Kiev e Leopoli: Il testo culturale (Biblioteca di studi slavistici) (Italian Edition)

Their diplomatic representatives assured the basic spiritual service and a burial to wondering merchants of the Republic, the contract with Dominicans carved on the big epitaph situated on the lateral wall of the chapel. Moreover, their chapel with the altarpiece of Martyrdom of their saint protector represented an important identity marker; a place that Ragusans felt as their own, but also comprehensible to the local community. Ragusan community in Genua represents some kind of luid society out of their Patria and their chapel was founded under circumstances that were different from those of immigrants organized in Schiavoni confraternities.

Important patronage of Giustinani Campi, who even rose to prominence of Genovese doge between and , demonstrates the level of diplomatic exchange between two maritime republics. Marija Magdalena sa sv. Dominika u Dubrovniku, edited by V. Hrvatski restauratorski zavod, pp. Cassa di Risparmio di Pisa. Readings on Saints, Princeton: Institut za povijest umjetnosti, pp. Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti i Zavod za povijesne znanosti u Dubrovniku.

Inscription on the epitaph of the foundation of the chapel, , Genua, former Ragusan chapel, today museum of the convent of St Maria di Castello Photo A.

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In fact, if on the one hand it is known that in the Early Modern period the Serenissima identiied itself with a religious and institutional representation allocated to the architectural complex of San Marco, better known as the Palazzo di Venezia; on the other, the localization of the variegated communities of Venetian subjects is less distinguishable, with many artisans and merchants settled in the ideal itinerary that led from Campo dei Fiori, Via del Pellegrino, to Borgo and then directly to San Pietro.

The present contribution is focused on reorganizing the different testimonies over the centuries on the portions of cities inhabited by the citizens of the Serenissima thus tracing a possible map of their settlement, as well as on identifying the institutions and the churches connected to them. Finally, to complete the picture of Slavic- speaking immigrants originating from the eastern coast of the Adriatic, some suggestions are proposed on the possible location of citizens of the Republic of Dubrovnik in Rome.

Esse acquisirono gradualmente una considerevole forza politica nei rapporti 1 Per una sintesi sul fenomeno delle chiese nazionali a Roma si vedano i recenti: Quindi, solo per fare un esempio, a Roma venivano considerati forestieri e genericamente veneziani i seguenti cittadini: Bonaccorso in corso di stampa a e Ciafrei in corso di stampa. Bonaccorso e ; Scarpa ; Nicolai Faustino e Giovita erano prevalentemente di provenienza bresciana ig.

Anche per questo motivo una contenuta presenza veneta era individuabile anche nel rione Borgo7. Ancora bergamaschi erano pure i lavoratori della seta. Per studi e documenti si rimanda a Bertolotti Salvatore per veneziani bisognosi, oltre a una modesta casa adibita ad alloggio dei cardinali titolari. Prima di questo momento i residenti veneziani non avevano mai gestito direttamente uno spazio sacro. Ma la donazione si sarebbe concretizzata a patto di rispettare due vincoli: Progressivamente la basilica fu assurta a luogo deputato alle cerimonie della Serenissima in onore della Repubblica, che vi esercitava il diritto di alto patronato Alla ine del Cinquecento la graduale realizzazione della nuova residenza papale sul Quirinale coincise con la corrispondente perdita di interesse per il palazzo di San Marco.

Come giustamente ha notato Fabiana Ciafrei: E, ancora, la presenza della famiglia Corner nella realizzazione del complesso dei Crociferi di Santa Maria in Trivio Non si possono quindi trarre delle conclusioni deinitive, ma sembra evidente come diverse chiese legate alla cultura religiosa dei domini veneti, si affacciassero verso il iume Tevere.

Faustino e Giovita per i bresciani; ma anche al posizionamento nei pressi delle ripe teverine di San Crisogono patrono di Zara. Manfredi sul palazzo Vidman alle pp. Matitti e la bibliograia ivi contenuta. Forse sono solo sorprendenti congetture, tuttavia andrebbero veriicate. I Dalmati a Roma: Come noto, alcune reliquie dei santi martiri istriani e dalmati furono collocate da Giovanni IV nella cappella consacrata proprio a san Venanzio nel Battistero Lateranense.

Analoghe considerazioni si possono fare anche per San Crisogono ig. I Ragusei a Roma: Per quanto la Roma raccontata da Darsa sia in deinitiva piuttosto reale39, dalle sue descrizioni non si riesce a percepire dettagliatamente le zone residenziali romane occupate dai suoi connazionali. Butters, Pagliara , con bibliograia precedente. Tale osservazione sembra poi suffragata dalle diverse citazioni che Darsa fa delle tante osterie per i forestieri, dei pregi della cucina romana e straniera rispetto a quella ragusea, ma soprattutto di come un oste tentasse di parlare un croato stentato, e per questo motivo forse la localizzazione potrebbe coincidere con Schiavonia I due cugini sono molto vicini a San Pietro, ma il commediografo non fa riferimenti se poi giungessero nel vicino rione Parione42 o se continuassero sino a Schiavonia: E da qui si potrebbe ripartire in altre considerazioni seppur possibili che entrano nel campo della pura illazione se non suffragate da altre, al momento non rintracciabili, documentazioni archivistiche.

