Zur interkulturellen Kritik der neueren lateinamerikanischen Philosophie (German Edition)

Ten Years Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. New Winners and Old Losers. Transatlantic Relations after the U. From Rift to Harmony? Im Spannungsfeld zwischen Normalzustand und Legitimationsfragen. Netzwerkbildung in der EU als regionale Standortpolitik? Der Verfassungsentwurf des EU-Konvents.

The Danish Presidency When Dreams Come True: Between Forces of Inertia and Progress: Die Auswirkungen des Buying more than it can choose? A Sustained Economic Revival in Kosovo. The Future of the European Integration Process: How did Sweden Manage the European Union? A 'Tool-Kit' for closing the legitimacy gap of EU policymaking? The Big Leap to the West: South Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 21st century. From Junior Partner to Global Player? Stille Revolution im Namen des Rechts? Civic Education in Europe: Is the Barcelona Process working?

Warum engagieren sich deutsche Unternehmen dort? Where will NATO be ten years from now? The West and Islam in the Mass Media: Poland, Germany and EU-Enlargement. Der Vertrag von Amsterdam: Germany and the EU Council Presidency. Der widerspruchsvolle Weg der Slowakai in die EU.

Die Slowakai vor der Marginalisierung in Zentraleuropa? Europe as Unfinished Business: Der Konflikt um Berg-Karabach: Bioethische Konflikte und ihre politische Regelung in Europa: First, because it fostered over decades First, because it fostered over decades corrupt and autocratic regimes with dire disregard to principles of 'good governance'.

The aftermath of these regimes is still felt today and constitutes one of the underlying factors for politically motivated migration. Second, the EU contributed to Africa's economic misery due to its selfish external trade policy.

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Nevertheless, the prevailing perspective of the EU and of its member countries concerning African immigration remains to be focused on security, the foreclosure of its external borders and prevention. Current EU programs and concepts to fight African migration are questionable. Even development-oriented approaches are bound to fail, if not backed by sustainable immigration policies. Les programmes en cours et les concepts de l'EU pour combattre la migration africaine sont douteux.

European reaction to African refugees. Tayo Fatunla, internationaly renowned cartoonist of Nigeria descent born in UK ; http: Cartoon - European reaction to African refugees. The long-term effects of development aid - Empirical studies in rural West Africa more. Wende in der EU-Einwanderungspolitik?

Turn in the EU Immigration Policy? The European Union shares responsibility for this growing economic misery, in view of its egoistic external trade policy.

Selected Publications

Nevertheless, it intensifies the foreclosure of its external borders. Thereby, the escape routes become even more dangerous, thousands die every year. The European-African migration summits in Rabat and Tripoli in June and November even strengthened this policy of exclusion. Yet, a well-adapted immigration law would serve the interest of all parties involved. Last, but not least, it could contribute to protect the over-aged population of European member states in the long run against threatening economic decline.

Even Germany and France meanwhile hesitantly accept the fact that they are an immigration country. The EU commission endorses a limited and temporarily restricted immigration of Africans. However, two fundamental problems remain unsolved. Cost and benefit of immigration are distributed asymmetrically between the social classes.

In addition, the EU favours the admission of high skilled labour, which tends to strengthen the 'brain drain' from Africa even more, while millions of unskilled irregular migrants compete with the growing army of unemployed in the host countries. Both will aggravate the imminent danger of violent conflicts and of right-wing extremism in the European immigration regions. Un revirement de la politique d'immigration de l'UE?

Immer mehr Afrikaner fliehen vor ihrer desolaten Wirtschaftslage oder gewaltsamen Konflikten und politischer Verfolgung zu Hause in Europa. Kosten und Nutzen der Einwanderung sind asymmetrisch zwischen den sozialen Klassen verteilt. June Publication Date: The belief in occult forces is still deeply rooted in many African societies, regardless of education, religion, and social class of the people concerned. According to many Africans its incidence is According to many Africans its incidence is even increasing due to social stress and strain caused among others by the process of modernization.

