Island im Kalten Krieg (German Edition)

Island im Kalten Krieg (German Edition): Franziska Drax: www.newyorkethnicfood.com: Books

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Since Italy would not accept the sacrifices Hungary made to satisfy its territorial ambitions, all Croatia had to do was not to anger Germany as it would not grant Italy support if it was to risk all-out war. After bringing Hungary into the Anti-Comintern pact, Goring became somewhat passionate about his own vision of the future — one with a German dominated Mitteleuropa spanning over central Europe, granting the Reich easy access to all the resources it would need for becoming a true global Great Power — capable of competing with the British Empire and the Soviet Union.

A diplomatic offensive was started aimed at all the countries between Germany and the Soviet Union, including Yugoslavia — in a bid to remove remaining French presence and assuring German superiority. The country did however export most of its products to the Reich, thus the possibility of further opening that market was looked forward to. The magnitude of the issue came to light in March , when after months-long negotiations the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation was signed by Yugoslavia.

The treaty was mostly a declaratory one, as it did not involve joining the Anti-Comintern pact, nor any other formal alliance.

Both France and Britain were quite opposed to such development, fearing the Treaty would be only the first step for Germany. Neither however were capable of providing Yugoslavia with an alternative — that is a formal guarantee of its borders as well as a promise of intervention against either Italy or Germany in case of war. The French themselves were not confident enough to unilaterally act even against Italy, much less to get themselves into another Great War over the southern Slavs.

Signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation 5 days after signing, opponents of the treaty, which they believed was only the first step towards subjecting Yugoslavia, staged a coup. Led by a number of left-leaning military figures, the rebels managed to seize Belgrade and capture Regent Prince Pavel. Declaring him a usurper, as he did not step down from the throne upon heir to throne Peter II coming of age, they subsequently declared the son of Alexander I to be the legitimate ruler. Peter II, being at the time in France studying, was unable to return.

Almost immediately mobilization was declared with the various commanders forced into choosing sides — between the legitimate remains of the government, or their military superiors. Similarly to the rest of the country, the people were divided whom to support, unlike the rest they also possessed a third option — their own state. The initial reaction to the coup from the side leaders of the Banovina was to strengthen themselves, by demanding that the Yugoslavian Army units stationed in Croatia subject themselves to Zagreb — without Zagreb declaring its stance.

While the Croats were quite willing to do so, rationalizing that an oath of loyalty to the Banovina did not go against their oath towards the State — as long as Croatia remained part of Yugoslavia. The non-Croats were not as willing and were more inclined to remain faithful only to Yugoslavia — whoever was in charge of it.

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Belgrade-appointed officials were arrested or refused to enter their offices, under the accusation of disloyalty — as in the minds of many, faithfulness to the Banovina was simultaneous with faithfulness to Yugoslavia. Thus those who refused to support it ought to be removed from power. The coup did not go as planned.

With martial law and mobilization introduced, the majority of the population came to simply fall in line with the establishment, which mostly came to support the legitimate government. The rebels had less restraints, but when faced with the necessity of having to shoot at other soldiers, many refused. Their surrender led to an end of a phase — just a phase — of what came to be known as the Yugoslav Civil War. Yugoslavian soldiers outside Novi Sad While ethnic divisions and political ambitions were the main reasons of the Civil War, it would not have started without foreign action.

Italy had been carefully observing the developments in Yugoslavia, hoping that its troubles could come to Italian benefit. Despite their organization being declared illegal in Yugoslavia and its leaders briefly detained in Italy, many of their ideas were accepted by other movements in Croatia.

Since the creation of the Croatian Banovina, the Ustascha called for its independence and territorial expansion by the use of force. Although propaganda would describe it as a long march through the country, during which Croats would come to join them, bolstering their ranks with motivated patriots in their march to victory, their way to Zagreb was mostly conducted by train — marches being held in cities and between rural villages with the hope of getting additional recruits appearing slightly later and not being too successful.