Veneta di Storia Patrie. Faustino e Giovita dei Bresciani a Roma. I cardinali veneti a Roma e le loro chiese titolari, in Furlan, Tosini , pp. Arte e committenza tra Venezia e Roma , Cinisello Balsamo: Area del palazzo dei Tribunali a Roma poco prima della demolizione della chiesa dei SS. Faustino e Giovita o S. Anna dei Bresciani per la realizzazione degli argini del Tevere, da D. La donazione del complesso di San Marco alla Serenissima, c. Bassorilievo rappresentante San Biagio, sec. The art-historical phenomenon of Schiavoni — early modern painters, sculptors, and architects who moved from eastern Adriatic towns to Italian artistic centers — has been the subject of extensive and pervasive mythologization during the mid-to late 19th-century processes of Croatian national awakening and corresponding art historical methods1.

In spite of subsequent critical deconstruction, re-evaluation and integration into contemporary art historical narratives and interpretations, some important corrections and demystiications by art historians are still needed to reduce the dominant mythological aura of the phenomenon, deeply rooted in the said public construct. A particularly interesting question related to Schiavoni and their artistic careers is their social integration, deinition of their artistic and personal identities, their education and subsequent networking and patronage.

Since the establishment of proto-national confraternities is contemporary with the emergence of Schiavoni artists, it is interesting to examine the role the confraternities played in the formation of these masters of design and, vice-versa, how these creative individuals participated in the visual deinition of collective proto-national identity. This lexicon, published in , was the irst compendium of Croatian and Slovenian artists that intended to establish a foundation for the construction of national cultural identity within the context of Croatian version of Risorgimento3.

Girolamo, revealed information related to our Schiavone, born in the town of Cres Italian: Cherso around , on a homonymous island in Quarnero bay in the northern part of the eastern Adriatic. He has also remarked on the conspicuous absence of our painter from these archives between years and , which might indicate a sojourn outside of Rome4. He describes it as a wooden panel depicting St Jerome in full height holding the cruciix in his hands, while in the upper part of the composition there was Madonna with Child surrounded by angels.

Although the painting is today lost, we may be able to draw some initial hypotheses on the style and the quality of the painting. I giovani dunque, che in detto luogo con loro molto onore lavorarono, furono Federigo Barrocci da Urbino, giovane di grande aspettazione, Lionardo Cungii e Durante del Nero, ambidue dal Borgo Sansepolcro, i quali condussono le stanze del primo piano. Author deines the iconographical program of Casina decoration: This record appeared in the second edition of Vite , ive years after the execution of these works that were probably reported to Vasari by Federico himself.

Kiev e Leopoli : il 'testo' culturale in SearchWorks articles

He claims that decoration of the ground loor rooms had been entrusted to the promising youngster from Urbino, Federico Barocci with associates Leonardo Cugni and Durante del Nero from Borgo San Sepolcro. Vasari then leads the reader upwards, through the spiral staircase with vault painted by Florentine Santi di Tito, into the piano nobile central room decorated by Federico Zuccari himself This might not refer to the vestibule of Casina but 12 Smith , p.

Author also points out to a still unknown painter mentioned by Bertolotti , p. Lateral ields are divided from the central scene with grotesque bands, representing Heracles and Apollo accompanied by muses. The omnipresent permeation of Christian and pagan iconography is evident in smaller ields within grotesque frieze that runs below the vault. Above the north-western wall, there are hermits; a scene with Jonah and the whale lanked with St John the Baptist and St Jerome in the wilderness, while on the opposite wall there are the Flood, a topographical view, and a lost scene Taddeo, who seems to be the chief organizer of the project, was at the time at Caprarola, commencing the complex project of villa Farnese decoration.

Moreover, she also recognizes his hand in the igure of St Paul This should not be questioned since all the participants of the project, like Federico Barocci, were quite young and still anonymous at the time or, like Santi di Tito, Tuscans in Rome temporarily. In the meantime, Taddeo had been working at Villa Farnese in Caprarola, and, from until his premature death in , on Fasti Farnesiani at Palazzo Farnese.

The decoration of the villa began in , led probably by Girolamo Muziano and Cesare Nebbia. They are in contact with cardinal Alessandro Farnese from at Caprarola and subsequently on the decoration of palazzo Farnese while Federico enters the service of patriarch Giovanni Grimani. On the other hand, Clovio seems to have had no relation to the Illyrian confraternity. Acidini Luchinat , p. Moreover, there are circumstantial links with yet another Schiavone, Andrea Meldola. In Tivoli, Giovanni Gapei is recorded in as an associate of Cesare Nebbia, though the degree and the form of his participation are still vague.

This view is probably relected in D. Catalano overview of villa decoration. Marco nella facciata dell pallazzo gia nove anni ch. Moreover, along with all of the previously mentioned works, these documents delineate an interesting artistic career. Moreover, he did some works in the palace of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese as well as the decoration of some other, unspeciied Roman churches.