Most often magic and witchcraft accusations work to the disadvantage of the poor and deprived, but under particular circumstances they become a means of the poor in the struggle against oppression by establishing "cults of counterviolence. Apparently they can be used to support any kind of political system, whether despotic or democratic. The belief in occult forces has serious implications for development cooperation.

Development projects, which constitute arenas of strategic groups in their struggle for power and control over project resources, are likely to add further social stress to an already endangered precarious balance of power, causing witchcraft accusations to flourish. In addition, witchcraft accusations may serve as indicators of hidden social conflicts which are difficult to detect by other methods.

Le Monde, Paris, 11 Dec. New Nationalism and Development in Africa more. About fifty years after the independence of most former colonies on the African continent, books on African nationalism again rank high on the agenda of the international academic discussion. A selection of three recent publications demonstrates the advances made in scholarly analysis in the meantime as well as the wide range of related subjects. The new nationalism in Africa and elsewhere shows remarkable differences both in its roots and its impact, compared with that of the national independence movements of the early s.

States and Citizenship in Africa. African Social Studies Series, Leiden: Brill, ISBN , pages. Zapiro, alias Jonathan Shapiro, internationally renowned cartoonist, Capetwon; 23 May Democratization via Elections in an African 'Narco State'? The Case of Guinea-Bissau more. Recent development cooperation with Guinea-Bissau, focusing on good governance, statebuilding and conflict prevention, did not contribute to democratization nor to the stabilization of Recent development cooperation with Guinea-Bissau, focusing on good governance, statebuilding and conflict prevention, did not contribute to democratization nor to the stabilization of volatile political, military and economic structures.

Certainly, the impact of drug trafficking could endanger democratization and state-building if continued unchecked. However, the most pressing need is not state-building facilitated by external aid that is poorly rooted in the social and political fabric of the country. Rather, it is grassroots nation-building that is a pre-condition for the creation of viable state institutions. Die Darstellung von Guinea-Bissau als gescheiterter "Narkostaat" sowie die westliche Hilfe zur Stabilisierung dieses Staates basieren beide auf zweifelhaften Konzepten.

Main cocaine trafficking routes to Europe. West African Guinea-Bissau figures as major hub of trafficking by air and by sea. Politics of xenophobia Editorial; in German more. Insofar as strangers are admitted and accepted, such as the Italian, Greek or Turkish guest workers in Germany in the s, they are as a rule not completely included. Mostly they have to 'pay' for it. Often by acceptance of a subordinate position in the context of patronage or exploitation relationships.

Good behavior is required, because depending on the degree of integration, they can also be expelled and pursued. Even members of one's own group can mutate into strangers under certain conditions e. The exclusion of dissimilarity still serves today, similar to the social hierarchy of the feudal three estates, typically as a social-political exclusion strategy, e. African examples of such strategies abound. The new formal-democratic rules of the game introduced with the 'second wind of democratization' in sub-Saharan Africa starting in the s aroused increasing fears of being overruled and overpowered by strangers.

African culture has so far been characterized by the integration of 'the other' as well as hospitality in the broadest sense. This had a long tradition and was protected by cultural institutions social adoption, patronage, etc. Today, social integration in Africa is in acute danger, not least as a result of an Eurocentric political liberalism, as propagated maladapted by Western development aid that, with its manifest effects, that are causing increasing social isolation and exclusion.

Sie hatte eine lange Tradition und war abgesichert durch kulturelle Institutionen soziale Adoption, Patronage eine etc. Zapiro, 23 May This Zapiro cartoon shows Nelson Mandela and Archbishop Desmond Tutu looking on in despair as the new South African flag, the symbol of Tutu's beloved "rainbow nation of God", runs with blood. Africa's New Nationalism in the Time of Globalisation] more. The new nationalism in Africa and elsewhere shows remarkable differences both in its roots and its impact, compared with that of national independence movements of the early s.

