Fear: Critical Geopolitics and Everyday Life (Re-materialising Cultural Geography)

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To learn more about Copies Direct watch this short online video. Both popular and the most to fear see Alexander, ; Brown, ; Hopkins, — perhaps inadvertently — academic commentators are promoting b. Questions of socio-economic inequality and marginalisa- particular representations and rhetoric around them. As the world tion are central to understanding all of these forms of fear Pain, continues to globalise, these commentators suggest, so do risk and Equally, there has been ; Gregory and Pred, ; Hartmann et al.

Our view is that by engaging in research with some of those support, and is critically appraised here. Young people as a whole are increasingly the focus some of the assumptions which continue to persist in broader lit- of the fears, rather than the hopes, of western societies Brown, eratures and public discourses. In so doing we might begin to redi- ; Muncie, ; Valentine, , variously labelled as dan- rect the sentiment through which these conversations are often gerous, deviant, under-achieving, obese, vulnerable and over- couched to include hope as well as fear.

It will also muddy further protected. Davis, ; Graham, ; Harvey et al. The roots of the notion that time, and critically appraises them using participatory research western populations have since become fearful of terrorism are, with young people in contrasting settings in New Zealand and in fact, hard to discern outside of these public statements see Pain, the United Kingdom. It arises from two gaps in the literature: In the following ties, both are problematic in assuming whether and how people section, we outline the context to these gaps, and review the rele- experience and deal with fear.

For Bauman , fears have re- vant literatures that do exist. Our intention in critiquing them is to cently escalated so that we now live with constant, ubiquitous fear contribute to the development of theoretical work on young peo- that is diffuse and imprecise: We then introduce our uncertainty: Longstanding detailed eth- some examples from our research.

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The everyday geopolitics of emotion Furedi acknowledges that he does not reference empiri- cal work either in making assertions about fear of terrorism in the Despite the fact that interest in both emotional geographies and west. Neither does he explicitly recognise the inequalities between the everyday dimensions of geopolitics has grown rapidly in recent social groups living in the west in their relation to fear, which evi- years, to date few studies have considered these areas together. Others are more sions, than mapping out the political geographies of emotion.

It is critical of the risk society thesis as it actually plays out in everyday also conspicuous that there has been relatively little geographical life Mythen and Walklate, , and suggest that geopolitical research on everyday experience of emotion in relation to the sorts fears in the west have strong continuity with historical processes of global phenomena summarised at the start of our paper.

As we go onto argue, global-everyday emo- within see Dunn et al. Very recently, some geographers ; Poynting et al. However, such work has tended to be speculative or re- of fear literature. Few studies have paused to critically reflect on stricted to conceptual analysis, rather than examining in depth how geopolitical events and discourses affect feelings Pain and with people their grounded experience of emotions see for excep- Smith, , or how risk is cast and recast within everyday life tions Peter Hopkins a,b and Mei-Po Kwan Mythen and Walklate, Our critique Pain, , ; see also Bleiker and Hutchison, As Ling surrounds the ways that fear tends to be referenced by experts, has argued, the narratives still present in globalisation re- rather than those who are supposed to be feeling fearful see Pain, search construct subjects in hierarchical and disempowering ways Throughout this section, we draw on a series of critiques that echo colonial relations.

In these accounts of fear, the popula- from feminist scholars in support of our argument. As Crawford tions who it is assumed are fearful are given no agency, no voice, identified in a landmark paper on the absence of emotions in stud- and no credit for interpreting it or doing anything about it. This taken-for-granted status, especially of fear, everyday voices more firmly. Graham, ; Katz, Hyndman elegantly and fear. Similarly, international migra- this a timely focus. An established literature has identified the tion has become securitized in the west, as dominant political and changing nature of youth in relation to global processes and poli- spatial imaginaries have successfully connected it with crime and tics e.

Echoing feminist calls body of work, too, the voices of the fearful have relatively little in- for a more grounded and embodied geopolitics, much of this work put.

Here, a well-established role. Our own work aims to extend this and processes. While emotions inform, justify and fig- can be viewed as different sides of the same coin: Importantly, outside zones of armed conflict, in the west — the locations where, hope, as well as fear, has the potential to galvanize action and drive in the wider critical geopolitics literature, it is assumed that fear positive social change see Cahill, ; Wright, In different does its uncomplicated geopolitical work.

Through placing fears of geopolitical phenomena among all within critical geopolitics. Relatively little is known about their other everyday hopes and concerns, we seek to evaluate recent views, feelings and political senses in relation to geopolitical assertions about the impacts of terrorism. Including the particular experi- profoundly alter generalised statements about fear. After discussing our methodology, we ana- plex influences on their everyday lives Hopkins, ; MacDonald, lyse some of the findings in light of the following issues.

