Common law. El pensamiento político y jurídico de Sir Edward Coke (Spanish Edition)

Por eso sostiene que entre las distintas esferas del saber se da una "continuidad". En ella, se engendra un nuevo reino pues "introduce una nueva forma, agradable y conveniente para todo el Estado". Hay, en cambio, pocos ejemplos de verdaderas uniones: Kantorowicz, Ernst, , Los dos cuerpos del rey. Jardine, Lisa, , Francis Bacon. Discovery and the Art of Discourse. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Oakley, Francis, , "Jacobean Political Theology: Oakley, Francis, , Omnipotence, Covenant, and Order. Oxford Dictionary of Law , , ed. Peltonen, Markku, , "Bacon's political philosophy" en id.

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Weston, Corine, , "England. Ancient Constitution and Common Law" en J. The 'Mould' of a Lawfinding Commonwealth", en W. Greenleaf ; Daly y Sommerville Bacon compara varias veces el gobierno divino con el humano. En cambio, Martin , p. A Speech used by Sir FB Cum duo jura concurrunt in una persona aequum est ac si essent in diversis. Oakley, y De Augmentis Scientiarum , A I, p. Post-nati , A VII, p. Sobre este tema vd. En Manzo , analizo algunas de las dificultades que encuentro en el planteo de Bacon sobre la continuidad de las ciencias. They last while they last".

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Simpson's Contemporary Quotations, compiled by James B. Hillman, Richard, Democracy for the Privileged. According to Hillman, in the modern era the Venezuelan tradition of caudillistic leadership has been perpetuated within the context of limited institutional democracy in the sense that political leaders acts as patrons who act as power brokers for clients seeking material reward jobs and opportunities for loyal dependent supporters.

This law defines as corrupt the following acts: At the time, the justice minister publicly claimed knowledge of other similar cases of drug trafficking related corruption. Seyler, Daniel, The Economy, in Haggerty, op. Karl, The Paradox of Paradox of Plenty, p. Rosa del Olmo, Caracas, February and interview with Dr. Brazil became a main player in the drug trade as a transshipment route with production by local organizations for internal consumption and Colombian organizations' traffic going through Brazil to the United States and Europe.

This role has steadily increased since the mid 's. However all the trafficking routes going through Brazil, and from Brazil, go through big Atlantic ports like Rio or Santos or through Suriname in transit to the Netherlands, not through Venezuela. Moreover, Brazilian prospectors or garimpeiros relate the main Venezuelan preoccupations concerning the Brazilian border: Consideraciones desde la Perspectiva de la Idea de Seguridad, pp.

The geographical distribution of the Regional Commands and detachments of the National Guard and the area covered by them is displayed in the annexes of this dissertation. A small urban guerrilla group called Bandera Roja Red Flag was active in minor acts of sabotage during the early s, the groups have been disrupted and is currently inactive. Balencie, and de la Grange, Mondes Rebelles, p. Although Venezuela seems intent on avoiding a diplomatic incident because of tensions over an unresolved territorial dispute, a senior Venezuelan official described the situation along the border as 'very serious'.

In recent months, there has been a surge of kidnappings by Colombian guerrillas who have held ranchers captive in Colombian territory until heavy ransoms have been paid. Several kidnapping victims are still missing. There have also been reports of occasional incursions into the border jungle regions of Venezuela by heavily armed columns of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia [ Some cocaine processing laboratories have recently been found in Venezuela.

Azocar Alcala, Los Barones de la Droga: A Commitment to Life. However this author does not give precise evidence about this issue. A Commitment to Life, p. A Commitment to Life, pp. A global Assessment in V. Crime, Violence and Illegal Weapons , Vol. Rosa del Olmo, Caracas, February Marquez, Caracas, February, Marquez, Caracas, February Bank secrecy was eliminated in by a reform of the Venezuelan Organic Narcotics Act.