Contrary to the first nationalism, the Contrary to the first nationalism, the second is less prone to include than to exclude populations; alienation, xenophobia and its political instrumentalization are its curse. The new nationalism has been shaped decisively by the consequences of globalization and by the increasing cleavages between the poor and the rich.

Nowadays, structures of nationalism and nation-states differ more than in the past. Frequently, the new nationalism is rooted in populist grass-root movements which do not necessarily share the same interest as the ruling class or the state. This makes for its extraordinary political and social ambiguity and brisance. Zapiro, an internationally renowned cartoonist, born as Jonathan Shapiro in Cape Town in Zapiro, Page Numbers: The Successful Ghana Election of Ethnicity in Ghana's elections revisited more. Ghana's election has been hailed by national and international observers as a model for Africa.

The perception of success has prevailed despite persistent concerns about an inflated voters' register and electoral The perception of success has prevailed despite persistent concerns about an inflated voters' register and electoral fraud perpetrated by the two major parties, the NPP and NDC, in their strongholds in the Ashanti and Volta Regions respectively.

Unfortunate diplomatic and technocratic biases in election monitoring, combined with a reluctance on the part of the responsible authorities to investigate what appears to be a long history of fraudulent voting, amounts to a dangerous time bomb of unresolved conflict which could detonate in future elections. Polling Station, Ghana presidential elections, Journal of Modern African Studies, 48 1: The successful Ghana election of Western donors considered it as a They took Togo as model to test their approach of political conditionality of aid, which had been emphasised also as corner stone of the joint EU-Africa strategy.

Elections and democratization in West Africa — Socialism without liberation - Land reclamation projects in Guinea-Bissau more. One of the outstanding aims of most liberation movements has been to increase the economic well-being of their people, Guinea-Bissau being no exception in this respect.

How far has the new How far has the new Nation State succeeded in fulfilling this aim? A comparative analysis of the implementation of land reclamation projects during colonial and post-colonial times reveals astonishing similarities: The effects of this negative conditioning process of 'development' over many years on the chances of cooperation between peasants and the administration are still largely unknown. Any development planner who wants to encourage the local population to take their future into their own hands, would have to take account of this negative conditioning process.

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Wie weit ist es dem neuen Nationalstaat gelungen, dieses Ziel zu erreichen? Eine vergleichende Analyse der Umsetzung von Landgewinnungs-Projekten in kolonialer und post-kolonialer Zeit zeigt erstaunliche Gemeinsamkeiten: Centro de Geografia do Ultramar, Autor's revised and extended version of: Socialism without liberation - Land reclamation projects in Guinea-Bissau", Sociologia Ruralis, , vol.

Sociologia Ruralis, , vol. International election observation has become a valuable means of supporting African democratic polity. Notably, EU observer missions adopting a professional approach are meant to shield against political pressures Notably, EU observer missions adopting a professional approach are meant to shield against political pressures from partisan stakeholder interests. However, this growing professionalism did not necessarily lead to less biased observation results. Available evidence suggests that in crucial cases, the origin and orientation of the bias changed from 'diplomatic' to 'technocratic'.

The latter can be as least as damaging to the declared aims of election observation as the former. Two outstanding examples, the observation of transitional elections in Nigeria and Madagascar, will serve to illustrate this hypothesis and its consequences for the necessary reorientation of election observation methodology. Cultures of Innovation of the African Poor more. Calabash for palm oil. He has reduced the threat of a new coup with a He has reduced the threat of a new coup with a military reform, taken steps against corruption and made human rights violations of the past the subject of an investigation.

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At the same time, however, the fighting in the Niger Delta and the dispute over the role of religion in politics threaten to tear the country apart. Carter White House Photographs Collection. By Schumacher, Karl H.