We investigate whether informs us, young people have assumed centre stage in recent globally produced phenomena such as the war on terror can be years, in national events, media and politics and in academic re- assumed to be significant in shaping their current day fears: We consider what impacts social difference has on fear: Politicians and social commentators populations treat populations as homogenous Pain, , we have also drawn attention to the increased pressures being placed point to some differences between young people from varying so- on young people through the demands of educational achievement cial class and ethnic backgrounds.

We reflect on how our research and a competitive employment market McDowell, ; MacDon- helps to inform understandings of the relationship between geo- ald, There has been little dialogue in the literature between politics and everyday emotional geographies, and especially the these kinds of locally based, everyday fears and more distant fears ways that this process is embodied and grounded in particular relating to geopolitical events and relations Megoran, ; Pain places.

Methodology cal and policy solutions to multifaceted lived experiences of risk.

A wide ranging literature, often deploying intensive, qualitative ap- 2. Approach proaches to identify fears and risks that are hidden from view, has suggested that those feeling the sharpest effects of various Our approach acknowledges wider critical geographies espe- forms of harm and fear are those already socially, economically cially of youth, gender, race and indigenity that highlight the adul- and politically marginalised see Pain, ; Panelli et al.

Here, the black and minority ethnic population et al. Since national government dis- Winchester and Costello, They are a heterogeneous and persal policies from , a relatively small number of asylum seek- articulate social group who have experiences and perspectives that ers have arrived in the city. Local youth workers report that locally can both challenge and enliven academic scholarship and ethical born white people sometimes conflate the labels Asian, Muslim, ref- practice Alderson, ; Nairn et al.

There is also a and experiences. In reality, asylum seekers Smith, The London bombings of , as well as attempted 2. Moreover, ical power or potential terrorist attacks.

We are dealing here with while north east England may appear to be close to the geopolitical complex issues, and our interest lies in two sets of ideas that have centre and terrorist events in comparison to New Zealand, for helped frame our case selection and field methods.

First is the con- many of those who live here it is still, in socio-cultural terms, quite text of place: This leads us, secondly, onto an examination of young 2. We there- ports of racial tensions are more common. These rural services and tourism. Many young people migrate to the South considerations shaped our data collection, noted in the following Island cities of Christchurch, Dunedin and Invercargill for tertiary section. This is in recognition of the cal events is sparse in local and national media Panelli et al.

Again usually for work. However, we use these and former refugees are resettled. Newcastle-upon-Tyne debates have also focused on the place of Muslim communities In Newcastle-upon-Tyne, urban young people in economically within New Zealand Jasperse, Statistics New Zealand have been kept confidential to protect the identities of participants. Methods Specifically, participatory diagramming and ranking methods were used within discussion groups to allow young people to Each case study has been informed by a participatory approach brainstorm their hopes and fears, and to rank these in order of guided as far as possible by young people themselves.

The generic importance see Figs. As visual and emergent methods, elements of this are summarised in Box 1. In both locations, a qual- participatory diagramming and ranking are more inclusive than itative methodology involving discussion groups using participa- group discussion alone, and working with participants through a tory diagramming was conducted with young men and women series of exercises allows the critical analysis of data to take place aged 14—21 years old. The emerging issues were not, of course, be wholly replicated in each location owing to the dy- then discussed, and the discussions tape-recorded.

Later some vi- namic and context-specific aspects of group interaction. However, in sual prompts were used, including images of the London each place we started with the same methods with only slight adap- and Bali bombings as well as local concerns alcohol abuse, tations for the local context and young people involved, then enabled drugs and youth arrests. At this stage young people were encour- them to become owned and adapted by participants to reflect the aged to explore critically how their feelings and concerns about realities of their own lived experiences and emotions.

Such an orien- these issues fitted with those they had already raised themselves. We then collated findings from the est insights and knowledge into their own lives and the conditions different groups using thematic analysis for the ranking of hopes informing their marginality.

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The Newcastle case study developed and fears, and completed the overall analysis. Moments of fear and hope: Our overall to participate in the activities and are acknowledged argument is that they are not separable. In this section, we draw on qualitative data from the dia- data; scope of topics was checked for local sensitivities gramming exercises and from ensuing group discussions. It is clear from the research that emotions are strongly individual and group data in as equitable way as possible; present across the sites in which young people live out their lives; wherever possible additional participatory action research a routine part of the fabric of their experiences which are visible to project work has been developed with young people.

In certain times and places, emotional issues become more Data analysis and reporting: All data were initially studied intense and require careful navigation. From their discussions by the key researcher in each location in discussion with and analyses, young people demonstrated critical awareness of young people regarding possible future actions and report- this, as we go onto discuss from the two case study areas.

The analysis also informed the pressed the vast majority of their hopes and fears in personalised development of other projects where possible. The overwhelming conclusion for these young people was that they navigate an emotional terrain that is strongly shaped by the social, educational and material cir- cumstances of their everyday lives. They were drawn from youth groups and support centres in West and East ends of the city.

