon without a Lunar Module. If a problem developed en route to the Moon which disabled the Service Module as would happen to Apollo 13 in April , there would be no LM to serve as a lifeboat and the crew would be doomed. When the high-ranking conspirators presented their audacious plan to their bosses, the reaction was immediate. Still, Webb and Mueller agreed to meet with the lunar cabal in Houston on August After a contentious meeting, Webb agreed to proceed with the plan and to present it to President Johnson, who was almost certain to approve it, having great confidence in Webb's management of NASA.

The mission was on. It was only then that Borman and his crewmembers Lovell and Anders learned of their reassignment. While Anders was disappointed at the prospect of being the Lunar Module Pilot on a mission with no Lunar Module, the prospect of being on the first flight to the Moon and entrusted with observation and photography of lunar landing sites more than made up for it.

They plunged into an accelerated training program to get ready for the mission. The launch was scheduled for December 21, Everybody would be working through Christmas, including the twelve ships and thousands of sailors in the recovery fleet, but lunar launch windows are set by the constraints of celestial mechanics, not human holidays. There were two system failures which killed the animal test subjects on board, but these were covered up and the mission heralded as a great success.

From what NASA knew, it was entirely possible the next launch would be with cosmonauts bound for the Moon. CBS coverage of the Apollo 8 launch. Now we step inside Mission Control and listen in on the Flight Director's audio loop during the launch, illustrated with imagery and simulations. The Saturn V performed almost flawlessly. Jim Lovell had sixteen days of spaceflight experience across two Gemini missions, one of them Gemini 7 where he endured almost two weeks in orbit with Frank Borman.

Bill Anders was a rookie, on his first space flight. Now weightless, all three were experiencing a spacecraft nothing like the cramped Mercury and Gemini capsules which you put on as much as boarded. The Apollo command module had an interior volume of six cubic metres cubic feet, in the quaint way NASA reckons things which may not seem like much for a crew of three, but in weightlessness, with every bit of space accessible and usable, felt quite roomy.

There were five real windows, not the tiny portholes of Gemini, and plenty of space to move from one to another. With all this roominess and mobility came potential hazards, some verging on slapstick, but, in space, serious nonetheless. NASA safety personnel had required the astronauts to wear life vests over their space suits during the launch just in case the Saturn V malfunctioned and they ended up in the ocean. While moving around the cabin to get to the navigation station after reaching orbit, Lovell, who like the others hadn't yet removed his life vest, snagged its activation tab on a strut within the cabin and it instantly inflated.

Lovell looked ridiculous and the situation comical, but it was no laughing matter. Lovell finally figured out what to do.

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After being helped out of the vest, he took it down to the urine dump station in the lower equipment bay and vented it into a reservoir which could be dumped out into space. One problem solved, but in space you never know what the next surprise might be. The astronauts wouldn't have much time to admire the Earth through those big windows. The third stage, which had failed to re-light on its last outing, worked as advertised this time, with a flawless burn. Its job was done; from here on the astronauts and spacecraft were on their own.

The booster had placed them on a free-return trajectory. Apollo 8 rapidly climbed out of the Earth's gravity well, trading speed for altitude, and before long the astronauts beheld a spectacle no human eyes had glimpsed before: On board, there were other concerns: Frank Borman was puking his guts out and having difficulties with the other end of the tubing as well.

Borman had logged more than six thousand flight hours in his career as a fighter and test pilot, most of it in high-performance jet aircraft, and fourteen days in space on Gemini 7 without any motion sickness. Many people feel queasy when they experience weightlessness the first time, but this was something entirely different and new in the American space program.

And it was very worrisome. The astronauts discussed the problem on private tapes they could downlink to Mission Control without broadcasting to the public, and when NASA got around to playing the tapes, the chief flight surgeon, Dr. Charles Berry, became alarmed.

As he saw it, there were three possibilities: On its way to the Moon, Apollo 8 passed directly through the Van Allen radiation belts , spending two hours in this high radiation environment, the first humans to do so. The total radiation dose was estimated as roughly the same as one would receive from a chest X-ray, but the composition of the radiation was different and the exposure was over an extended time, so nobody could be sure it was safe. The fact that Lovell and Anders had experienced no symptoms argued against the radiation explanation. This recommendation was passed up to the crew.

That is pure, unadulterated horseshit. This was the first case of space adaptation syndrome to afflict an American astronaut. Apparently some Soviet cosmonauts had been affected, but this was covered up to preserve their image as invincible exemplars of the New Soviet Man. It is now known to affect around a third of people experiencing weightlessness in environments large enough to move around, and spontaneously clears up in two to four miserable days.

The two most dramatic and critical events in Apollo 8's voyage would occur on the far side of the Moon, with km of rock between the spacecraft and the Earth totally cutting off all communications. There's a problem loading this menu right now. Learn more about Amazon Prime. Get fast, free shipping with Amazon Prime. Get to Know Us. English Choose a language for shopping.

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