Democratization , Nigeria , and Good Governance. Overdue political and institutional reforms and local elections were postponed indefinitely Overdue political and institutional reforms and local elections were postponed indefinitely. With promising growth prospects, low inflation and an absence of major external shocks, the government was able to improve the macroeconomic situation. Why the Economic Partnership Agreements should be avoided in its current form; in French] more.

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Why the Economic Partnership Agreement should be avoided in its current form ] - In view of the global run on African resources the EU is at pains to conclude Economic The EPAs are meant not just to liberalize trade but also to promote economic development in Africa and thus creating a win-win situation in a partnership on eye-level. However, many Africans suspect the EU of double talk and of promoting selfish export interest at the expense of inclusive growth in African countries.

Taking the proposed ECOWAS EPAs as example, analyses reveal that tensions are due to both the gap between discourse and practice of EU trade and aid policy as well as different hidden interest of different EU directorates and member states. The growing preparedness of African states to challenge EU mercantile interest has been effectively backed by long lasting proactive agitation of NGOs and civil society groups inside and outside Africa. Author's French Version of: Crisis Region Western Africa: The Cradle of African Migration to Europe more.

In the last decades the number of refugees from conflict regions in Africa increased dramatically. West Africa is the cradle of migration from Sub-Saharan Africa to Europe, were most African migrants with overseas destinations live. First, because they fostered over decades corrupt and autocratic regimes with dire disregard to principles of 'good governance';. The aftermath of these regimes is still to be felt today, and constitutes one of the underlying factors for politically motivated migration. Secondly, the EU contributed to Africa's growing economic misery, due to the damaging effects of European selfish external trade policy.

Nevertheless, the prevailing perspective of the EU concerning African immigration remains to be focused on security, the foreclosure of its external borders and prevention. Crisis region Western Africa. Africa and Fortress Europe - Threats and opportunities. Witchcraft and transnational social spaces: The strange collusion between occult belief systems and different trans-national social networks, embedded in specific transformations of local and global modes of production, results in unique but reinforcing The strange collusion between occult belief systems and different trans-national social networks, embedded in specific transformations of local and global modes of production, results in unique but reinforcing modifications of witchcraft belief, its underlying structures and its impact on the process of democratisation.

The amazing range of possible results has been indicated by the analysis of two outstanding examples of witchcraft violence in South Africa in times of transition: On the other hand, the occult base of violence in the Transkei became so blurred by involvement of 'modern' elements of globalised markets of violence that it was hardly visible any more, although undercover its repressive effects were still very much alive.

These different roots of witchcraft violence had serious repercussions on conflict resolution and genuine reconciliation, the base for any sustainable democratisation and development. Journal of Modern African Studies, vol. Continuing Dominance Traded for Aid? Promising growth rates, increased trade, and competition among major global players for African resources have boosted the development and bargaining power of sub-Saharan Africa SSA in relation to the EU.

However, Africa's least developed countries remain vulnerable to external shocks. Academic analysis is still too heavily influenced by scholastic controversies. Even beyond the aftermath of neo colonialism, and notwithstanding continuing deficits in good government in many African countries, the EU bears responsibility for the fragile state of many African economies.

The self-interested trade policies of the EU and other world powers contribute to poverty and unsatisfactory development in SSA. This threatens to perpetuate asymmetrical power relations in the new Economic Partnership Agreements EPAs , to the detriment of regional integration and pro-poor growth. However, mounting competition between China and other global players for Africa's resources is resulting in windfall profits for Africa. The latter is leading to a revival of seesaw politics, already known from the times of the Cold War, on the part of African states.

This could be profitable for Africa's power elite, but not necessarily for Africa's poor. Cartoon on the perpetuation of post-colonial dependence of former French colonies in Africa: Monetary Unions - Dominated by the North? Monetary coordination is high on the agenda of different regional organizations in Africa. Economic benefits of a common currency, like lower transaction cost, increased macroeconomic stability, or the shielding of Economic benefits of a common currency, like lower transaction cost, increased macroeconomic stability, or the shielding of central banks against political pressure from nationalist elites and their inclination for excessive spending are undoubtedly expected.