The most precise dating can be related to their probable contribution to the decoration of wooden ceiling at Santa Maria in Aracoeli ig. The whole ceiling consists of three longitudinal sections divided into rectangular ields with the central relief of Madonna, coats of arms of Gregory XIII and Pius IV, Roman communal insignia and a number of trophies and arms related to the naval battle. The decoration 33 Lemessi , pp. The third and the fourth book of Cres Communal council with records between and are missing.

However, their regesta have been transcribed by Stefano Petris at the end of the 19th century, and subsequently published by N. Such a course had probably been already indicated at Tivoli, especially when such engagement is compared with his work at Galleria of Casina of Pius IV. Moreover, Cardinal Carlo Borromeo wrote against grotesque decoration in ecclesiastical areas in his Instructiones fabricae et suppellectilis ecclesiasticae Milan, Such a shift may already be recognized in Aracoeli ceiling, where decorative schemes were transformed from free-lowing, organic rhythm of grotesques that quote and emulate patterns of classical antiquity to geometrically organized ields transferred from an early-Christian pattern such as that at Sta Constanza, particularly emphasizing cross-like patterns as crucial elements of the grid Similar patterns have been applied to another decoration for the same commissioner, Pope Gregory XIII, whose chapel is mentioned by Cres document immediately after the Aracoeli ceiling.

It is also interesting to mention that the woodcarver F. Boulangier was commisioned with the organ case for the chapel in Simone , p. However, years of his artistic maturity coincided with the post-Tridentine shifts in trends, forms, and contents, which consequently allowed fewer possibilities to develop his visual imagery. Edizioni della Laguna, pp. Studi e ricerche negli archivi romani, Venezia: Borghese, Torino- New York: Nicolo e Marco Pagliarini. Newton Compton editori, Il sogno della pittura nella decorazione parietale, San Giovanni Lupatoto Verona: Fabrizio Serra Editore, pp.

The essay briely outlines how this national church differed from others that predated it.

Special thanks to Dr. Relying on the combination of their own Marian imagery and oversight by local architects, SS. Sergio e Bacco presents us with a rare scenario of how a small community forged its own identity while carefully navigating a complex world of church hierarchies, institutions, and cross- national politics in Early Modern Rome. The article draws on a careful investigation of the extant primary sources found in the Roman archives and forms part of a larger doctoral dissertation.

Il saggio descrive come questa chiesa nazionale differiva da altri che la precedettero.

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Oltre ad essere la chiesa per i ruteni, essi stessi soggetti al re polacco, il luogo serviva come sede per il procuratore dei basiliani e della Chiesa greco-cattolica rutena presso la Santa Sede. Basandosi sulla combinazione delle proprie immagini mariane e della supervisione degli architetti locali, SS. For the study of early modern art and architecture, national churches in Rome offer us solid evidence of stable expatriate Slavic communities that also include the relatively small community of Slavic Greek-Catholics. Currently, the scholarship of national churches moved well beyond its initial focus on communities that were represented by foreign or native states in the Italian peninsula, toward a study of the nationes that were smaller or less politically and artistically inluential.

Slavic presence in Rome has now been carefully reconsidered yet much remains understudied. The church of Santi Sergio e Bacco ig. Built in the ninth century in the rione Monti ig. Sergio e Bacco had been overseen since by the order of Byzantine-Rite Basilian monks from the regions that are now part of Belarus and Ukraine. Since its foundation, the church has been redecorated and renovated in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, remaining typologically always Roman in appearance igs.

In hopes that the example of SS. Location s The church of SS. Sergio e Bacco ig. Initially, as reported by Bishop Ivan Khoma, the church of S. However, at the time, the monastic owners of the church refused to give it up to the Basilian confreres. Yet only a week later 6 June , a letter from the same cardinal informs that the Archconfraternity of Gonfalone, the owner of SS. Quaranta, has refused to give up the church, and, instead, another church — San Giorgio in Velabro — is being offered to the Ruthenian use2.

Cardinal Barberini mentions that the church has the relics of Saint George, and he would personally order the necessary renovations and improvements e. It is unclear why the S. Giorgio offer did not materialize for the Ruthenians, though Cardinal Barberini did indeed inance the remodeling of that structure4, just as he would a few years later pay for the remodeling of SS.

By the name of the church of SS. By , the church is oficially theirs, passing to Basilians from the hands of the Minims of St Francis of Paula that nevertheless retain a large presence in the area of Suburra. The seemingly haphazard placement of the churches ig. When it comes to speciic locations of all the churches offered — S. Lorenzo in Monti, SS. Quaranta in Trastevere, S. Giorgio in Velabrum in Ripa, and inally SS. Sergio e Bacco again in Monti — all share placements in areas where there were considerable groups of immigrants, speciically those attached to Byzantine liturgical tradition.

Giorgio was known as the Greek quarter of Rome. The fact that there were already established Slavic communities in Ripetta S. I suggest instead to seek the answer not only in the neighborhoods but in a larger devotional similarity that all the churches in the offers shared, namely, the dedications to speciic saints and the antiquity of the place and its cult. Giorgio, is important, again, precisely because the offer of the church went along with the content relics upon which the dedication was based.