A Global Assessment, p. A Commitment to Life, Vol. Ramirez Monagas and Dr. Para que un modelo? Ramirez Monagas and Rosa del Olmo. Both agreed on the fact that this decision was not motivated by American pressure. A National Counterdrug Commission the agency is responsible for the elaboration and planning of drug control policies, ibid. Bayardo Ramirez Monagas, Caracas, February A Commitment for Life , Caracas, February , p. Implicancias en la Seguridad y Defensa de Venezuela.

And even then, it was not because of the specific issue of drug trafficking,which is intensive in that uncontrolled area. Rather, it was due to the fact that Argentine and U. Le cas de la Bolivie , Paris, L'Harmattan, ,pp. Caputo used this expression in general terms to refer to a situation where players who do not necessarily share permanent interests and goals act together over a punctual matter when a common interest is at stake. Buenos Aires, July McDonald, Dancing on a Volcano, p.

McDonald explains that Bolivian drug traffickers colluded with the military to stage the coup because they felt threatened by a brief campaign against drug trafficking carried out during , and they were wary of ongoing U. Although increasing in recent years, over the long term- public investment in infrastructure and human capital has been negligible. In the last years public investments was about nine percent of GDP and approximately 20 percent of public expenditure as a whole.

In the fiscal position remains fragile, mainly because of higher than budgeted payments. The fiscal position remains fragile, mainly because of higher than budgeted payments. The 12 months fiscal deficit has been estimated at 4. These deficit levels are not sustainable and may jeopardize macroeconomic stability" See: Quechua, 30 percent; Aymara, 25 percent; mixed, 25 to 30 percent; and whites blanco , 5 to 15 percent.

Hudson, Rex and Hanratty, Dennis, Bolivia: General Banzer proposed to destroy the creature he helped to create in a period of five years. As stated by Banzer referring to his drug trafficking control policy,. Tarqui Jamira and Condo Riveros, Coca: El Legado de los Dioses Locura de los Blancos, pp. Smith, The Gordian Knot: The Connection Between Narcotics and Development, pp. They differentiate from the kollas of the altiplano for their European background and their entrepreneurial and character and type of economy linked to the world capitalist economy.

Land of Struggle, p. In fact the head of "Los Novios de la Muerte" was a German neo-nazi mercenary that escaping German law enforcement had served in that corp. They had also sent military advisors from the notorious SIN Naval Intelligence Service and the Army in order to train and assist Bolivian military in interrogatories meaning torture and elimination of the opposition.

For the Argentine military, the reasons for this support were geopolitical: Another factor was to win influence in Bolivia to counterbalance Brazil as a regional power. These were the main reasons for the Argentine support. This being said, it is important to remark that there were certain high ranking military officers at least one divisionary general that were allegedly linked with the illegal drug trade, however as stated before the Argentine Army as an institution was highly concerned about the possibility of cocaine spill over production to Argentina and a contagion effect of corruption in the Argentine armed forces.

On the geopolitical reasons for the Argentine support see: The only country that was buying Bolivian gas overpriced was Argentina. The Argentine military were also spending already scarce resources on sending food aid to Bolivia. The Reagan administration was leading the anticommunist crusade in Latin America but was not willing to tolerate a narco regime in South America in view of the growing cocaine consumption problem in the U.

The Argentine military autonomy and discretion on promoting their own puppet military regimes in the area also annoyed the U. On this matter see: Gamarra, Eduardo, Entre la droga y la democracia. Painter, Bolivia and Coca, p. Otazo declared to the Congress that neither he nor any other member of the government had accepted money from Suarez, but confirmed that he had met Suarez following instructions from President Siles Suazo. Why Siles Suazo authorized this interview is still unclear.

In any case, Suarez used this episode to further destabilize the Siles government, and he succeeded. For a careful description of this episode see: Malamud Goti, Smoke and Mirrors, p. The "Lara Bonilla" treaty mentioned in the quote was signed by the members of the Andean Group in The treaty allows international drug law enforcement cooperation and also allows countries to invite other countries in support of these law enforcement operations. Jaime Malamud Goti in "Smoke and Mirrors," pp. However during my research trip to the Chapare I could verify that the way in which this "cottage industrialization" of the peasants occurs varies from peasant community to peasant community depending on the attitude adopted by the local sindicatos basic local unit of the coca grower trade union federations.