But the most important underlying aim of monetary integration in Africa is derived from its history, particularly the legacy of the slave trade and colonialism, and the subsequent strive for pan-African ideals, which has become manifest in the promotion of African unity in a crisis prone continent. However, whether it is feasible to achieve this ambitious political aim with economic means of regional economic and monetary cooperation, is open to question. Experts and the international donor community periodically caution about diverting attention from the most pressing needs of African countries by pursuing over-ambitious monetary policies.

African governments should get the priorities right, i. The realities of African economies suggest that the grand new projects of monetary unions are unlikely to succeed. In addition, it is questionable whether economic, result-orientated reasoning and the discussion of monetary concepts e. Le Monde Diplomatique German ed. A new culture of co-operation in Francophone Africa? In contrast, they show a low degree of diversification of production and exports, low factor mobility except of labour in some countries and price and wage flexibility, different levels of infrastructure and of inflation, low intra-regional trade and a strong exposure to asymmetrical external shocks e.

The rules of the informal sector, are more important in structuring the CFA-zone than the institutions and policies of the formal economic sector, including its monetary institutions. For decades, prices of French imports were overpriced, due to protection by tied aid and other political and cultural non-tariff barriers. The cost of this rent-seeking was carried not only by the French Treasury, who guarantees the peg, but by the French and EU-taxpayers, who financed budgetary bail-outs and development aid, and finally by the poorer member countries and social strata cf.

Dirk Nabers, Andreas Urfen. The fixed exchange rate of the franc CFA with the French franc was used mainly by both, the African elite, which was able to buy well in Europe, and by French exporters who found a secure sales market in the franc zone. Growing opposition within the CFA zone, the drastic depreciation of the F CFA , and the diminishing interest of France since the peg of the F CFA to the euro could now lead to the end of economic stability in the franc zone.

But free convertibility and fixed parity, guaranteed by the French Treasury, mainly served the interest of a small elite of the Messieurs Afrique, both in France and in Africa. Generations of French entrepreneurs and of their African counterparts maintained a profitable self-service shop on expense of the African poor and the French taxpayer. In the aftermath of the devaluation of the Franc CFA in , and of the peg of the currency to the Euro in , the socio-economic divide between rich and poor, urban and rural regions, the formal and the informal sector even widened.

However, the perpetuation of the established monetary structure of the CFA-Zone became increasingly anachronistic. As far as the political stability, previously guaranteed by the neo-colonial French Africa policy, becomes obsolete, the base for economic stability of the traditional arrangement of the currency union is threatened as well. The more so, as the CFA-Zone never fulfilled the most crucial preconditions of an optimal currency area. The peg to the EMU, orientated at the interests of highly industrialized European countries, led to an overvaluation of the real exchange rate of the CFA, and will increasingly constitute an obstacle to sustainable indigenous development in francophone Africa.

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Afrika Jahrbuch - , Leske u. The latter were mainly responsible for the crisis in the CFA franc zone, which - in addition to external causes - is essentially due to internal socioeconomic factors. The decision about the devaluation means a victory for technocrats over the old guard. But this victory is a Pyrrhic victory. It does, however, imply a neglect of economic discussions and decisions; but it destroyed traditional social ties without building new ones, and brought with it the danger of social and political disintegration.

Even in the opinion of independent economists, the decision to maintain F CFA's continued commitment to the FF signifies a lost opportunity to develop Africa autonomously. Dieser Sieg ist aber ein Pyrrhussieg. Afrika-Jahrbuch - , Leske u. Drivers of change or cut-throat competitors? Whether the former have a competitive Whether the former have a competitive edge over the latter because of distinctive socio-cultural traits, or whether the Chinese supposed effectiveness is just a characteristic feature of any trading Diaspora, is open to question.

This exploratory study of Chinese and Nigerian entrepreneurial migrants in Ghana and Benin tries to answer this question. Apparently, the cultural motive powers of migrant drivers of change are not restricted to inherited value systems or religions like a protestant ethic or Confucianism, but they are permanently adapted and invented anew by transnational networks of migration in a globalized world.

There is no evidence for a supposed superiority of Chinese versus African innovative cultures of entrepreneurial migrants. In addition, the rivalry of Chinese and Nigerian migrant entrepreneurs in African markets does not necessarily lead to the often suspected cut-throat competition under the impact of globalization. Often both groups act rather complementary. This contributes under certain conditions even to poverty alleviation in the host country.

Interaction and Asymmetry Between Cultures in the Context of Globalization

The publication in French, can be seen as advantage and disadvantage at the same time. Considering the lack of French edited publications on this subject and the deplorable language-divide between Anglophone and Francophone Africa, the chapters some of them translated from English are certainly most welcomed by French speaking African readers and scholars alike. Thus, they gain the unique possibility to become familiar with the results of painstaking studies by spearheading researchers in this field of study.

Some of the contributions are revised papers, originally presented at a workshop at Dakar organised by the editors in January within the framework of the program Point Sud, an International Centre for Research on Local Knowledge in Bamako Mali. The introduction by the editors, written jointly with their research collaborator, Alena Thiel, develops the Leitmotiv of the book. It aptly captures the essence of the research findings presented in its title: In fact, the relations of Chinese and African petty traders and their mutual perception have changed fundamentally since the xenophobe manifestations against 'the Chinese' in several African towns as well as mutual incomprehension of both in Chinese towns mostly in the urban districts Xiaobei and Sanyuanli of Guangzhou where migrant African entrepreneurs arrived in the early s.

Many, if not most of them did not come to stay in the host country permanently, but they acted rather as sojourner, exploring the terrain in search of profitable trade, that is, Chinese imports of cheap consumer goods to Africa. Their mutual economic interest was based not so much on the general impact of political and economic globalisation but more specifically on the development of Chinese industrial production that facilitated Africans access to the desired Western products at an affordable price.

Thus, these entrepreneurial migrants, who incorporated globalisation from below in their very transnational economic practices, became themselves carriers of social and economic transformations in their respective host countries. The realm of these transformations covered a remarkable range, from specific access strategies to resources and social mobility, changing consumer behaviour, new norms and practices up to modifications of taste and ways of life. Book review by D.

The Modernity of Witchcraft: Occult in Postcolonial Africa. University Press of Virginia more. However, it does provide us with a powerful tool to comprehend the meaning and relevance of witchcraft in present-day Africa. Cependant, il nous fournit un outil puissant pour comprendre le sens et la pertinence de la sorcellerie dans l'Afrique actuelle. The 'National conference on witchcraft violence' dealing with so-called of 'muti' witch-murders in South Africa after the end of the Apartheid regime in the early s. Canadian Journal of African Studies. Lessons learned from research on 'the African poor'.

Contrary to widespread views, the increasing poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa is due less to natural but to social constraints of development. This has been demonstrated by a case study on the peasantry in Northern Nigeria in the s. The focus of this study is on socioeconomic stratification and class-relations, because one major cause of the marginalization of the African peasantry is considered to be the differentiation-process within the peasantry itself.

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The underlying thesis of emerging rural-capitalist relations of production in Nigeria as an aftermath of the 'oilboom' of the s has been backed by three lines of argumentation: First, by a critical review of literature on class-concepts concerning Africa and on methods to measure social stratification in the countryside. Second, by an analysis of the origins of rural class-formation in Nupeland or Bida Emirate, now Niger State Northern Nigeria, in pre-and post-colonial times. The findings ensuing from this analysis may provide valuable lessons for development planners, not just in one of the Nigerian emirates itself but also in other parts of Africa.

Book review Publication Date: This is an excellent book on the origins and the process of rural class differentiation in northern Nigeria, based on fieldwork among the Nupe in to