Although much has been written about the mobility of relics, and their importance in constructing the space, we cannot discount the fact of the immobility of cultus as anchored in a particular location, long established and grounded in the irst centuries of Christianity in the city. Barberini was conscious of that, I suspect. Each choice offered exactly that — an ancient Early Christian site5 with relics of Early Christian martyrs — something that no Eastern Orthodox could possibly refuse. Space Throughout their history in the modern period the church and the hospice of SS.

Sergio e Bacco experienced several instances when objects in either of In case of SS.

Quaranta, the church was medieval, instead of Early Christian, founded in 5 The two earliest inventories were taken on the occasions of visitations, while the others seem to have been done possibly due to some institutional changes that prompted careful listing of all the belongings. Below is the list of all known instances: A visitation conducted by Fr. Ignazio Kulczynski, also includes inventory of the items left at the death of the Bishop of Aleppo, the Armenian Suchias Khaxavat.

Inventory of the items in the hospice The information contained in the inventories is of paramount importance to the history of the material culture of the parish, the day-to-day functioning of the church and its hospice, and the intellectual background of the resident clergy to name just a few areas of interest. Moreover, the inventories prove that the extent of the liturgical life at SS.

Based on the quantity of the Latin liturgical items in the church and its sacristy — objects that were also increasing in quantity over the centuries — one can conclude that the Latinization of the Ruthenian national church was a process that happened rather early on likely in the mids, i. Sergio e Bacco , and a phenomenon that was only growing in complexity over the years. What immediately stands out about this church of the Byzantine Rite is that its interior space ig. The report, that the icon of Madonna del Pascolo already in the s was placed above the high altar for the veneration of the faithful, suggests that if an iconostasis was indeed in place, it did not obscure the icon up above in the apse — hardly a Byzantine approach in icon placement.

In fact, one glaring absence in the inventories is any mention of that elusive iconostasis. The inventories of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries last one being conducted in 6 Archivio Storico della Sacra Congregazione della Propaganda Fide henceforth APF , Fondo di Vienna, vol. Sergio e Bacco, vol. In his book on SS. I would argue that this church for centuries functioned without any iconostasis.

Although currently and in line with the Byzantine liturgical prescription , a large marble altar cm sq. This exterior and, arguably, the interior ubiquity of the architecture suggests something about early modern Rome that I think has not been explored in depth. The idea that Rome at the time was rapidly refashioning itself as a center of global Catholicism is not new. Yet, the ensuing liturgical diversity did not end up in the kind of nineteenth-century eclecticism of the architectural forms, but, rather, and paradoxically, in the stylistic uniformity of the diverse liturgical spaces.

That phenomenon did not reserve itself to the conines of the city of Rome, but it spread itself across non-Latin communities in a union or only in direct contact with Rome. Marian devotion, centered on miraculous images with undeniably ancient pedigree, played a major role in this phenomenon. Images In , during a remodeling of the building of SS. Sergio e Bacco, an image of the Virgin Mary ig. Upon its discovery, it was immediately recognized as a copy of the miraculous Madonna of Zyrowice, and the locals started to call the image Madonna del Pascolo referencing the original site of the discovery of the original image.

Several sources note that the discovered was a fresco and note an inscription 14 Khoma , Illustrations. The current iconostasis reuses the royal and diaconial gates from an earlier iconostasis by Cesare Caroselli of In , it was restored by the Roman painter Lorenzo Gramiccia17, and transferred inside the church proper. On 13 September , it was installed on the main altar of the church and the same year a copy of that image was sent back to the monastery in Zyrowice as a gift. In fact, I would consider the very existence of the Roman Madonna del Pascolo as a byproduct of an already well-organized campaign of Marian imagery on the part of the Basilian printing houses Rome, in that sense, is a source of generating a typology of images for the consumption in Eastern Europe, but also to some extent a consumer of imagery produced in Lithuania, Belarus, and Ukraine The question remains as to why this image, discovered at SS.

Sergio e Bacco, was assumed to be a copy of the one in Zyrowice? The answer lies in the close connection between the Roman church and the Basilian order. There was already a nearly eighty-year-long connection of the building of SS. The fresco had an oval border, reminiscent of the oval shape of the original jasper image, a compositional device common to almost all the 16 The original inscription reads: The oval border also has an inscription, the second line from Axion Estin — a Greek theotokion — in Church Slavonic in Cyrillic alphabet: With the icon cover removed, one can see in the upper half the remnants of the painted trees in the background of the surviving restored Madonna del Pascolo ig.

The top portion of the original background suggests that the fresco initially showed the oval image held by angels as appearing among the tree branches to the children — a reference to the original discovery of the jasper image. It is thus clear that the iconography of Madonna del Pascolo in Rome was rooted in the Madonna of Zyrowice in both its form and narrative content.