His mistake was grave — upon arrival the well trained and armed Ustascha took control of the City, the local police and militia supporting them.

Zagreb under Ustascha occupation The Ustascha proclaimed the independence of the State of Croatia in Zagreb on April 13, calling for the Croats to rise and fight against the Serbs and Yugoslavia. With the rebels in Belgrade surrendering and order restored, the Yugoslav Army went north-west, quickly taking over Dalmatia and closing in on Zagreb itself. Italy was quick to react, having already contributed some manpower and equipment to the Ustascha. The entire Yugoslav Civil War took Berlin by surprise.

Their belief was that a common, central government in Belgrade was preferable, as dealing with only one, somewhat strong state which could be brought into the German Mitteleuropa would be easier.

Kalter Krieg - a TL of a three way cold war

He himself was doubtful if any intervention was prudent. Non-action would come to benefit the Reich in relations with Yugoslavia in the future. A brief moment of ecstasy was present in Moscow after the coup, as the leftists were seen as possible cooperators, which died soon but the scent of opposition to any fascist expansion in the Balkans was still present.

German troops moving to the Yugoslavian border Arguments for taking action were present as well. Primarily, Goring wondered how Italy would come to react to Germany refusing aid, fearing that not supporting it would cost Germany the loss of its only significant ally. This was extremely important as it could easily lead to Germany being isolated again — should Italy turn against it, the West would likely come to its side and possibly extend their influence back into the remaining central European states.

He still did believe that the French would not be very willing to go to another great war over the southern Slavs and that even then they would be more willing to negotiate than fight. Orders to invade Yugoslavia came to the Wehrmacht on the 19th with first soldiers and airplanes crossing the border on the 20th — just when the Yugoslav Army came to the gates of Zagreb, starting to bombard the city with purposely dud shells — just to break the resolve of the defenders , showing the inhabitants the futility of their defense.

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The Italians and Hungarians followed suit, but despite their concentration near their borders with Yugoslavia only made mediocre success, taking Rijeka and northern Vojvodina.. The German Army on the other hand showed outstanding performance, arriving in Zagreb on the very same day and beginning their own offensive against the Yugoslavs.

German Luftwaffe made heavy damage to the Yugoslavian Army and then came to completely dominate the skies over Croatia and Bosnia — but not Serbia.

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Within merely 6 days Sarajevo was taken and it seemed that the German Army could enter Belgrade within a few days. The OKW pleaded that Goring allow them to do so and achieve total victory, but Goring stuck to his plan — and after hearing nothing from the Yugoslavs in terms of stopping the war, he offered peace. Even when the German offer was placed before him, he only agreed to begin talks once all German, Italian and Hungarian troops leave Yugoslavia — something Goring could not do.

Should Germany push forward he would have gone to exile, but the chances of western reaction would increase. What he considered a win-win scenario was however a gamble — as the speed of the German invasion would be much greater than anticipated, and by the time Germany would reach Macedonia, France still would debate what to do. The sheer strength of the German military machine made both the government and the French general staff wonder if they were actually ready for a war with Germany — their faith in their strength being shaken.

Calls for sanctions against the fascist states were made almost universally, as well as even for taking military action — at least against Italy in its African possessions.

Invoking what happened to Manchuria and Abyssinia, the League was called in to prevent Yugoslavia from sharing their fate. The fascist arrived for the absolute opposite reasons. Fascist states thus should primarily conduct their trade with each other. The Soviet Union was ready and would do anything to free the masses from their yoke. His calls for dismantling multi-national states were aimed at the Soviet Union, against which West and Central Europe were to stand together. Following the summit the UK and France would unilaterally declare their full support for Greece and Turkey, and to prove they meant it, rebased part of the French fleet and the Royal Navy, including the Mediterranean Fleets flagship HMS Warspite to bases in Greece — something Greece was greatly excited about.