Otago participants had include a preoccupation with other everyday and mundane issues Pakeha and Maori backgrounds and were drawn from a local secondary school. Group 1 involved 16 males and females 15—16 years working in five sub-groups A—E , and 5 Group 2 involved 13 males and females 14—15 years working in four sub-groups A— We returned to some groups to share data from other young people, providing a D. This latter group was drawn from the Maori language classes, although this did chance for young people to revisit and analyse emergent themes and to plan follow- not mean students were necessarily of Maori ethnicity.

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The most blamed for crime and anti-social behaviour in the UK see Nayak Achievements included economic gains employment, good income, housing , for example: Hopes for achievement Table 2 also included social or personal life descriptors happiness and Summary of hopes. Importantly, these longer-term or over- gaining a licence all aspirations could be differentiated from the moderately impor- gaining a house single entries: Among the Newcastle groups, too, in the UK success in sport hopes were focused on personal advancement and happiness — a better future gain specific hopes surrounding higher education and getting a job were impor- having material possessions occupational identity tant, though less often mentioned than in Otago.

In some instances travel young people indicated that this was because aspirations were af- Less Having money Good presents or importance specific items e. Overall, then, in the two study sites discussed in this paper, fears and hopes about issues close to home were more evident and more often articulated than concerns which were primarily in their lives. The temporal dimension of this case study may also viewed as being distant in origin.

These findings suggest that inter personal on an everyday basis see Tables 1 and 2. For example, this is one list from a diagramming nuanced concern for those affected by recent military interventions of the UK and US exercise where young people were asked governments overseas. Similarly, another group noted the temporal scale and unpre- dictability of such events that can generate uncertainty as a pre- From the participatory diagramming and ranking exercises in cursor to fear: However, the young people in Otago did sense of their own environment and the wider global incidence not nominate fears that could be specifically attributed to current of violence: Only one of the three groups safer environment.

In such cases a narration of less fear was explained in terms of In Otago, fears about death and war were most commonly the predominant experience of safety and hence the reduced like- ranked as very important. Some also expressed generalised fears lihood of considering such anxieties. Another group ranked illegal immigration as of medium importance as a fear. No other hopes that were discussed in Otago clearly re- contagious: Therefore in each location about whether terrorism is a risk in terms of their own safety.

These varied in each country, but included of the UK: Do you actually think it could happen? You know, the police being racist to kids. In particular, young people observed that bombings like, and then they took my name and they said you can go. Other researchers working with young Muslims They said are you one of them dirty little refugees?

Hopkins, b; Dunn et al. The group of white young wo- worse, racism had been an everyday reality of serious concern for a men in Newcastle gave one example of the association between long time: And then you say that when these bombings happen it can held sentiment in white communities: What makes you worried about terrorists? It can kick off. Any time a bombing happens, the young youth they get blamed Youth worker 1: Is that from the telly or from.

They come from other countries, well I think its bad, and stuff. What would be the reason for them to bomb us? Thus the backlash as a result of the war on terror is only a As we have suggested, the conflation between immigration, part of their everyday concerns. This reflects our earlier between young people from different ethnic backgrounds. As an- point about the historicity of fear in particular places: Everyday life in rural Otago is relatively homogenous, domi- [on public transport] Some people look at you, and that. They present this and that.

This was echoed in a long dis- contrasting urban centres in New Zealand. Discussion and Conclusions Our research also shows that there is considerable heterogene- ity in how young people are affected by fear. From the case studies The two case studies we have discussed here are not held up as examined here, it seems that closeness to or distance from sites of representative of the countries or the regions in which they are sit- geopolitical risk has some relevance, but is generally less impor- uated. Nonetheless, the data are suggestive of the degree ones, whether distant e.

These initial findings from our multi-site study also show that But others acknowledged the co-existence of personal and rela- these events, transitions and relationships are inflected by global tional anxieties alongside concerns about the levels of impact events and, likewise, fears about international phenomena such and political importance attached to incidents of terrorism, and as terrorism, bird flu and migration are interpreted in light of made the connections explicit.

That the everyday and the geopolit- the events that young people see around them.

Its nature and patterning, and even ated contexts which recent threats associated with terrorism, its existence, cannot be assumed. Our findings confirm the doubts deadly global viruses, immigration and so on enter. Fear does not that we raised earlier in the paper about the salience of terrorism dribble down from political events and discourses, saturating an in feeding fear among the majority western populations.

Instead, they support the suggestion that the scaling of phies and immediate circumstances Pain, While emotions are ; Loader et al. Accounts in political science affected by political events at every scale, this is not an unconscious, also largely ignore the prospect of resistance to fear and fear- passive or one-way process. Global fears are always connected to provoking discourses that are circulated by the media.