Seventy-eight years passed between the time that Basilians came to the possession of SS. Sergio e Bacco, and the inding of the fresco We ind the support to that in the contemporary documents: Sergio e Bacco, which was under the jurisdiction of Basilian monks. The irst visitation was conducted on 19 August by Fr. The report mentioned the existence of three altars dedicated to St Nicolas the largest , the Virgin Mary, and to the Blessed Josaphat Kuncewicz respectively It also mentioned an image of the Virgin Mary, painted on canvas, and hanging not far from the doors, although it is not clear which ones This is as much as was said about an image of Mary present in the church at the time.

Thou the more honorable than the cherubim, and beyond compare more glorious than the seraphim, who without corruption gavest birth to God the Word, thou the true Theotokos, we magnify thee]. Spada oversaw virtually all of the papal construction projects. The most interesting detail of the report is that it describes an image of the Virgin Mary placed on the second altar.

Moreover, the report goes on to say that this very image of Our Lady previously belonged to Patriarch Ignatius of Moscow This irst recorded26 miraculous image of the Madonna in SS. Sergio e Bacco was thus brought to Rome by Bishop Korsak in This image is no longer mentioned in the early s when the emphasis shifts to the newly uncovered fresco What happened to the Ignatius-Korsak icon? Arguably, the very discovery of the fresco of Madonna del Pascolo in that church suggests that the earlier image belonging to Patriarch Ignatius and Bishop Korsak was, for yet unknown reason, no longer present in SS.

Liberated from his imprisonment by an invading Polish army, and despite being reinstated, he chose to retire to Vilnius, to the Monastery of Holy Trinity in In , as archbishop, Ignatius had an opportunity to visit the monastery as a member of the mission sent by Jeremias II Tranos, Patriarch of Constantinople, to Russia. Vilnius was a usual stop on the route to Moscow undertaken by the Greek Orthodox clerics, and it is possible that Ignatius had already once stayed at the monastery. Kuncewicz was one of the major leaders of the Union, a Basilian monk at the Holy Trinity and since — the irst hegumen of the Monastery of the Dormition in Zyrowice that held the miraculous image of the Virgin Mary.

The discovery did just that: Sergio e Bacco to function as a mirror sanctuary to that in Zyrowice. Based on the archival evidence, we see two concurrent developments within the liturgical environment of the church: It appears that on the ground, in practice, Latinization has been advanced by the very clergy and the environment in which the said clergy found itself. However, that would not be the whole picture of the rather complex liturgical situation at SS. All of the Eastern European actors, involved in the establishment of the national church of the Ruthenians, had been alumni of one of the pontiical colleges in Rome, either Collegio Greco or Collegio Romano, and educated by Jesuits.

Furthermore, as such, during the course of their studies, they were classmates with other Slavs, Armenians, Greeks, and Albanians who would eventually collaborate with them later in their ecclesiastical careers. All three early leaders of the Greek Orthodox union with Rome, who succeeded each other as Metropolitans of Kyiv and Halycz — bishops Ipatii Potii29, Rutsky and Korsak — grew up as Calvinists but converted to Orthodoxy as adults.

Later, upon encountering Jesuit theology, they sought ways of uniting with the Holy See. All three had intimate connections to Rome. For example, the books of the Pontiical Greek College of St Athanasius in Rome30 show that the earliest Byzantine-Rite students from Eastern Europe were the older son of Kosma Mamonicz Leon , a student in , Petro Potii, a son of Metropolitan Ipatii Potii, and a student in — the same year his father traveled to Rome to obtain the guarantees from the Pope of the Byzantine rite privileges ahead of the union.

From until , Josyf Rutsky was a student at that College, and the man who would succeed him in the leadership of the Greek Catholic Church, Metropolitan Korsak, was a student at the Pontiical Greek College in While in the capital, Korsak also served as a postulator for the cause of beatiication of the newly-martyred Josaphat Kuncewicz, the former hegumen in Zyrowice Yet in two years he again returned to Rome, in and stayed at in SS.

Sergio e Bacco until his death the following year While the extent of the involvement of the Croats of Propaganda Fide in missions to the East has been well known, we can now see that their Ruthenian companions were very much part of that effort. Aside from Armenians, Maronites play a substantial role in the period. Documents in the archives of the Propaganda Fide suggest their bigger presence at SS. Sergio e Bacco, alongside the Ruthenians. At one point, in April , a Maronite priest stayed at the Ospizio and celebrated masses according to what I would assume to be the Western Syriac Rite — the normative rite for the Maronite Church.

His masses were recorded in Syriac handwriting along with the other daily masses celebrated by the resident clergy Although this nineteenth-century reference is rather beyond the chronological conines of of the Holy Trinity in Vilnius in , and the next year, the Proto-Archimandrite of the whole Basilian Order and the Bishop of Halycz, as the coadjutor to Metropolitan Rutsky of Kyiv. Sergio e Bacco as well. Titular bishop of Aleppo. Lector at the Collegio di Propaganda Fide, in the Armenian language See recently published work of Tatarenko In fact, the Maronites were neighbors of Ruthenians in Monti neighborhood for quite some time.

Marcellino e Pietro, not far from S. Francesco di Paola of the Minims, and the church of S. In this second location, Maronites would have been a short walk from SS. Sergio e Bacco, and the close contacts evident from the archival sources make even more sense. While the circulation of images, so similar and connected to the circulation of men, between the periphery and Rome was of great importance as it was one of the primary areas in which Ruthenians found themselves with more agency, the reconstruction of the actual church in Rome presents a very different picture of the Ruthenian role in it.