While some peasants work part time in the coca paste transformation stage as employees at night others prefer to rent part of their land to the traffickers for them to transform the coca paste. Nevertheless some peasant sindicatos are reluctant to do so in order to avoid becoming the target of law enforcement and adopted a mechanism of "centinelas" sentinels that patrol the parcels in order to avoid coca production on their land.

Interview with a former "dirigente" -leader- of a peasant community in the Chapare, August 8, The situation of this latter group is especially dangerous since they got caught in the crossfire between UMOPAR for coca eradication and the traffickers. Oporto Castro, Henry, "Bolivia: Laberinto en los Andes, p. For a detailed analysis of CIA's utilization of drug networks for the financing of undercover operations in Central America see: On this matter see also: El Legado de los Dioses o Locura de los Blancos, p.

According to the government, a peasant was killed by troops, and a soldier died from a bullet fired by the peasants. The peasants say two of their people were killed, and that the soldier had committed suicide after realizing that one of the peasant victims was his own father. About a dozen people were injured and some were arrested, say reports. In particular, Annex II tied U. This annex together with Annex III signed in May , it formalized involvement of the army in counter narcotics operations were kept secret until they were leaked to the press in giving way to a wave of peasant resistance.

For a detailed description of Snowcap Operation see: Past, Present and Future," May 23, , U. Government Printing Office, Washington D. Past, Present and Future, p.

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The replacement of military officers as chiefs of the FELCN by police or civilian officers has been done with the purpose of reducing the rivalry between the police and the armed forces. The army always disliked the fact that UMOPAR was receiving more training and better weapons than similar military units. The Blue devils carry out regular Coast Guard duties patrolling Bolivia's rivers, but with an emphasis on counternarcotics.

They receive training from the U. Coast Guards and, since , from the special forces units of the U. The Red Devil Task force. The Task Force is equipped with U. See, Williams, Jacqueline, op. In the FELCN was reformed and the armed forces including the army formally included in its structure. This particular issue will be discussed later in this chapter. On this issue also see: Tarqui Jamira and Condo Riveros, op. Annex 3 page without number in the original. It is worth noticing that the progressive Bolivian Catholic Church is the most credible institution in Bolivian society.

On the role of the Catholic Church in Bolivia see: There is however a monolith erected in memory of the victims at the exact place where the massacre took place. Through the s, thanks to USAID and UNDCP aid, modern services stone made roads are particularly beautiful have been built and the state has affirmed its presence in the area there is a Police station and a school. There were also some five star hotels being built in the area. And upper middle class people from La Paz are visiting the area more and more as tourists. Discussions with local people, August In the region did not resemble a "wild west area" at all.

However, I had the impression of being in a potentially violent and non-controlled areas in more recent colonies to the east of the Chapare. During a research excursion to this area and while I was taking photos of coca plantations I was approached by a group of peasants handling machetes who started to ask me in a very aggressive tone what I was doing there. Unfortunately for me I had left in the jeep the blue UN cap I had been given by UNDCP personnel the head of the project had warned me to use the cap all the time on the field. The communication was particularly difficult because of the poor Spanish of the peasants most of the colons use Quechua or Aymara as a first language.

Banzer, who is a very skillful politician, probably thought that it was not the time for a former dictator to be in charge of unpopular measures so he probably decided to let his power grow in the shadow of Paz Estenssoro first, then Paz Zamora, and later Sanchez de Losada. It would be possible also to speculate that in a period of growing diplomatic U. Not a single major or minor drug lord was arrested. See also, Painter, op.

On the other hand, the government hesitates to go a step further in forcible eradication because of the fear of initiating a civil war in the Chapare. The violent attitude of the peasants is sometimes considered by the government to amount to blackmail chantaje with the goal of preventing the enforcement of the law.

In the view of Alconada's office, Bolivia had an ethical and moral commitment to enforce the drug laws, independent of increased help for development. As we will see, in the late 's, Argentina had became a main transit route for cocaine produced in Bolivia, and started to grow as a consumption market for the drug.

I should add that, leaving moral and ethical issues aside, because of its economic vulnerability and dependency, Bolivia was not in a position to assume this kind of foreign policy. As a matter of fact, President Fujimori would adopt a similar position, going so far as to declare coca growing as a crime. But again Peru has a less dependent and more diversified economy as well as higher priorities declaring coca legal was part of his policy for denying peasant support to Shining Path in the Upper Huallaga Valley. Dreyfus, Pablo, "Sendero Luminoso: S-Bolivia Counternarcotics Efforts, p.

Painter, Bolivia and Coca, pp. Dreyfus, Cocaine,the military and Shining Path, The objective was to control highways, bridges, and borders in order to control drug trafficking. Navy Seals had been conducting riverine operations in the Beni. As reported by Eduardo Gamarra "A two part article in the June editions of Soldier of Fortune traced the path of elite Navy Seals patrolling the rivers of the Beni department.

These operations were unknown to most Bolivians, including their elected representative in the National Congress," Gamarra, U. According to Cathy Breen, member of the Andean Information network, in the Villa 14 de Septiembre area of the Chapare, soldiers were forced to carry out crop eradication," Williams, Jacqueline, ibid, p.

The election in of Mr. The MRTK did not have significant representations after the elections of when General Banzer was elected president. Mora, Frank, "Victims of the Balloon Effect: Drug Trafficking and U. The South American Cocaine Trade: An "Industry" in Transition, http: See also, Smith,Why people grow on drugs,p. This under the presumption that a percent of the coca leaves is targeted to the cocaine production. In reality, Bolivia's current cocaine production is tons". Men were other kind of men. Coca [cocaine] and morphine were unknown. At that time guys did not use gomina [a trademark of hair gel for man].

Also during his administration, President Menem requested without success in Congress for the establishment of the death penalty for drug traffickers. On the issues of the evolution of the Argentine drug control legislation see: On Menem's statements in favor of the establishment of death penalty for drug traffickers see: Past, Present and Future , May 23, , U.

Botana, Natalio, El Orden Conservador: But again, these companies were controlled from abroad, and produced consumption goods. None of them contributed to the development of a local capital goods and technology sector. El peronismo y la clase trabajadora argentina , Buenos Aires, Editorial Sudamericana, , pp.

For particular cases see: Corsunsky was in charge of the coordination of the implementation of drug abuse control activities between the Federal agencies that formed part of the Commission and the cooperation between CONCONAD and the provincial governments for the application of national drug abuse control policies. The FIU is still not functional because of delays over the appointment of its members. Organisations criminelles, guerres et blanchiment, p. Argentina , 1st quarter , p. Argentina, 3rd quarter , pp. Argentina, Vienna, , p. La Prensa , Buenos Aires, April, 13 ,p. Lestelle, Defendiendo el Futuro, p.

He reckoned that they numbered about , ,"Latin American Weekly Report, 16 December , p "These cases illustrate the fact that hundreds of thousands of immigrants form neighboring countries , many of them illegal, are working in Argentina, attracted by salaries that are double or triple those in their home countries. The Ministry of Labor has announced that work by illegal immigrants will be more thoroughly controlled and the Chamber of Deputies has voted for a bill restricting immigration," EIU, Country report 4th quarter Comisario General Armesto participated in the investigation of the "Shrimp Affair" Caso Langostino as it came to be known.

In the view of these officials there were no big drug trafficking organizations established in Argentina. Pasquini and De Miguel, p. Malamud Goti's book was published in and in he was Prosecutor of the Supreme Court, future events demonstrated that in fact Colombians would further attempt to establish bases in Argentina. Palarino, Argentine Embassy, Washington D. We have also seen that President Perez already suffering from a crisis of confidence because of the uncontrolled economic crisis of their countries.