In comparison, the architectural redevelopment of the actual SS. Sergio e Bacco in Sei and Settecento had been thoroughly directed by the Propaganda Fide and overwhelmingly the work of the Roman architects, either those of the neighborhood: Moraldi and Barigioni, or those previously involved in the commissions for the Polish nation in Rome, like Barigioni and Ferrari, or those connected to the Congregation of Propaganda Fide, like Fr. Valerio Poggi, the Theatine prieSt This brings us to the last consideration: Giovanni della Ficoccia, near Fontana di 37 Trevi, in February 27 , and over the years the street became known as Via dei Maroniti.

Sergio e Bacco in the periods of Seicento and Settecento. Recent scholarship, especially the work of Bruno Contardi and Giovanna Curcio, was able to carefully list all the architetti sottomaestri delle strade and the chronology of their activity in the rioni as well their private commissions individuals, families, and the religious institutions and organizations in the period of Questions still remain as to the precise involvement of the same type of architects in the irst half of Seicento and earlier century. In case of SS.

The inding itself was prompted by the works being done on the walls. It may mean that the work that the Basilians petitioned Propaganda Fide to approve was being done or continued to be done in the year It is not clear who was responsible for the work that would have been done during the period It was clearly not Barigioni. One possible candidate would be Giacomo Moraldi who in the years was the architetto sottomaestro of Monti. In , he was succeeded by Minelli who continued until , when L.

However, for some time in Monti was overseen by Bizzaccheri, who, the same year, was replaced by Barigioni. Specchi was responsible for the area and L. Gregorini along with De Marchis In the next years, a number of architects were responsible for the rione: Although there is a possibility that an outside architect would have also been commissioned, the whole history of SS. Sergio e Bacco makes that less likely.

The choice of Ferrari may have been inluenced by his earlier work with the Polish circles of the city. In , he was commissioned to resume the progress on the work that was planned on the national church of the Polish nation, San Stanislao on Via delle Botteghe Oscure, initially according to the design of actually a Polish architect, albeit trained in Rome, Benedykt Renard in Stanislao, now redesigned by Ferrari, has been completed by Sergio e Bacco was much humbler and deinitely less visually impressive.

Stanislao on via delle Botteghe Oscure. The buildings that lanked SS. Sergio e Bacco, in their Seicento and Settecento appearance are stylistically and visually unrelated to the church they sandwich. Ospizio dei Ruteni is not a part of the ensemble with its church, like 44 Ivi, p. In the same manner, Ruthenian church possesses none of the theatricality of successive entrances and spaces that precede its original medieval structure — the medieval structure itself is gone, replaced by the Cinquecento rebuilding ad fundamentis. Prior to changes in the eighteenth century, SS.

A small belfry on the Ospizio side of the complex was the only structure that interrupted the continuity of the roof over the two buildings. There appears to have been also a cartouche on the cornice under the roof. The existence of a garden to the right southeast of the church suggests that the whole right side of SS. Currently, it remains impossible to conirm the existence of any openings on that side as it is completely hidden by the adjoining building of Casa S.

According to the etching of Vasi from the s, the new, technically third, story contained a large oval cartouche of the Basilian Order, lanked by two vertical rectangular windows. It appears that a century later, by s, those windows were closed at the bottom halves by the metalwork rails as could be seen in the rather detailed watercolor by Achille Pinelli.

This assessment is not meant to devalue the work or the church itself, but rather give us a better understanding of the site and renovation project s associated with it within the larger context of architectural and artistic activity in the late Baroque Rome. Marco in Piazza Venezia — the altar project for the Ruthenian church appears as a small and uncomplicated side project in comparison to just those two.

The example of SS. Sergio e Bacco allows us to reassess assumed relationships between the two, and in turn, re-evaluate the actual importance of the Orthodox and Eastern-Rite Catholics in constructing the new global Catholicism. In this case, directed toward Rome, Ruthenian self- representation was based on two constants that differentiated them from every other Slav in the city: It is not surprising then that ruteni uniti were so involved in the missionary work, publishing, and education that literally changed the confessional landscape in Eastern Europe, but even more so, its visual culture.

Arguably, that very success depended on a complex combination of the vernacular visual culture as fully integrated into the aesthetic and architectural vocabulary that ultimately originated from Rome. Per Generoso Salomone, Presso S. Pennsylvania State University Press. Extractum E Bohoslovia T. Tomo I, In Roma: Editiones Universitatis catholicae Ucrainorum. Sergio e Bacco in Rome, Photo: Sergio e Bacco behind the fountain by Giacomo della Porta Fig. Sergio e Bacco, opposite the fountain. Engraving from Vedute di Roma, c. Interior of the church of SS. Sergio e Bacco, Photo: Altar area of the church of SS.