Facundo Suarez, head of the Argentine intelligence service from to , Buenos Aires, August This hypothesis of the Ministry of the Interior which at the time charge of the Federal Police and -for law enforcement tasks- the National Gendarmerie and the Coast Guard based on information provided by Israeli sources. As a marginal comment this case shows that as a result of the absolute secrecy of this kind of investigations and probably inter-bureaucratic competition, while the Intelligence Secretariat was certain about the drug trafficking of the Syrian connection in Bolivia, the Ministry of the Interior managed this only as a working hypothesis based on information provided by Israeli sources.

It is worth noting that each of the police and security forces under the direction of the Ministry of the Interior has its own intelligence service. A high-ranking retired officer from the Dangerous Drugs Superintendence of the Federal Police told me that in order to avoid information leaks, drug trafficking-related investigations are so secret that each investigating team is unaware of the activities of other investigation cells even within the same law enforcement force.

It is very likely that the information managed by the Intelligence secretariat was not shared with the Ministry of the Interior. Moreover as it was a matter of intelligence collection in a foreign country Bolivia , this case fell under the area of intelligence of the SIDE, so it is natural that the Ministry of the Interior in charge of internal security did not go further in this investigation. Larriqueta reads this dissertation he will be very surprised to discover that his working hypothesis was a proven fact. Facundo Suarez quoted before. Al Kassar served an year prison sentence in Great Britain in for drug trafficking.

Al Kassar was expelled from Britain and France in because of his links with terrorist organizations. He also participated in both the Irangate affair and the sale of weapons to Lybia in Al Kassar is also under investigation by the Swiss prosecutor Laurent Kasper-Ansermet because of his alleged participation in money laundering activities through the Swiss banking system.

Allegedly Al Kassar used the same method in order to send heroin for the Badalamenti "family" in the U. According to Al Aviv's report the attempt was planned by the Iranian secret service as a revenge for the destruction of an Iranian Airbus over the Persian gulf five months before however it turn to be that in the Pan Am there was a DEA team that was travelling to the US with probatory evidence about the CIA's complicity with Al Kassar's drug trafficking activities.

The majority of the passengers that died in the attempt were German citizens. See also, Salinas, op. Pasquini and De Miguel, Blanca y Radiante, p. Department of State, Patterns of Global Terrorism: Argentina en la mira del terrorismo ,Buenos Aires, Editorial Sudamericana, , p. Toma was also president of the Defense Commission until when he became Secretary of Internal Security of the Ministry of the Interior.

Dutil and Ragendorfer, op. These aspects of the political culture of the country are generally believed to be especially pronounced in the more traditional parts of the interior" Sawers, op. Like most aspects in life, political culture is also a question of practice as well as trial and error.

An example of this can be seen in one of the most backward and poor provinces of the country, namely, Catamarca. In this province, the traditional Saadi family had consecutively lost all elections since thereby providing an opening in the system Unfortunately, a subsequent murder by the son of a politician closely linked to the Saadi mobilized the population of Catamarca and the issue was brought to Buenos Aires. The Federal Government intervened in the province and a slow investigation was carried out. After this episode the Saadi family seemed to be eradicated from the political scene of Catamarca.

This mobilization of the people could not have happened without the continuous practice of participation that existed in the country since the transition in All these interviews took place in Buenos Aires in July Le gouverneur peroniste du Catamarca , M. Gugliotta, Les Rois de la Cocaine, p Societies may react to immigrants because of the economic costs they impose or because of their purported social behavior such as criminality, welfare dependency, delinquency etc.

Societies may be concerned because the people entering are so numerous or so poor that they create a substantial economic burden by straining housing education, and transportation facilities [and this] may generate local resentment The information is relevant because Buenos Aires and its suburbs are the most densely populated area in the country. However, in he wrote an article in which he warns about the consequences of militarized enforcement in Bolivia. The article was published right after the Blast Furnace operation and among the consequences of Blast Furnace the discovery of a cocaine laboratory in Argentine territory in December is mentioned.

His second period finished in For practical reasons limiting the time framework of this dissertation only the first period will be analyzed. Where do we go from here? Leaving aside the fact that for some officials, politics canbecome almost a religion, for the purposes of this dissertation meanings 1 and 5 will be assimilated to the concepts of "belief". The reason being, that I will observe whether or not governmental officials believe if some very real and present phenomena drug trafficking related violence in a neighboring country or drug consumption for example can become a national security problem for Argentina.

Most of these things apply to my research experience in the Bolivian tropic however I must say that I also practiced all these activities in the "jungle of concrete" in Buenos Aires probably with the exception of eating strange foods and tracing genealogies. I made lots of questions, I learnt a new bureaucratic language, I certainly washed my clothes, I ate the best steaks on earth, I wrote e-mails to my dissertation director. The concept of National Security was, at the Congressional level, finally divided in two fields: This is because of the dramatic experience of the last military dictatorship when the prevalent concept of national security at the time the National Security Doctrine , not only gave an excuse for the Armed Forces intervention in the exercise of the political power, but also lead to the Armed forces involvement in massive flagrant violations of human rights.

While defense use of military forces to counter attacks of external origin is ruled by the defense law of ; internal security, defined here as the defense and protection of individual freedom, life and property as well as the protection of the full functioning of the republican, federal and representative system, is ruled by the internal security act of debates started in For more information on this topic see: Because it was a military installation the armed forces were authorized to storm and recover the barracks.

In the ensuing battle the armed branch of MTP was dismantled the insurgents were either killed or arrested and the party was declared illegal. All the leaders and participants were judged in public oral trials and received severe sentences. Article 6b also states that should military installations or bases be attacked, the Armed Forces must immediately repeal the aggression and request the necessary support of the Police and Security Forces. This decree has been ruled out by the Internal Security Act 24, of to which I will refer later.

It is worth noticing that in none of the internal disturbances after pillages of supermarkets and civil revolts the armed forces intervened to restore order. The task as stated in the legislation when the provincial police was overcome, as was the case of Santiago del Estero, the federal government mobilized the Gendarmerie and anti-mutiny units of the Federal Police which where mobilized in C Air Force planes the internal security act authorizes the armed forces to provide logistical support to the police and security forces.

The doctrine started to be applied basically as a consequence of the success of the Cuban Revolution in and the danger of a revolutionary expansion towards the rest of the Western Hemisphere. Basically the doctrine is characterized by: That is, all necessary means must be employed in a total and permanent war against the communist enemy because every country becomes a battlefield between the West and the Communist Bloc. The enemy acts in various fronts and by different means, therefore defense has to be carried out in different fronts and by different means.

Development, for example, also becomes an instrument of defense, since following the logic of the doctrine, economic backwardness breeds violence, thus leaving an open door for communist infiltration. Therefore, national development has to be also subordinated to the defense structure of the state. The logic implied in this doctrine is basically that in the global war against communism, every aspect of the national life becomes part of the defense effort, therefore everything must be subordinated to the organs in charge of defense.

If armed forces are in charge of the nation as it was the case of Argentina at that time then everything must be subordinated to them. Defense is everything and everything is defense. In a sense, more than a defense law, this act was a norm concerning the administration of the nation. The National Defense Act of was ruled "de facto" in and "de jure" in when it was replaced by the National Defense act For a detailed study of the National Security Doctrine see: It emphasized operational aspects of the doctrine to the exclusion of political ones; it learned the lessons of direct combat against terror well enough but ignored the indirect strategies designed to influence the general public; and it redefined the subversive threat to become a catchall for all enemies of the state," Pion-Berlin, op.

For the purposes of this dissertation, what is important to know is that for law enforcement purposes these two forces received instructions from the Ministry of the Interior and they were also at the disposal of Federal Judges for the enforcement of federal laws as it is the case of the Narcotics act. Just lately however signs have appeared that this traditional approach may be changing [ The traditional conception of boundary-dispute situations will be supplanted by more comprehensive and more up-to date approaches, together with an integrative and shared conception of security'.

Some days later, Hubert Romero, the then Minister of Defense, maintained in the same forum that: The two Minister's words convey the idea that national defense now has another dimension, which makes it necessary to look beyond the scenarios of the past and seek means of tackling the problems of security, which are different from those of other periods, jointly with neighboring countries," Carasales,op. Comisario Armesto stated that around and seizing a gram of cocaine was a very extraordinary and uncommon thing, while in seizing 10 to 20 kilos of this drug was considered normal.

Mandrile, who was an officer in the illicit drugs section of the Coast Guard at the time, starts perceiving a change in the pattern of drug trafficking towards an increasing in cocaine trafficking since The fact that Dr. The military regime was a sort of "collegiate autocracy" in which Armed Service Army, Air Force and Navy had a third of the national administration in all the areas of the state apparatus. Moreover within each dependency the officials were not loyal to the president or the head of the dependency but to his own force.

Covert operations such as the support for the Bolivian coup through military advisors, were under the direction of the First Army Corps led by General Guillermo Suarez Mason who by the way also coordinated the covert support of the Argentina to the contra in Honduras during the military dictatorship. Considering that some of the military advisors that went to Bolivia were navy officers of the Naval Intelligence service, it is also most likely that the navy coordinated part of this covert operation until commanded by Admiral Emilio Massera.

The drug was then transported towards Buenos Aires by members of the Federal Police and dispatched by diplomatic suitcases by members of the diplomatic service. The money obtained from these illicit activities was used for financing the activities of the Triple A. The network in Argentina was disbanded after the coup, however its connections in Bolivia were used by the head of the First Army Corps Guillermo Suarez Mason in order to finance foreign covert operations of the military regime. Pasquini and De Miguel, Blanca y Radiante, pp.

These fears were apparently justified since General Suarez Mason, who was in charge of the regime's undercover operations in Bolivia and Honduras, allegedly financed these operations out of drug trafficking activities. Allegedly also the officers of the Naval Intelligence Service who were advisors in Bolivia also financed their operations out of drug trafficking.

Dale Scott and Marshall, Cocaine Politics, pp. This commission was not an executive organ but an advisory one it "planned and proposed" the execution of drug treatment and prevention and drug law enforcement policies. Also there was a concern in Gendarmerie about the coca leaves trafficking for coqueo in the Northwest provinces.

Interview with Comandante General Jorge Vazquez, cited before. The National Gendarmerie has a similar prevention unit within its dangerous unit division. This decree was enacted during a military government General Lanusse A civilian period followed then another military regime and then the transition During military periods the country was de facto a centralized state and provinces were subordinated to policies dictated by the executive power on this and all field, during civilian periods policies where coordinated.

The way drug traffickers were treated after their arrest did not differ too much from illegal detentions of political prisoners. In a sense out of the alleged "official" drug trafficking was highly risky during the military regime. My interpretation then is that there even it there was U. The Argentine enforcement system involved in combating drug trafficking includes four federal agencies Federal Police, National Gendarmerie, Coast Guards, and National Customs Administration under three separate ministries Federal Police under the Ministry of the Interior, Gendarmerie and Coast Guards under Defense but operationally under the Interior-that is under Interior for Law Enforcement purposes and under Defense in time of war.

This situation changed in when both security forces were put under the Direction of the Ministry of the Interior. Notice that during the military dictatorship, the Gendarmerie was part of the Army, Coast Guard was part of the Navy and the Federal Police had a military chief. Customs are under the Ministry of the Economy. To this we must add twenty-two provincial police forces with each one counting a narcotics division.

As drug trafficking is a federal offense which requires the intervention of the federal justice , federal judges conduct drug investigations. It is the Federal Judge that starts the investigation and request the support of federal or provincial law enforcement agencies, although the police can request the judge to order an investigation based on collected evidence.

The border guards, are mandated to protect the country's borders up to kilometers into Argentina. They share jurisdiction with customs officials, who conduct investigations involving smuggling. The Argentine Federal Police acts as a technical and judiciary police and conducts narcotic investigations in the federal districts the city of Buenos Aires and over the whole territory upon request by a federal judge.

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The coast guard has responsibility for patrolling the country's waterways and for the security of seaports, where it shares narcotic enforcement responsibilities with customs officials. To this we must add a special branch of the air force, the Aeronautic National Police, which since is in charge of airport security and therefore can enforce drug laws only within the jurisdiction of National and International Airports- a fact that, to a certain extent, violates the internal security act.

This particular aspect will be analyzed later in this chapter. Upon the request of a federal judge, the SIDE can collect intelligence concerning drug trafficking investigations for instance phone wiretaps , however SIDE agents are not allowed to carry out arrests. Cagliotti, during a hold-up in The author esteems that he would had been an invaluable source of information since he had been working in the formulation of drug control policy since the creation of CONATON in Cagliotti was in favor of treating consumption as a criminal law matter, and his ideas contrasted with the liberal views of the rest of the new members, who favored a more lenient policy concerning drug consumers.

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Aldo Neri cited above. Aldo Neri, Buenos Aires, July Notice that Malamud Goti recognized the responsibility of Argentina as an exporter of chemical inputs that could be used for the production of cocaine. In that sense Argentina was one of the first Latin American countries to adopt restrictive measures concerning the commercialization of chemical inputs. Defense had the problem of repositioning the military, Education had to reformulate an inherited ultra-catholic education. Health was closer [to the drug problem] but had thousands of different problems.

The drug issue was never authentically really perceived as a real urgency. For example there were almost one million of alcoholics. Compared to the [at the time] 26, potential addicts.

Malamud Goti expressed similar views about during an interview held in Buenos Aires on July 3, Why this did not happened and it is not likely to happened has been explained in the previous chapter however it is important that at some point Argentine officials were concerned about having a guerrilla group operating in the northern border as a reaction to militarized enforcement. Bertoncello to the press on March 16, Quoted in Auredy, op. T - Toxicological Help Foundation. Among other activities Dr. Pasquini and De Miguel, Blanca y Radiante,chapters 4 and 8. Alberto Calabrese, Buenos Aires, July Therefore the views of customs concerning the spillover consequences in terms of production, migration for example were not considered relevant.

As far as it concern drug and chemical seizures I utilized data provided by the Federal Police's Central Data Division which centralizes the data provided by all law enforcement agencies in the country. Enrique Nosiglia, Buenos Aires, July 11, Nosiglia, Buenos Aires, July 11, Gil Laavedra, August 29, Juan Gauna cited above. Dante Caputo, Buenos Aires July Caputo, Buenos Aires, July 21, The military government had originall instituted the policy of gas overpayment to support a "friend authoritarian" regime. Suarez, Buenos Aires, August, In fact as explained before, the escalation of militarized enforcement in Bolivia started in late when the military in Argentina was already preparing to hand over political power to a civilian administration.

It is designed to capture the structure of the person's causal assertions and to generalize the consequences that follow from this structure. Russell and Zuvanik, op. The official considered this comment as "quasi-confidential" for that reason his name will not be quoted. For further information, see: For a historical perspective and specific cases see: Block, Alan, Failures at Home and Abroad: Studies in the Implementation of U.

Studies in the failure of US narcotics policy, Westview Press, , pp. For a detailed study of inter bureaucratic drug law enforcement competition in Argentina see: Lestelle finally resigned in October when he denounced that several members of Congress consumed cocaine in the toilets of the National Congress. This time he could not prove his accusations. Facing a new scandal, President Menem retired his support for Mr. Lestelle, who had no other option than to leave office. Lestelle claimed that the Noguera Vega affair was the result of the capture and indictment of a SIDE counter-intelligence agent and two of his informants, which had been caught with 17 kilos of cocaine.

Also law enforcement officials privately admitted the hypothesis of this affair being part of an inter-bureaucratic fight. This project, widely held to have been the brainchild of his economy minister, Domingo Cavallo, was recently put back burner after running into heavy opposition from within Menem's own cabinet. This effectively removes the former from the jurisdiction of the interior ministry and the latter from that of the defense ministry, placing a formidable force under the President," Latin American Weekly Report, 4 August , p Most of the time, they either confused logistical support tasks with intelligence tasks.

However, at least officially, these kind of drug law enforcement military intelligence collection or logistical support to the Security Forces has been never implemented, at least in the period under study.