Piero di Giorgio da Sebenico. Schiavoni and Albanian Confraternities in Marche Region: Frequently, they both exist in the same town and sometimes, like in Fermo and in Ascoli Piceno, confraternities even have altars in the same church: Nevertheless, the Schiavoni brotherhoods seem to be more widespread in the coastal towns, while the Albanians are also frequent in the hinterland, like in San Severino Marche and Fabriano.

The concentration of confraternities was very high in the area of Ancona: For Ascoli Fabiani , vol. The biggest difference concerns the cult these two communities choose to promote. The Albanians used an identitary national cult, the one of St Venus, to whom all their confraternities in Marche region are dedicated, with no exceptions4. The most frequent is St Jerome, the patron saint of the Schiavoni, to whom the confraternities of Pesaro located in the cathedral , Loreto St Jerome and Holy Mary and Jesi in the church of Saint Domenico , were dedicated.

There are also other patron saints that are not linked to traditional saints of the Schiavoni population, like St Peter Martyr, to whom the most numerous brotherhood of Recanati was entitled, located in the church of San Domenico; St Germano, to whom the confraternity of Camerano was devoted, St Mary of the Mercy and St Sebastian, to whom the brotherhood of Macerata was devoted. I can also point out that the confraternities of the Albanians tend to keep their distinctive national features for a very long period, while the historical data indicates a change in the character of the Schiavoni confraternities in the mid- sixteenth century.

There seems to be a tendency to replace the ethnic element present in the title of the Schiavoni confraternities, which becomes overlapped or completely replaced by a new devotion, typical of the post-Tridentine period. Two cases corroborate this hypothesis: The existence of an altar devoted to St. For the Albanians cfr. In this case, the change is brought about by the Protector of the Sanctuary of Loreto, Cardinal Gaspare Contarini 6.

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In Jesi, the Confraternity of St Jerome of the Schiavoni has been documented since , but the sixteenth-century visitations fail to mention it. Gianni Barchi, who has recently carried out a research about the brotherhoods of the Albanians and Schiavoni in Jesi, draws a hypothesis that the Confraternity of St Jerome could have been dissolved or, more probably, merged into some other post- Tridentine confraternity7.

A strong identity of the Schiavoni confraternities, also acknowledged by the images of the national saints, seems to have endured until the early sixteenth century; their subsequent disappearance could be interpreted as a sign of a stronger integration of the Schiavoni immigrants into the receiving communities. For this reason, there are also very few testimonies of the art produced for these confraternities in Marche region. One of such works is the well-known polyptych painted by Pietro Alemanno, signed and dated , for the Schiavoni brotherhood of Ascoli ig.

There is also a chapel with quite ruined frescoes in the church of Santa Maria di Castelnuovo in Recanati ca. The frescoes depict St George killing the dragon in the middle, on the left an illegible igure and on the right St Jerome, all inside a classical frame decorated with grotesque designs. In the upper part, there is a very fragmentary preserved enthroned Madonna between two angels, with members of the brotherhood at her feet.

This fresco was so-far unpublished and no related archival documents have been traced. The igurative culture of its author reveals an Umbro-Marchigian environment, with clear inluences from Perugino and Pinturicchio9. There is also the altarpiece by a Greek painter dated to the early sixteenth century in the Museum — Ancient treasure of the Holy House of Loreto, probably from the Schiavoni chapel in the basilica Finally, when discussing Schiavoni patronage, it is important to notice that the Gozze altarpiece by Titian in Ancona11 is a result of the initiative by a single wealthy member of a community of the merchants from Ragusa, and that cannot be assimilated to a collective context or to a confraternity Di Provvido , pp.

Nevertheless, the art world in the region between the ifteenth and the sixteenth centuries was strongly characterized by the presence of the Schiavoni masters who had moved from the Eastern to the Western side of the Adriatic sea, many of them permanently, signiicantly contributing to the image of many local towns. Piero di Giorgio da Sebenico in Fermo, An interesting case of inquiry is based on a document of great importance both for the history of art in Marche region and for the exchanges between the two coasts.

It was signed in Palazzo dei Priori by master Antonio di Eustachio da Fermo, the responsible one for the church at the time, and Piero di Giorgio da Sebenico, on July the 16th, This kind of documents is rare given its date and the richness of details about the commission. The irst part of the document concerns the supply of materials for the commissioned work. Master Antonio would be responsible for the task of bringing the stones from the seaside to the church.

Moreover, master Piero committed himself to execute the rose window with twelve small columns, with carving and features shown on a paper drawing, which was left in the hands of the church oficials. Above the portal, Giorgio would have carved a Madonna with the mantle and two angels on her sides as set by Battista di Giacomo di Ser Antonio and Master Cristoforo di Ser Mainardo from Venice, who both lived in Fermo. The sculptures and the assembly of the statues would have been entirely carried out by Giorgio, except for the necessary scaffolding, which was the responsibility of both the church and the hospital.

The fee of the Dalmatian master is Venetian golden ducats, to be paid in three installments: The common clause in this kind of contracts is also interesting, with the cities where master Piero was declared available to be summoned for possible legal disputes: See the documentary appendix below. Monterubbiano, a town near Fermo, still preserves a polyptych by a Venetian master, Giacomo di Lorenzo, who was active in about Ascoli, as mentioned before, was economically wealthy, which welcomed both works of art and artists coming by sea.

Ascoli also had a Schiavoni community with their own confraternity dedicated to St Blaise. Recanati was the seat of the biggest trade fair in the Adriatic, while Macerata had the general Curia of the Marca of Ancona. As stated in the document, the listing of the towns of Venice, Naples, and Tuscia seems to draw a path of an Italian circumnavigation, probably linked to the trade of Istrian stone.

We know that Giorgio di Matteo da Sebenico, in addition to the transport and trade of the Istrian stone, also marketed other goods and sold a load of cheese in Palermo We can make many observations here: Piero di Giorgio is an artist-entrepreneur who cared about the transport of stones; a characteristic that associates him to his great contemporary and compatriot, Giorgio di Matteo da Sebenico, who in those years worked in Ancona in prestigious artistic sites.

The commission is agreed upon by making use of a drawing and it is under the supervision of two Venetians: However, it is important that the supervision was entrusted to two Venetians: At the beginning of the sixteenth century, artistic relations between Fermo and the Dalmatian coast were particularly intense, thanks to the presence of Luca Turriani da Fermo, Augustinian friar and archbishop of Zadar Zara from to , a great art patron. Turriani probably calls the architect Nuzio Ucinelli from Fermo to work in Zadar; the latter from to is the head of a workshop made up of Italian and Dalmatian artists and even attended by Christoforo from Wien.

Ucinelli in undertakes the task of completing the chapel of San Simeone Giusto in the church of Santa Maria Maggiore in Zadar and he is at the same time the leading hand, the main master of the cathedral of Fermo where, according to Fabio Mariano, he is the author of the leaf decoration frames of the two side portals of the church For the painting see F. A hypothesis for Piero di Giorgio: However, adjoining to the church still stands one of the greatest examples of the 15th-century sculpture, the portal of the Mount of Piety, portraying Our Lady of Mercy ig.

It is clearly the result of the re-assembling of pre- existing pieces: Alessandro Marchi, studying the portal in , noticed the inconsistency of the supporting pillars where Istrian stone blocks are irregularly alternated with local sandstone elements. The scholar has rightly thought of a rather late restoration, which took place between the nineteenth and the twentieth-century, reassembling pieces of different origins.

In my opinion, even the solution of the Gothic two-lights windows may not be congruent with the rest of the work On the door frame, there is a time-worn writing that says: A lancet arch with leaf decoration typical of the international Gothic, topped by the igure of God Father blessing, surrounds the opening ig. On the top of the portal, there is a lunette with the image of Our Lady of Mercy ig.

On the left, there are men and on the right women: The bottom of the relief with the Virgin of Mercy is decorated with a curtain. Grigioni, therefore, attributed the church portal to this Schiavone master, followed by most of the later scholars, who then dated the portal in about In , Alessandro Marchi challenged this thesis, observing how the stylistic features of sculpture, such as the almost three hundred-years-old igure of Our Lady, the dresses of the kneeling igures and the stylistic features of the foliage indicate a date before In my opinion, the Virgin of Mercy may be the sculpture which was originally on the main door of the church, later reused in the portal of the Mount of Piety.

In the contract, the iconography described the Madonna with the mantle is, in fact, that of the Virgin of Mercy. It is true that in the document there were two angels holding the cloak, while in the sculpture they are not present, however, it is possible to attribute this difference to a change during the execution.

Unfortunately, we do not know the patron saint of the latter nor the date of its foundation. It is unlikely that this was the Schiavoni brotherhood, but the coincidence of the Schiavoni artists working in the churches which were the reference for the immigrant community coming from the east side of the Adriatic sea is important and it probably not completely casual.

Dipinti, arazzi, sculture, edited by F. Un pittore austriaco nella Marca, edited by S.

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Maestro Giacomo di Giorgio Schiavone, scultore del sec. Seconda edizione riveduta ed ampliata, Fermo: Andrea Livi editore Per un catalogo della scultura a Fermo tra Medioevo e Rinascimento, in Papetti , pp. Centro di studi storici maceratesi, pp. Centro di studi storici maceratesi , pp. Il periodo del Rinascimento, Roma: Arti graiche Evaristo Armani.

La pala Gozzi di Ancona. Il restauro e il nuovo allestimento espositivo , catalogo della mostra Ancona, Pinacoteca civica, 23 aprile — 30 ottobre , Casalecchio sul Reno: Cassa rurale ed artigiana S. Stabilimento tipograico Bacher, ed. Travellers and residents, Nardini Editore, Florence , pp.

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Storia di uno stato segreto, edited by Luca Bernardini, Milano, Adelphi , pp. Polonia, Italia e culture slave: Zaboklicki, Warszawa , pp. Frontiere e fortificazioni di frontiera. Faryno, SOW, Warszawa , pp. Tra le lingue tra i linguaggi. Characters of Scientists in Snaislaw Lem's Works , in: Maestri della polonistica italiana. Copyright Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, edizione fuori commercio , pp. Mario Domenichelli , in: Un dialogo poetico dell'Europa barocca, Il Calamo, Roma translated: