Larmes de venin : Essai sur le pouvoir (French Edition)

Jean-Claude Temaux for giving an extremely useful preview of his edition of Jodelle's Didon se sacrifiant. My research at the Bibliotheque Nationale was greatly aided by generous grants from the School's Postgraduate Fund and by Dr Emeline Vedrenne, whom I thank whole- heartedly. Last, but not least, I must thank my family, who have offered me unwavering support even though I had chosen theperfide Albion.

King Henry VI,Part II (Webster's French Thesaurus Edition)

Declaration No part of the material contained in this thesis has previously been submitted for a degree in the University of Durham or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published in any form, including electronic, without the author's prior written permission. Eneas 3 The rhetoric of Dido 4 Guilt and innocence 5 List and references of symbolic objects 6 Tables: When 1 refer to the characters, I use the name as it appears in the play, elsewhere I use the accepted English version.

Dido building Carthage William Turner 6 2. Constancy, in Iconologica, Cesar Ripa 60 3. Thomyris in La femme heroi'qtie, Du Bosc 77 4. Zenobia, in Gallerie des femmes fortes, Le Moyne 80 5. Death of Cleopatra, Johann Liss 6. Anne de Bretagne, Jean Bourdichon 7. Dido, Dosso Dossi 8. Enee et ses coriipagnons combattant les Harpies, Fran9ois Perrier Many scholars do; this was his answer to a purely rhetorical question and it is still true.

My Shopping Bag

Dido has been the subject of many studies, especially over the last two decades. The Actes du colloque international organized in at the Sorbonne under the direction of Pierre Grimal offers the most comprehensive approach to Dido from Antiquity to the twentieth century and from different perspectives, including literature, music, iconography and cinema. Moreover, even i f Dido is not part of the national curriculum in its French form in France, unlike Phaedra or Medea, there is a defmite revival of interest in her story across not only Europe, especially with the performance of Marmontel's and Purcell's operas, but even across the Atlantic thanks to the performance of Purcell's opera and Christopher Marlowe's tragedy.

Naissance, fonctionnement et survied'iin mythe Paris: University of Minnesota Press, Responses to the Dido Myth London: Faber and Faber, Vittoria Tessitore, n Mito di Didone: Introduction Considering the number of scholarly volumes published on the subject, the production of yet another study on Dido might seem superfluous. Yet, I will endeavour to show that this thesis is of particular interest to the study of sixteeinth- and seventeenth- century literature and society.

I propose to study Dido in a narrower field than those encompassed by the aforementioned publications, that is tragedy between and , a period of time which broadly covers the birth of French tragedy, the classical period and the evolution of tragedy beyond classicism. This will allow for a systematic examination of what is comparable, by avoiding the confusion that could arise fi-om comparing different genres or media.

This study intends to question the relevance of the character of Dido as a tragic character to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century French audiences, in particular in relation to notions of gender and power. The corpus includes the following tragedies: Jodelle's Didon se sacrifiant ? Champion, ; Alexandre Hardy, Didon se sacrifiant, ed. Montfleury's Ambigu Comique has not been re-edited since the seventeenth-century, therefore 1 have provided the text of the tragic acts in appendix eight and will be using it for all references.

Introduction ever been published; moreover Michele Ducos has commented on the play's poor quality. This means first concentrating on the authors, their individual backgrounds and, whenever possible, on the reasons that led them to choose the genre of tragedy arid Dido as a subject. This, I will argue, is best understood when looking at French society around the time of composition, in relation to the contemporary views not only of women, but of the three Queens Regent of France: Considering that the notion of gender plays a central role in this analysis, it is essential to determine what I mean by gender and to highlight the importance of cultural studies in relation to it.

If feminist theory has an important role to play, I would contend that its relevance is limited for this thesis because it applies concepts that are too modem for sixteenth- and seventeenth-century France. Gender and cultural studies offer a more comprehensive and less biased view, in my opinion, of the issues at stake in the representation of female power.

This is best exemplified by Judith Butler in her preface to Gender Trouble. She offers, I believe, a justification for the necessary contextualisation in the analysis of literary texts: To expose the foundational categories of sex, gender, and desire as effects of a specific formation of power requires a form of critical inquiry that Foucault, reformulating Nietzsche, designates as 'genealogy'. Michele Ducos briefly mentions this tragedy in her essay entitled 'Passion et Politique dans les tragedies de Didon', in Martin, Enee et Didon, p.

Introduction Stakes in designating as an origin and cause those identity categories that are in fact the effects of institutions, practices, discourses with multiple and diffuse points of origin. The task of this inquiry is to center on — and decenter — such defining institutions: The word representation is here essential, because it reveals the different levels of character construction dealt with by a playwright. In terms of gender construction, theatre has requirements that are not only met by the text itself, but by its actual embodiment by actors and actresses.

This materiality of theatre creation is central to its understanding. The representation and perception of gender in theatre comes primarily and obviously, one might say, from the human form of the characters: The five tragedies that I will be examining in this thesis, however, challenge the basic understanding of genders and their theatrical representation. For one thing, they are an oddity in that the five authors have chosen to put oh stage a female ruler in her own realm. There are very few of these characters in sixteenth and seventeenth-century tragedy as 1 will show later.

The reason behind this rarity is probably that such characters Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity London: Routledge, , pp. Freeman, Character's Theatre Philadelphia: Univei-sity of Pennsylvania Press, for the implications of the physical performance, required by the theatre, on the audience, p. Introduction are problematic as regards the institutions, practices and discourses of contemporary French society.

This I will prove by dedicating the next chapter to contextualising the conditions of production of the aforementioned five tragedies. The concept of character's identity needs to be addressed as well. A character's identity is a constmct which does not limit itself to gender, of course, but involves a number of elements brought together by the author and which, as a whole, convey a convincing, coherent identity with an inner logic, allowing the audience to suspend their disbelief. The identity of characters is defined, within the tragedies studied here, mainly in terms of gender and power.

The notion of power is central to this thesis. I would, therefore, like to take the time now to highlight two notions of power to which I will be referring. These two aspects of power are closely but not necessarily linked: Whereas the expectation is for the Queen to have political power and to be persuasive, it will be shown that there is no indispensable connection between the two. Both these aspects of power are defmed and represented in the plays in different ways, whether linguistically or materially.

These representations needed to be understood by the audience and, like gender, could be seen primarily and superficially on stage. For example, to denote royal power, kings and queens could be wearing crowns. He explains that there are 'trois signes qui relevent de I'instance representative et non de I'instance textuelle, les marques physiques, la voix et ie maintien [ Droz, , p. See also William Turner's Dido building Carthage below, for pictorial representation of Dido's royal grandeur.

Introduction see powerful characters on stage, expectations which would have been confirmed by the material and linguistic elements mentioned above. Tragedies must, therefore, meet the expectations or preconceptions of the audience as to what power looks and sounds like. Those expectations or preconceptions came from the audience's understanding of what power was. This is why it is crucial to know who the audience and readership were and what world they lived in, to be able to decode the representations of power set before their eyes.

Dido building Carthage, William Turner On another level, power lies with the word of the author. The decision to represent power, and here of course I mean royal power, was significant in the sixteenth- and seventeenth-centuries and akin to propaganda, especially at the height of Richelieu's authority in France. Cardinal Richelieu openly used theatre as a tool to promote royalty. Introduction perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behaviour to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent o f the propagandist'.

I would, however, argue that their predecessors, Jodelle arid Hardy, and successor, Montfleury, were just as involved in such a system, albeit possibly unconsciously or less obviously because o f the patronage system. What has happened to lead up to this point in time? What deeply held beliefs and values have been important for a long time? What myths are related to the current propaganda? What is the source o f these myths?

A rnyth is not merely a fantasy or a he, but rather is a model for social action. Focusing on famous women is o f particular interest i n the context o f this thesis, for I deal with a particular female character and the mere fact that it is in a tragic context has implications for the character's standing and status. The way in which women were considered did not necessarily apply to women in the nobility and especially queens, i f only because the idea o f monarchy by divine right made them the vessel for God's representative on earth.

Sage, , p. This will be developed further in the analysis of the individual authors and of their tragedies later in this introduction. Jowett and O'Donnell, Propaganda, p. Introduction practices and discourses relating to contemporary female rulers and their representation. The following chapter w i l l focus on the representation o f other queens performing a ruling role in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century tragedy.

This analysis w i l l enable me to introduce a model o f analysis setting up the different forces at stake i n plays dealing with female rulers I w i l l then examine the Dido tragedies in more detail, first concentrating, in chapter four, on the expression o f gender and power. This chapter w i l l be dedicated to a close examination o f the rhetoric o f the different characters i n the tragedies, with a particular focus on gender-specific rhetoric and the expression o f power and powerlessness. The final chapter w i l l illustrate the practices employed by the authors to implement their gender discourse through specific linguistic and material representations of power in the five tragedies.

This w i l l lead me, in the conclusion, to the assessment o f the plays as works representative o f contemporary culture and society and an understanding o f why Dido was such an attractive subject in sixteenth- and seventeenth- century France. For this reason, the rest o f this chapter w i l l be dedicated to Jodelle, Hardy, Scudery, Boisrobert and Montfleury and their respective tragedies.

It is essential to determine, for example, the reasons for which individual authors chose this particular topic, as well as the reasons behind their respective decisions to deal with a story that had already been put on stage, at least for Hardy, Scudery, Boisrobert and Montfleury.

The choice o f Dido for Jodelle first, and later for his fellow playwrights, is hardly siuprising. The preponderance o f Virgil in classical education fi-om the Middle Ages to the present time is unquestionable. In , in his presidential address to the Virgil Society, T. Eliot defined Virgil as an author who, in time, had The Roman Empire and the Latin language were not any empire and any language, but an empire and a language with a unique destiny in relation to ourselves; and the poet in whom that Empire and that language came to consciousness and expression is a poet o f unique destiny.

This is particularly relevant to the study o f Dido tragedies in the sixteenth and seventeenth-centuries because it sheds light on the playwrights' choice o f subject. Early Modem authors would have been familiar with the story o f Dido, arid so would part o f their audience. How many people in the audience T. Eliot, 'What is a Classic? Faber, , pp. One o f the major issues faced by the playwrights dealing with Dido is the transition from epic poem to tragedy: Dido's story is, i n fact, not easily ada: Madeleine Lazard summarises this issue as follows: Si les amours d'Enee et de Didon constituent I'un des plus beaux themes de la litterature, ils ne se pretent guere a nourrir une action dramatique.

Peut-on imaginer de batir une tragedie sur une intrigue amoureuse dont le heros, Enee en Libye, n'est heroique en aucun sens du terme? Ses raisons de quitter Carthage n'ont rien a voir avec I'histoire de Didon. Qui plus est, i l n'a pas a subir la consequence de sa faute.

Quant a Didon, ses invectives et ses regrets, fort beaux certes, ne peuvent creer une action. For details, see Desmond, Reading Dido. Introduction Out o f the five authors studied, four acknowledged Virgil as their main source o f inspiration: Jodelle, Hardy, Scudery and Montfleury.

However, Boisrobert deliberately set out to use different source texts because o f the cultural bias Virgil imposed on his reading o f Dido. Jodelle, Didon se sacrifiant. Bom in Paris in , o f noble extraction, Etienne Jodelle benefited from a classical education thanks to the vast library o f his father and other relatives: Jodelle had access to the works o f Erasmus, Livy, Flavins, Thucydides, Virgil, but also to those o f modem historians such as Froissart or Enguerrand de Monstrelet.

Jodelle's great uncle, Etienne de Passavant, also had a substantial library, which was, according to Balmas, predominandy dedicated to figurative aits, and possessed in particular some books on stage decoration that were to have a great influence on Jodelle's work. On this occasion, Jodelle took the lead role and the cast included two of his friends from the Pleiade, Reiny Belleau and Jean de la Peruse.

Jodelle became a more prolific poet than playwright, abandoning the theatre after the lack o f interest in his Didon. We owe, however, to Etieime Jodelle, as founder o f the tragedie d I 'antique, some o f the first tragedies written in French, and the first tragedy in French dedicated to Dido. La sua vita - il suo tempo Firenze: Olschki, , p. This was particularly relevant in terms of the masquerades that he produced, and he was also commissioned to compile a collection of inscriptions, figures, devises et masquarades to be performed at a celebration in Paris in , The latter was a complete failure and almost ruined him.

Introduction I f Jodelle's Didon is so similar to Virgil's text, almost a translation, it stems from the fact that the Pleiade was promoting the imitation o f the Ancients. The choice o f Dido by Jodelle serves a dual purpose: The sixteenth century saw the premises o f the rules governing classical tragedy, and the imitation o f the Ancients became gradually paramount in Early Modem theatre. Secondly, the posthumous publication o f Didon se sacrifiant sheds light, according to Lazard, on La Mothe's desire to rehabilitate the memory o f his friend who ' f u t accuse d'impiete - et [.

Indeed, Balmas suggests that these criticisms were made during Jodelle's lifetime and not only posthumously. The date o f composition o f Jodelle's Didon se sacrifiant is difficult to determine with precision. Beauchamps's Recherches sur les theatres de France remain vague enough to suggest that Jodelle's second tragedy might have been successful, following the triumph o f his Cleopdtre captive: Belles Lettres, , p.

Balmas, Etienne Jodelle, p. Prault Pere, , I, Balfnas refers to a sormet by du Baif that he believes to determine the date o f composition o f the play. I would argue that the representation on stage o f a queen exercising royal prerogatives is significant in relation to the socio-political climate prevailing in France at the time. I f we assume Temaux to be right, and Jodelle's play to have been composed between and , this means that Didon se sacrifiant was written at a time when Catherine de Medici had already acted as Queen Regent at least twice, in and , and possibly three times, since she acted as Regent i n as well.

It is, therefore, possible to interpret Jodelle's choice o f subject in the light o f the contemporary political Claude and Francois Parfaict, Dictionnaire des theatres de Paris, 1 vols Paris: Rozet, n, Jodelle, Didon se sacrifiant, p. However, several readings are possible, without necessarily being mutually exclusive. Jodelle's Didon se sacrifiant, I have mentioned previously, was probably never performed during his lifetime; even i f it were not performed - and we ignore the reasons for this - it can still be argued that Jodelle wrote his play to be performed at court, following the success o f the representation o f his Cleopdtre captive before Henry This means that the intended audience o f his play was aristocratic and educated, male and female.

The fact that Jodelle's play is very close to the Virgilian text, naturally leads me to conclude that the lyrical, or static, form chosen by the playwright was adapted to his intended audience or readership's tastes. The absence o f actual dialogue, which may seem inappropriate for the stage, would have posed no problem to the reader. The lack of real dialogue and action, however, 'did lead to a growing dissatisfaction o f the audience with regard to the stilted and formalized Renaissance tragedy introduced by Jodelle [.

Without going into too rnuch detail at this stage, it is possible to say here that one of the possible interpretations is that the character o f Dido can be regarded as a stage representation o f Catherine de Medici. This reading is, however, difficult to substantiate because o f the controversial nature o f such a comparison between the Queen o f France One caveat should be introduced here: Lough reports that a number of noblemen regarded learning with suspicion when it went beyond the acquisition of military, dance and music skills.

Longmans, , pp. Harvard University Press, , p. Introduction and the Queen o f Carthage. Moreover, the fact that Carthage is left at the end o f act five without a suitable sovereign is a sign o f Dido's failings as a monarch. Another interpretation might be that the character o f Dido can be regarded as a counter-example to Catherine de Medici, who is the epitome both o f a faithful wife to Henri I I and o f a powerfiil and efficient Queen.

Let us not forget that in Virgil's and Jodelle's works. Dido has sworn on the ashes o f her late husband that she w i l l remain faithful to his memory and never remarry. Complete opposite roles, then, in cornparison with Catherine de Medici. The Queen's fiercest opponents never doubted her faithfulness to Heinri I I while he was alive, in spite o f his infidelity; nor did they question the authenticity o f her bereavement.

Moralist writers from the sixteenth to the seventeenth century did use mythological and biblical female figures as examples and counter-examples in the education o f women. It is then not altogether impossible that Jodelle's Dido was created as a figure not to be emulated but to be used as a warning agaiiist the pangs o f passion. The differences between the Queen represented on stage and the Queen o f France can, therefore, be interpreted as a celebration o f the qualities o f the latter.

Another particularly pregnant theme o f Jodelle's Didon se sacrifiant is religion. Introduction the second half o f the sixteenth century. Although there seems to be little doubt that Jodelle wrote his tragedy before the start o f the armed conflicts, it is also undeniable that his Didon was composed at a time when anonjTnous denunciation, summary arrests and executions were not imcommon.

We w i l l probably iiever know. His religious affiliations might be a reason for the otherwise very enigmatic death sentence that was pronounced against h i m i n Jodelle's Didon se sacrifiant is composed o f 2, lines and five acts, which are not divided into scenes. The tragedy is lyrical in form which can be seen i n the way the characters express themselves, most o f the time, i n long monologues, which are followed by the intervention o f the chorus. I n terms o f structure, the first act is dedicated to the Trojans, thereby delaying the confrontation between Dido and iEneas until the second act and creating a modicum o f dramatic tension.

This dramatic ploy is essential for Jodelle, since there is no dramatic tension to be derived fi-om the action: It remains enigmatic because there is no record of why he was sentenced to death or why the sentence was not carried out. Balmas, Etienne Jodelle, pp. Introduction there is no doubt that JEneas w i l l leave, the audience must be left anticipating something else, namely Dido's reaction. Literestingly, this reaction is very much the main subject o f the first act, in which the audience or readership see the Trojans contemplate the potential consequences o f their departure for Dido and her kingdom.

The clever juxtaposition o f the ' e f f r o y ' felt by. The confrontation ensues in the second and third act, whereas the fourth and f i f t h acts are entirely dedicated to the female characters. The audience is, therefore, left wondering about the consequences o f the Trojans' departure for Dido, with the introduction o f premonitory dreams and the themes o f the supernatural and witchcraft.

These elements would have contributed to generate in the audience the feeling o f horror and pity theoretically necessary to achieve catharsis. Even though Jodelle was obviously not bound by the rules o f classical tragedy, as a keen imitator o f the Ancients, he could not have failed to try and arouse these feelings i n his audience and readers. It would take another fifty years for Dido to reappear on the French stage, i f indeed she had ever reached it with Jodelle, although she was by no means forgotten i n " Anne mentions several premonitory dreams in act IV , , , while Dido evokes witchcraft with a reference to a Massilian priestess and her dragon IV, , which introduces an evocation of Medea IV, The famously prolific Alexandre Hardy was the next playwright to offer her the possibility of reaching a French audience.

From a bourgeois family, it is generally accepted that he received a classical education, like Jodelle. On peut d'autant plus les en croire, qu'ils coiiroient la meme carriere. On a done mis Hardy a la tete du troisieme age, qui ne durant que quinze ans, fera voir les progres de la tragedie, s'ils paroissent rapides; s'ils surprennent, on ne peut se dispenser d'en rapporter Thonneur a Hardy, qui n'a point, a la verite, laisse de modele qu'on puisse suivre, mais qui a fraie le chemin, in magnis tentasse sat est. II prenoit la qualite de poete du roi. This play has unfortunately now disappeared.

Nizet, , p. Deiekauf-Holsboer, Vie d'Alexandre Hardy, p. Maupoint, Bibliotheque des theatres Paris: Prault, , p. Beauchamps, Recherches sur les theatres de France, pp. Introduction I f his style is perceived as heavy-handed, the changes he introduced in tragedy as a genre are deemed to have been significant. For instance, the lesser role attributed to the choms, in particular in his earlier plays, was to lead the way to its complete suppression at the end o f his career, and more widely i n French tragedy by the s.

His interest in theatre did not, however, reside solely i n composition. The choice o f Dido as a topic for Hardy is not entirely surprising. As a prolific writer, his source texts often included Greek and Roman authors, meaning that he would have known Virgil well. Jodelle's tragedy must have been known to him, since he mentions the pleasure to be derived from comparing his 'version avec celle des autres' in his address to the reader.

Jodelle's Didon was approximately fifty years old by the time Hardy had his own version staged; so although there was a Deierkauf-Holsboer, Vied'Alexandre Hardy, p. LeSoudier, , 1,4. Introduction slight risk o f the audience finding the theme repetitive, it at least ensured they knew the story and enabled Hardy to put his maik on it.

Didon se sacrifiant was published in i n the first volume o f his Theatre, h i terms o f contextualisation, because it is near impossible to offer a definitive date for the composition and performance o f this play, it is difficult to give a specific contextual study o f its composition. Various critics have proposed different dates and Alan Howe summarises the controversy i n his edition o f Didon se sacrifiant as follows: Quelque vraisemblables que soient ces theories, tout ce que nous avons le droit d'affirmer avec certitude est que la piece fut ecrite avant '. I f the play was composed after May and before , it was composed under the Regency o f Marie de Medici.

Finally, i f it was composed between and , memories o f women in power would, again, have undoubtedly been strong. It can, therefore, be concluded that the choice o f the story o f Dido was relevant to contemporary audiences, who could at the very least compare, i f not identify. Dido with contemporary monarehs.

A particular aspect o f the character o f Dido which would have resonated with contemporaries o f Marie de Medici's Regency is prodigality. Without going into too much detail here, one can Hardy, Didon se sacrifiant, pp. Introduction see an adrtiissioh o f guilt by Dido i n act I I I scene 1: Similar accusations were made against Marie de Medici, especially in relation to the Concinis as w i l l be discussed in the next chapters. Hardy's style and the content o f his plays were shaped by the growing dissatisfaction o f the audience towards the static form o f theatre but also by the popularisation o f theatre.

Valleran Le Conte set up his Troupe Royale at the Hotel de Bourgogne in , renting the premises from the Confrerie de la Passion et de la Resurrection de Jesus Christ, who had been performing mysteries since ; Mondory set up his troupe at the Marais in The rivalry o f the two playhouses offered access to plays to a wider audience. Unlike Jodelle, the authors no longer dealt with the aristocracy, but with the bourgeoisie, and more generally the 'gens de college, de palais ou de commerce' as described by the lieutenant de police!

In terms o f structure, as one o f Hardy's earlier plays, Didon se sacrifiant sfill features choruses: Clarendon Press, , p. See Parfaict, Dictionnqire, p. Contracts between Hardy and Valieran exist, but they only cover the period from onwards. For details, see Howe, Ecrivains de Theatre, pp. Introduction involved in the performances o f Valleran's troop. Moreover, unlike Jodelle, Hardy failed to obtain a powerful patron until , which accounts, at least partly, for the prolific nature o f his work.

He coiild not count on the generosity o f a powerful benefactor until then. Hardy eamed a living from his writing. This explains, to a certain extent, why the quantity o f Hardy's plays is more o f the essence than their quality, and possibly why, in the case o f Didon se sacrifiant.

Hardy's tragedy is so similar to Jodelle's and still so close to Virgil's text, to the detriment o f the dramatic tension. It is composed o f five acts, which are divided into two or three scenes each. The stmcture o f Hardy's tragedy is similar to that o f Jodelle in that the first act sees the separation o f male and female characters: Jodelle kept his first act entirely masculine and Hardy kept the first scene o f act I entirely masculine, whereas the secoiid scene is entirely fertiihine.

Hardy himself states that his play is 'presque entierement imitee du Poete Latin', in his address to the reader Ernst, Neudruck, ed. The remaining structure o f the two plays differs slightly: Hardy dedicated the second act to his masculine characters, thus delaying again the first meeting o f the protagonists. There is no record o f how many times Hardy's Didon se sacrifiant was performed, yet it is obvious that the topic remained an attractive one to playwrights since, in , Scudery dedicated a third tragedy in French to Dido.

Georges de Scudery, Didon Bom in Le Havre in , to a noble but impoverished family, Georges de Scudery was brought up by his imcle, after the death o f his father in , and seems to have received a good education, learning Italian and Spanish, as well as all the other subjects deerned essential for a young noble man. He was already a prolific poet, mostly inspired by the women he loved, but Anne is Dido's sister and confidante. La Mort de Cesar Paris: Societe des Textes Franijais Modemes, , p. Introduction Scudery then set his sights on theatre, which was experiencing a revival in France in the years She reappeared nearly ten years later, in his Cabinet de Monsieur de Scudery, as the subject o f a fictional painting by Da Vinci.

Car elle ne frappe pas, Quoique sa main soit levee. Klincksieck, , p. Delmas, A J o T? See also Alan Howe, Ecrivains de Theatre, p. The thirtieth painting entitled 'Didon qui se tue' is different from most of the other paintings described in the Cabinet precisely because it is not the description of a painting.

There is indeed no record of Leonardo Da Vinci ever having featured Dido in any of his paintings. Moreover, the poem is not so much based on what the author allegedly sees, and can therefore describe, but on extradiegetic information and moral judgements, which explains the choice of a fictional rather than an actual painting. Introduction The choice o f Dido by Scudery is not ahogether surprising. Secondly, he had already shown an interest in Roman history through his first tragedy, La Mort de Cesar.

The appeal o f Roman history for Scudery and his contemporaries was two-fold: Close to Richelieu, who was attempting to promote the monarchy through theatre, Scudery seems, therefore, to have carefully chosen topics for his two tragedies that were supporting the Cardinal's aim. In this, Scudery contributes to maintaining the monarchy by divine right in adhering to the technique o f propaganda as articulated by Jowett and O'Dormell: Messages have greater impact when they are in line with existing opinions, behefs, and dispositions.

Jacques EUul said, 'The propagandist builds his techniques oh the basis o f his knowledge o f man, his tendencies, his desires, his needs, his psychic mechanisms, his conditioning' p. The propagandist uses belief to create belief by linking or reinforcing audience predispositions to reinforce propagandistic ideology or, in some cases, to create new attitudes or behaviours or both. Rather than try to change political loyalties, racial or religious attitudes. See, for instance, the siin motif pervading the play.

See, in particular, act I, scene 4. Introduction and other deeply held beliefs, the propagandist voices the propagandee's feelings about these things. Messages appear to be resonant, for they seem to be coming from within the audience rather than from without. However, it is interesting to note that, iri Scudery's play, the political dimension is mostly introduced on a thematic rather than lexical level by secondary characters such as the courtiers, Hermon, Arbase or Mircan.

I f the choice o f Dido as a main character is not surprising, it could have been problematic in view o f Marie de Medici's controversial thirst for power which led to her banishment only four years before the first performance o f Didon in Was it wise to represent a female ruler on stage at such a time? Had Marie de Medici been forgotten already? This is highly unlikely. Could the ultimate failure o f this female ruler on stage serve to maintain the suspension o f disbelief — the audience would readily accept this failure as inevitable based on their own experience o f female rulers — and subtly reinforce the idea o f female rule as inherently dangerous?

Again, this is highly unlikely. Dido is portrayed overall as a good monarch, with very few negative references — substantially fewer, in fact, than in the previous plays by Jodelle and Hardy. This, I would contend, stems from the fact that the fiindamental goal o f Scudery, under the influence of contemporary circumstances, is to paint a positive picture o f monarchy, regardless o f the gender o f the monarch. Scudery himself explains in the Avertissement that the aim o f the play is to give women access to Virgil's beautifijl text: Introduction Latin est trop loin de la France potir y faire voyager les Dames, c'est i c i qu'elles pourront voir au moins ime legere idee de tant d'excellentes choses, que leur cache une langue, qui n'est plus que dans les livres'.

The playwrights adapted to trends and responded to the audience's demands. Thus, Scudery's Didon differs from its predecessors in that it reflects the galanterie and preciosite emanating from the salons. Addressed to an educated and precious audience, Scudery's tragedy is influenced by his frequentation o f literary salons. To combat the old image o f riotous immorality and dispel any notion that theatre-going was a pursuit fit only for the rabble, those whose livelihood depended on box-office takings set about creating a new, elevated image o f drama.

Other variations are more original. Didon is much shorter than its predecessors, at 1, alexandrines, and Scudery, Didon, p. It should be noted that Madeleine de Scudery, his sister, held her own literary salon from Gibson, 'Women and the Notion of Propriety,' pp. Introduction adheres loosely to the rules of classical tragedy, something the two Didon se sacrifiant did not have to do: I f the unity o f action is respected and, to a certain extent, the unity o f place as well - the scene is at Carthage: According to DeLmas, the originaUty o f Scudery's play lies in its Et ce parti va, en fait, dans le sens de I'efficacite dramatique.

Comme on le sait, Scudery fait debuter Taction beaucoup plus tot que ses predecesseurs, a I'arrivee des Troyens a Carthage. Le champ des traductions possibles de la source virgilienne se trouve alors considerablement elargi: C'est pourquoi la crise n'eclate qu'a I'acte rV ou se trouve regroupe I'essentiel du dialogue entre Enee et Didon [ The dramatic tension therefore caimot lie in this play with the feeling o f urgency created by the imminent attack by an outside force.

Scudery, like Jodelle and Hardy before Wm, keeps the main characters apart for the first scenes: The second and third scenes are entirely masculine with the introduction o f. The fourth scene sees the return o f Dido and Aime, the introduction of Barce and Dido's daughters one o f Scudery's original inventions , Technis and Zertine, as well as a few male courtiers.

Introduction scene o f the first act. The latter only occurs in act i V , scene 2, the penultimate encounter o f the protagonists. Dido's recriminations are similar to those i n the previous plays, that is to say very close to Virgil's text, and end with the Queen fainting. Scudery prolonged Dido's agony with an ultimate meeting with her lover in act V , scene 2, where Dido's fijry is expressed by imprecations foreseeing the Punic wars, thus following Virgil's text.

Eneas feature together in the following scenes: It is also the last scene in which. Eneas and the Trojans appear. With the following minor exception of scene 4, in which Dido's courtisans plan to avenge themselves against the Trojans, as well as the mute presence of Hircan in scene 5 and four lines spoken by Hermon in scene 6. This is where he met Monseigneuf de Richelieu, bishop o f Lufon. These initial meetings did not provide Boisrobert with the expected manna, as the Queen was banished from court and, with her, Richelieu and our author.

Boisrobert was not a keen tragedy writer. La Vraye Didon is i n fact his only tragedy; his skills tended to take him towards other genres such as tragicomedy and comedy. The subject and the genre chosen by Boisrobert are no coincidence. To explain the choice o f Dido, we could mention the feeling o f emulation between fellow authors which might have encouraged him to choose the same topic as his predecessors, or the fact that Dido was a legendary heroine associated with Rome, hence an appropriate subject.

Bossard, , p. Mercure de France, , pp. Magne, Le Plaisant Abbe de Boisrobert, pp. However, by , Boisrobert was receiving a comfortable pension from the Cardinal and enjoyed numerous other 'benefices'. See Alan Howe, Ecrivains de Theatre, p. His writings got him in trouble on numerous occasions, see for instance Tallemant des Reaux, Le Cardinal de Richelieu, pp.

Introduction by choosing to ignore Virgil as a source text, or not so much ignore him as to denounce the cabal he started against Dido. The influence o f the circumstances o f composition is obvious in this case: Delmas details the cabal Boisrobert had himself fallen victim to at court and which led to his banishment.

The growing influence o f women on theatre can also be witnessed in the dedicaces o f contemporary plays, as can be seen with Boisrobert's play. Gibson thus asserts that, '[ejnthroned i n their salons the ladies were already recognized "arbitores elegantiae" whose approbation was sought by poets [. For, Boisrobert might, in fact, be the author with the smallest intended audience.

His Vraye Didon was written to ingratiate himself with Richelieu. His aim was, therefore, to satisfy the moral standards o f his old patron. I n order to do so, he composed a tragedy worthy o f Richelieu's niece and sought to offer an example o f female virtue. It could, therefore, be argued that the popular success o f his Vraye Didon did not much matter to Boisrobert as long as it pleased the Cardinal.

The different intended audience o f Scudery and Boisrobert is reflected in the style and content o f their respective plays. Galanterie and preciosite no longer feature i n La Vraye Didon, but rather moral quandaries and a terrible striving to perform one's duty. Delmas, Didon a la scene, pp. Introduction Consequently, Boisrobert used different sources, focusing instead on Justin's 83 Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus, as well as the Spanish tradition, especially Lobo Lasso de la Vega's Tragedia de la honra de Dido restaurada. The use o f inverted commas around the word historical highlights the fact that the criteria used by authors such as Justin to verify their sources are not those used by historians nowadays.

I f Justin cannot be accused o f the same bias as Virgil, it must nevertheless be remembered that Justin's own sources are not necessarily reliable by modern standards. Scholars, however, refer to Justin's version o f Dido's story as the historical tradition, as opposed to the legendary or mythical tradition which took shape with the yEneid.

The main consequence o f Boisrobert's choice o f source is revealed by the absence of. There are, allegedly, three hundred years separating. Troy is supposed to have been destroyed in the twelfth century BC, whereas Carthage was only founded i n the ninth century BC. In the absence of a love interest for his Dido, Boisrobert can concentrate on the moral dilemma faced by his QUeen whose authority is challenged by two male protagonists: Quoted by Delmas, Didon a la scene, p.

Quoted by Bono and Tessitore, 77 M;7o di Didone, p. Introduction mieux se donner la mort que de manquer a la fidelite qu'elle avait promise aux cendfes de son epoiix'. One can, therefore, wonder how appropriate i t was to address the comtesse in his dedicace. It can only be concluded that the relations o f the comtesse to Richelieu made it obvious that Boisrobert was really addressing her virtuous uncle. In a wider context, La Vraye Didon puts on stage once more a failed queen and we can again wonder how appropriate it would have been or how it would have been perceived by conteniporary audiences.

La Vraye Didon differs from its predecessors on a number o f levels. First the setting is different: The basic structure is, o f course, classic, with five acts divided into between three and seven scenes. Pygmalion, who was mentioned in previous plays as the murderer o f Dido's husband but a distant threat, now appears in eight scenes, three of which are with Dido I , 2; I I , 2; I I I , 3.

Finally, Delmas notes that Boisrobert, i f l Vraye Didon, p. The scene o f the expositio is once again left to Dido and Anne. The introduction o f Pygmalion in the second scene, in a way, announces the mascuHnisation o f the first act, as the next two scenes are entirely dedicated to men, as is most o f the second act — except scene 2 and the confrontation o f Dido and larbe. There are two scenes o f confrontation in the play: The retum o f the female characters to the stage at the beginning o f act I I I is short-lived since the male characters reappear in scene 2 and 3 and the next four scenes are entirely dedicated to them.

The second scene o f confrontation involves Dido and Pygmalion, after the discovery o f his treachery I I I , 3 , and anticipates his forthcoming final betrayal. It is interesting to note that paradoxically for a play named after a female character, it is the male characters who are overrepresented ten scenes are entirely masculine, for five scenes only which are entirely feminine. Antoine Jacob de Montfleury came from a different background to our previous Delmas, Diddn a la scene, p. He takes part in the sack of Carthage V, 2. B o m into an acting family, he had, initially, more experience o f the theatre than Hardy, for instance, and was aware o f material requirements as well as audience tastes.

Its success is acknowledged by the author himself in his address to the reader: Clement and Laporte comment on Montfleury's 'expression que la decence a proscrite de See, for example, the references to the Marais troupe in thefirstintermede of L 'Ambigu comique, entitled Le Nouveau Marie 6, CNRS, , pp. Montfleury, L 'Ambigu comique, the pages are not numbered.

This passage is on the fourth page of the address to the reader in the original edition which is used here. The original spelling has been preserved. Edwin Mellen Press, I, and Introduction toutes hos comedies modemes', and on the narrow range o f subjects o f his comedies, yet they agree that his one tragedy showed great skills.

This makes Montfleury's play the shortest o f the five analysed in this thesis at lines, since the tragedy itself is only three acts long, with each act being divided into five to seven scenes. The number o f characters is consequently limited to six in order to preserve the coherence o f the performance and reading. La crainte que j'avois que les Intermedes de celle-cy, qui n'en ont aucun avec ce qui les precede, n'interrompissent I'attention de I'Auditeur pour le Serieux, me fit croire que j e ne pourois I'empescher, qu'en faisant chois d'un Sujet fort coimu. Barsine, identified as the confidente de Didon, plays the role attributed to both Barce and Anne in the other plays.

Montfleury, L 'Ambigu comique. See appendix 8, p. Eneas to leave Carthage. Unlike Boisrobert, Montfleury had no educational claim: There are striking differences between Scudery's Didon and L'Ambigu comique'. Scudery was imbued with galanterie and therefore chose to amend Virgil's text accordingly in order, for example, for. T h e r e is no such precaution m Montfleury's tragedy, although he also amended Virgil's text.

The first two scenes o f the play are dedicated to the expositio, which is the work o f JEneas and Achate. Dido and yEneas are only present together on stage twice: In the latter scene, Montfleury introduced the topos o f the confrontation. The main innovation in Montfleury's play is the new role given to larbe: Dido even agrees to marry him, should he agree to k i l l the deserting Trojan I I I , 6, 7. This role is all the more important since only Hardy and Boisrobert had put this character on stage before: This is most obvious with the issue of marriage: Scudery's iCneas does not promise marriage, hence does not break any promise, whereas Montfleury's hero has agreed to marry Dido and the preparations are ongoing at the beginning of the play I, 2.

Virgil, on the other hand, had remained vague on this particular question. It must be remembered that the scene: A description of femaleness and of the relationship of women to power in Renaissance and Early Modem France is essential before examining the character of Dido, because focusing on representations of a queen entails concentrating on the representation of women on the French stage. In order to have a better understanding of femaleness and queenship in this period, it is necessary to first examine the institutions, from theory to practice, and the works of the moralist writers and the Querelle des femmes, before looking at contemporary French Queens and the representation of female royal power in French drama over the same period.

Prior to any discussion of femaleness, it must be acknowledged here that queens enjoyed a very different status from that of the average woman, especially in France because of the notion of absolute monarchy. Contextnalisation frames of reference eannot be overlooked: While analysing Renaissance and Early Modem literature, one must resist what Jonathan DoUimore describes as 'the temptation simply to write the past according to our current theoretical predilections', meaning that forcibly applying the frame of modem literary or social theories onto Renaissance and Early Modem moralistic writing and literature will not necessarily help understand theni better.

Fisher and Halley agree that, when studying Renaissance women in literature, 'by and large, the codes a: Augustine to Wilde, Freud to Foucault Oxford: Clarendon , p. Sheila Fisher and Janet E. Essays in Contextual Criticism Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, , p. Contextualisation circumstances previously evoked.

What say'st thou, man? And will they undertake to do me good? This they have promised,--to show your highness A spirit rais'd from depth of underground, That shall make answer to such questions As by your Grace shall be propounded him. It is enough; I'll think upon the questions. When from Saint Alban's we do make return, We'll see these things effected to the full.

Here, Hume, take this reward; make merry, man, French alone: Hume must make merry with the duchess' gold, Marry, and shall. But, how now, Sir John Hume! Seal up your lips, and give no words but mum; The business asketh silent secrecy. Dame Eleanor gives gold to bring the witch; Gold cannot come amiss, were she a devil. Yet have I gold flies from another coast. I dare not say, from the rich cardinal And from the great and new-made Duke of Suffolk, Yet I do find it so; for, to be plain, They, knowing Dame Eleanor's aspiring humour, Have hired me to undermine the duchess And buzz these conjurations in her brain.

They say ' A crafty knave does need no broker;' Yet am I Suffolk and the cardinal's broker. Hume, if you take not heed, you shall go near To call them both a pair of crafty knaves. Well, so its stands; and thus, I fear, at last Hume's knavery will be the duchess' wrack, And her attainture will be Humphrey's fall. Sort how it will, I shall have gold for all. My masters, let's stand close; my lord protector will come this way by and by, and then we may deliver our supplications in the quill.

Marry, the Lord protect him, for he's a good man! Here 'a comes, methinks, and the queen with him. I'll be the first, sure. Come back, fool; this is the Duke of Suffolk and not my lord protector. I pray, my lord, pardon me; I took ye for my lord protector. Let me see them; what is thine? Mine is, an 't please your grace, against John Goodman, my lord cardinal's man, for keeping my house and lands, and wife and all, from me.

Alas, sir, I am but a poor petitioner of our whole township. That my master was? And as for you, that love to be protected Under the wings of our protector's grace, Begin your suits anew and sue to him. Come, let's be gone. My Lord of Suffolk, say, is this the guise, Is this the fashion in the court of England? Is this the government of Britain's isle, And this the royalty of Albion's king? What, shall King Henry be a pupil still Under the surly Gloster's governance?

Am I a queen in title and in style, French anew: William Shakespeare 21 And must be made a subject to a duke? I tell thee, Pole, when in the city Tours Thou ran'st a tilt in honour of my love And stol'st away the ladies' hearts of France, I thought King Henry had resembled thee In courage, courtship, and proportion; But all his mind is bent to holiness, To number Ave-Maries on his beads, His champions are the prophets and apostles, His weapons holy saws of sacred writ, His study is his tilt-yard, and his loves Are brazen images of canoniz'd saints.

I would the college of the cardinals Would choose him pope and carry him to Rome, And set the triple crown upon his head; That were a state fit for his holiness. Beside the haughty protector, have we Beaufort The imperious churchman, Somerset, Buckingham, And grumbling York; and not the least of these But can do more in England than the king.

And he of these that can do most of all Cannot do more in England than the Nevils; Salisbury and Warwick are no simple peers. Not all these lords do vex me half so much French bent: She sweeps it through the court with troops of ladies, More like an empress than Duke Humphrey's wife. Strangers in court do take her for the queen; She bears a duke's revenues on her back, And in her heart she scorns our poverty. Shall I not live to be aveng'd on her? Contemptuous base-born callat as she is, She vaunted 'mongst her minions t' other day, The very train of her worst wearing gown Was better worth than all my father's land Till Suffolk gave two dukedoms for his daughter.

Madam, myself have lim'd a bush for her, And plac'd a quire of such enticing birds That she will light to listen to the lays, And never mount to trouble you again. So, let her rest; and, madam, list to me, For I am bold to counsel you in this. Although we fancy not the cardinal, Yet must we join with him and with the lords Till we have brought Duke Humphrey in disgrace. As for the Duke of York, this late complaint Will make but little for his benefit. So, one by one, we'll weed them all at last, And you yourself shall steer the happy helm.

For my part, noble lords, I care not which; Or Somerset or York, all's one to me. If York have ill demean'd himself in France, Then let him be denay'd the regentship. If Somerset be unworthy of the place, Let York be regent; I will yield to him. Whether your grace be worthy, yea or no, Dispute not that; York is the worthier. Ambitious Warwick, let thy betters speak. The cardinal's not my better in the field. All in this presence are thy betters, Warwick.

Warwick may live to be the best of all. Because the king, forsooth, will have it so. Madam, the King is old enough himself To give his censure; these are no women's matters. If he be old enough, what needs your grace To be protector of his excellence? Madam, I am protector of the realm, And, at his pleasure, will resign my place.

Resign it then, and leave thine insolence. Since thou wert king--as who is king but thou? The commons hast thou rack'd; the clergy's bags Are lank and lean with thy extortions. Thy sumptuous buildings and thy wife's attire Have cost a mass of public treasury. Thy cruelty in execution Upon offenders hath exceeded law, And left thee to the mercy of the law.

Thy sale of offices and towns in France, If they were known, as the suspect is great, Would make thee quickly hop without thy head. Could I come near your beauty with my nails, I'd set my ten commandments in your face. Sweet aunt, be quiet; 't was against her will. Though in this place most master wear no breeches, She shall not strike Dame Eleanor unreveng'd. Lord cardinal, I will follow Eleanor, And listen after Humphrey, how he proceeds. She's tickled now; her fume needs no spurs, She'll gallop far enough to her destruction.

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Now, lords, my choler being overblown With walking once about the quadrangle, I come to talk of commonwealth affairs. As for your spiteful false objections, Prove them, and I lie open to the law; But God in mercy so deal with my soul As I in duty love my king and country! But, to the matter that we have in hand: Before we make election, give me leave To show some reason, of no little force, That York is most unmeet of any man.

I'll tell thee, Suffolk, why I am unmeet: First, for I cannot flatter thee in pride; Next, if I be appointed for the place, My Lord of Somerset will keep me here, Without discharge, money, or furniture, Till France be won into the Dauphin's hands. Last time, I danc'd attendance on his will Till Paris was besieg'd, famish'd, and lost. That can I witness; and a fouler fact Did never traitor in the land commit. Image of pride, why should I hold my peace? Because here is a man accus'd of treason. Pray God the Duke of York excuse himself!

Doth any one accuse York for a traitor? What mean'st thou, Suffolk? Please it your majesty, this is the man That doth accuse his master of high treason. His words were these: Say, man, were these thy words? An 't shall please your majesty, I never said nor thought any such matter; God is my witness, I am falsely accused by the villain. By these ten bones, my lords, he did speak them to me in the garret one night, as we were scouring my Lord of York's armour. Base dunghill villain and mechanical, I'll have thy head for this thy traitor's speech.

Alas, my lord, hang me if ever I spake the words. My accuser is my prentice; and when I did correct him for his fault the other day, he did vow upon his knees he would be even with me. I have good witness of this; therefore I beseech your majesty, do not cast away an honest man for a villain's accusation. Uncle, what shall we say to this in law? This doom, my lord, if I may judge: Let Somerset be Regent o'er the French, French accusation: This is the law, and this Duke Humphrey's doom.

I humbly thank your royal Majesty. And I accept the combat willingly. Alas, my lord, I cannot fight; for God's sake, pity my case. The spite of man prevaileth against me. O Lord, have mercy upon me! I shall never be able to fight a blow! O Lord, my heart! Sirrah, or you must fight or else be hang'd. Away with them to prison; and the day of combat shall be the last of the next month.

Come, my masters; the duchess, I tell you, expects performance of your promises. Master Hume, we are therefore provided; will her ladyship behold and hear our exorcisms? I have heard her reported to be a woman of an invincible spirit: Well said, my masters; and welcome all. To this gear the sooner the better. Patience, good lady, wizards know their times: Deep night, dark night, the silent of the night, The time of night when Troy was set on fire, The time when screech-owls cry and ban-dogs howl And spirits walk and ghosts break up their graves, That time best fits the work we have in hand.

Madam, sit you and fear not; whom we raise, We will make fast within a hallow'd verge. It thunders and lightens terribly; then the Spirit riseth. Ask what thou wilt. That I had said and done! The duke yet lives that Henry shall depose, But him outlive and die a violent death. By water shall he die and take his end.

Let him shun castles; Safer shall he be upon the sandy plains Than where castles mounted stand. Have done, for more I hardly can endure. Descend to darkness and the burning lake! William Shakespeare 31 Lay hands upon these traitors and their trash. What, madam, are you there? Not half so bad as thine to England's king, Injurious duke, that threatest where's no cause.

True, madam, none at all; what call you this? Lord Buckingham, methinks you watch'd her well; A pretty plot, well chosen to build upon! Now, pray, my lord, let's see the devil's writ. What have we here? But him outlive and die a violent death. The king is now in progress towards Saint Alban's, With him the husband of this lovely lady.

Thither go these news, as fast as horse can carry them; A sorry breakfast for my lord protector. Your Grace shall give me leave, my Lord of York, To be the post, in hope of his reward. At your pleasure, my good lord. Believe me, lords, for flying at the brook, I saw not better sport these seven years' day; Yet, by your leave, the wind was very high, And, ten to one, old Joan had not gone out.

But what a point, my lord, your falcon made, And what a pitch she flew above the rest!

To see how God in all His creatures works! Yea, man and birds are fain of climbing high. No marvel, an it like your majesty, My lord protector's hawks do tower so well; They know their master loves to be aloft, And bears his thoughts above his falcon's pitch. My lord, 't is but a base ignoble mind That mounts no higher than a bird can soar. I thought as much; he would be above the clouds. Ay, my lord cardinal?

Were it not good your grace could fly to heaven? The treasury of everlasting joy. Thy heaven is on earth; thine eyes and thoughts Beat on a crown, the treasure of thy heart, Pernicious protector, dangerous peer, That smooth'st it so with king and commonweal. What, cardinal, is your priesthood grown peremptory? Tantaene animis coelestibus irae? No malice, sir; no more than well becomes So good a quarrel and so bad a peer. As who, my lord? Why, as you, my lord, An 't like your lordly lord-protectorship. Why, Suffolk, England knows thine insolence.

And thy ambition, Gloster. I prithee, peace, good queen, And whet not on these furious peers; For blessed are the peacemakers on earth. Let me be blessed for the peace I make Against this proud protector, with my sword! How now, my lords! Believe me, cousin Gloster, Had not your man put up the fowl so suddenly, We had had more sport. Why, how now, uncle Gloster!

Talking of hawking; nothing else, my lord. The winds grow high; so do your stomachs, lords. How irksome is this music to my heart! When such strings jar, what hope of harmony? I pray, my lords, let me compound this strife. What means this noise? Fellow, what miracle dost thou proclaim? Come to the king, and tell him what miracle. Forsooth, a blind man at Saint Alban's shrine, Within this half hour, hath receiv'd his sight; A man that ne'er saw in his life before. Now, God be prais'd, that to believing souls Gives light in darkness, comfort in despair!

Here comes the townsmen on procession, To present your highness with the man. Great is his comfort in this earthly vale, Although by his sight his sin be multiplied. Stand by, my masters. Bring him near the king; His highness' pleasure is to talk with him. Good fellow, tell us here the circumstance, That we for thee may glorify the Lord. What, hast thou been long blind and now restor'd? Born blind, an 't please your grace. Ay indeed was he. What woman is this? His wife, an 't like your worship.

Hadst thou been his mother, thou couldst have better told. Where wert thou born? At Berwick in the north, an 't like your grace. Poor soul, God's goodness hath been great to thee; Let never day nor night unhallow'd pass, But still remember what the Lord hath done.

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Tell me, good fellow, cam'st thou here by chance, Or of devotion, to this holy shrine? God knows, of pure devotion; being call'd A hundred times and oftener, in my sleep, By good Saint Alban, who said 'Simpcox, come, Come, offer at my shrine, and I will help thee. Most true, forsooth; and many time and oft Myself have heard a voice to call him so. What, art thou lame? Ay, God Almighty help me! How cam'st thou so? A fall off of a tree. How long hast thou been blind? O, born so, master! What, and wouldst climb a tree?

But that in all my life, when I was a youth. Too true; and bought his climbing very dear. Mass, thou lov'dst plums well that wouldst venture so. Alas, good master, my wife desir'd some damsons, And made me climb, with danger of my life. In my opinion yet thou seest not well. Yes, master, clear as day, I thank God and Saint Alban. Say'st thou me so? What colour is this cloak of? Red, master, red as blood. Why, that's well said. What colour is my gown of? Black, forsooth, coal-black as jet. Why, then, thou know'st what colour jet is of?

And yet, I think, jet did he never see. But cloaks and gowns before this day, a many. Never before this day in all his life. Tell me, sirrah, what's my name? Alas, master, I know not. What's thine own name? Saunder Simpcox, an if it please you, master. Then, Saunder, sit there, the lyingest knave in Christendom. If thou hadst been born blind, thou mightst as well have known all our names as thus to name the several colours we do wear. Sight may distinguish of colours; but suddenly to nominate them all, it is impossible.

O master, that you could! My masters of Saint Alban's, have you not beadles in your town, and things called whips? Yes, my lord, if it please your grace. Then send for one presently. Sirrah, go fetch the beadle hither straight. Now fetch me a stool hither by and by. Alas, master, I am not able to stand alone; You go about to torture me in vain.

Well, sir, we must have you find your legs. I will, my lord. Alas, master, what shall I do? I am not able to stand. O God, seest Thou this, and bearest so long? It made me laugh to see the villain run. Follow the knave, and take this drab away. Alas, sir, we did it for pure need! Let them be whipped through every market-town till they come to Berwick, from whence they came. Duke Humphrey has done a miracle to-day. True; made the lame to leap and fly away.

But you have done more miracles than I; You made in a day, my lord, whole towns to fly. What tidings with our cousin Buckingham? Such as my heart doth tremble to unfold. A sort of naughty persons, lewdly bent, Under the countenance and confederacy Of Lady Eleanor, the protector's wife, The ringleader and head of all this rout, Have practis'd dangerously against your state, Dealing with witches and with conjurers, Whom we have apprehended in the fact, Raising up wicked spirits from underground, Demanding of King Henry's life and death, And other of your highness' privy-council, As more at large your Grace shall understand.

And so, my lord protector, by this means Your lady is forthcoming yet at London. Ambitious churchman, leave to afflict my heart. Sorrow and grief have vanquish'd all my powers; And, vanquish'd as I am, I yield to thee, Or to the meanest groom. O God, what mischiefs work the wicked ones, Heaping confusion on their own heads thereby! Gloster, see here the tainture of thy nest; And look thyself be faultless, thou wert best. Madam, for myself, to heaven I do appeal, How I have lov'd my king and commonweal; And, for my wife, I know not how it stands.

Sorry I am to hear what I have heard; Noble she is; but if she have forgot Honour and virtue, and convers'd with such As like to pitch defile nobility, I banish her my bed and company, And give her as a prey to law and shame, That hath dishonoured Gloster's honest name. Well, for this night we will repose us here; To-morrow toward London back again, To look into this business thoroughly, And call these foul offenders to their answers, And poise the cause in justice' equal scales, Whose beam stands sure, whose rightful cause prevails. William Shakespeare 45 In this close walk to satisfy myself, In craving your opinion of my title, Which is infallible, to England's crown.

My lord, I long to hear it at full. Sweet York, begin; and if thy claim be good, The Nevils are thy subjects to command. Edward the Third, my lords, had seven sons: Edward the Black Prince died before his father And left behind him Richard, his only son, Who after Edward the Third's death reign'd as king; Till Henry Bolingbroke, Duke of Lancaster, The eldest son and heir of John of Gaunt, Crown'd by the name of Henry the Fourth, Seiz'd on the realm, depos'd the rightful king, Sent his poor queen to France, from whence she came, And him to Pomfret, where, as all you know, Harmless Richard was murther'd traitorously.

Father, the duke hath told the truth; Thus got the house of Lancaster the crown. Which now they hold by force and not by right; For Richard, the first son's heir, being dead, The issue of the next son should have reign'd. But William of Hatfield died without an heir. This Edmund, in the reign of Bolingbroke, As I have read, laid claim unto the crown; And, but for Owen Glendower, had been king, Who kept him in captivity till he died. But to the rest. So, if the issue of the elder son Succeed before the younger, I am king. What plain proceeding is more plain than this?

Till Lionel's issue fails, his should not reign; It fails not yet, but flourishes in thee And in thy sons, fair slips of such a stock. Long live our sovereign Richard, England's king! We thank you, lords. But I am not your king Till I be crown'd, and that my sword be stain'd With heart-blood of the house of Lancaster; And that's not suddenly to be perform'd, But with advice and silent secrecy. Do you as I do in these dangerous days,-Wink at the Duke of Suffolk's insolence, At Beaufort's pride, at Somerset's ambition, At Buckingham, and all the crew of them, Till they have snar'd the shepherd of the flock, That virtuous prince, the good Duke Humphrey; 'T is that they seek, and they in seeking that Shall find their deaths, if York can prophesy.

My lord, break we off; we know your mind at full. And, Nevil, this I do assure myself: Richard shall live to make the Earl of Warwick The greatest man in England but the king. Stand forth, Dame Eleanor Cobham, Gloster's wife. In sight of God and us, your guilt is great; Receive the sentence of the law for sins Such as by God's book are adjudg'd to death. The witch in Smithfield shall be burn'd to ashes, And you three shall be strangled on the gallows.

Welcome is banishment; welcome were my death. Eleanor, the law, thou seest, hath judged thee; French assure: William Shakespeare 49 I cannot justify whom the law condemns. Ah, Humphrey, this dishonour in thine age Will bring thy head with sorrow to the ground! Stay, Humphrey Duke of Gloster. Ere thou go, Give up thy staff; Henry will to himself Protector be, and God shall be my hope, My stay, my guide, and lantern to my feet. And go in peace, Humphrey, no less belov'd Than when thou wert protector to thy king. I see no reason why a king of years Should be to be protected like a child.

Give up your staff, sir, and the king his realm. Here, noble Henry, is my staff. As willingly do I the same resign As e'er thy father Henry made it mine; And even as willingly at thy feet I leave it As others would ambitiously receive it. Farewell, good king; when I am dead and gone, May honourable peace attend thy throne!

This staff of honour raught, there let it stand Where it best fits to be, in Henry's hand. Thus droops this lofty pine and hangs his sprays; Thus Eleanor's pride dies in her youngest days. Lords, let him go. Ay, good my lord; for purposely therefore Left I the court, to see this quarrel tried.

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O' God's name, see the lists and all things fit. Here let them end it; and God defend the right! I never saw a fellow worse bested, Or more afraid to fight, than is the appellant, The servant of his armourer, my lords. Here, neighbour Horner, I drink to you in a cup of sack; and fear not, neighbour, you shall do well enough. And here, neighbour, here's a cup of charneco. And here's a pot of good double beer, neighbour; drink, and fear not your man. Let it come, i' faith, and I'll pledge you all; and a fig for Peter!

Here, Peter, I drink to thee; and be not afraid. Be merry, Peter, and fear not thy master: I thank you all; drink, and pray for me, I pray you, for I think I have taken my last draught in this world. Come, leave your drinking and fall to blows. Masters, I am come hither, as it were, upon my man's instigation, to prove him a knave and myself an honest man; and touching the Duke of York, I will take my death, I never meant him any ill, nor the king, nor the queen;-and therefore, Peter, have at thee with a downright blow! Dispatch; this knave's tongue begins to double.

I confess, I confess treason. Take away his weapon. O God, have I overcome mine enemies in this presence? O Peter, thou hast prevail'd in right! Go, take hence that traitor from our sight, For by his death we do perceive his guilt; And God in justice hath reveal'd to us The truth and innocence of this poor fellow, Which he had thought to have murther'd wrongfully. Thus sometimes hath the brightest day a cloud, And after summer evermore succeeds Barren winter, with his wrathful nipping cold; So cares and joys abound, as seasons fleet. Ten is the hour that was appointed me To watch the coming of my punish'd duchess.

Uneath may she endure the flinty streets, To tread them with her tender-feeling feet. I think she comes; and I'll prepare My tear-stain'd eyes to see her miseries. So please your Grace, we'll take her from the sheriff. No, stir not for your lives; let her pass by. Come you, my lord, to see my open shame? Look how they gaze! See how the giddy multitude do point, And nod their heads, and throw their eyes on thee!

Ah, Gloster, hide thee from their hateful looks, And, in thy closet pent up, rue my shame, And ban thine enemies, both mine and thine! Be patient, gentle Nell; forget this grief. Ah, Gloster, teach me to forget myself! For whilst I think I am thy married wife, And thou a prince, protector of this land, Methinks I should not thus be led along, Mail'd up in shame, with papers on my back, And follow'd with a rabble that rejoice To see my tears and hear my deep-fet groans.

The ruthless flint doth cut my tender feet, And when I start, the envious people laugh And bid me be advised how I tread. Ah, Humphrey, can I bear this shameful yoke? Trow'st thou that e'er I'll look upon the world, Or count them happy that enjoy the sun? No; dark shall be my light and night my day; To think upon my pomp shall be my hell. Sometimes I'll say, I am Duke Humphrey's wife, And he a prince and ruler of the land; Yet so he rul'd and such a prince he was As he stood by whilst I, his forlorn duchess, Was made a wonder and a pointing-stock To every idle rascal follower.

But be thou mild and blush not at my shame, French advised: William Shakespeare 55 Nor stir at nothing till the axe of death Hang over thee, as, sure, it shortly will; For Suffolk, he that can do all in all With her that hateth thee and hates us all, And York, and impious Beaufort, that false priest, Have all lim'd bushes to betray thy wings, And, fly thou how thou canst, they'll tangle thee; But fear not thou until thy foot be snar'd, Nor never seek prevention of thy foes.

I must offend before I be attainted; And had I twenty times so many foes, And each of them had twenty times their power, All these could not procure me any scath So long as I am loyal, true, and crimeless. Wouldst have me rescue thee from this reproach?

Why, yet thy scandal were not wip'd away, But I in danger for the breach of law. Thy greatest help is quiet, gentle Nell. I pray thee, sort thy heart to patience; These few days' wonder will be quickly worn. I summon your grace to his majesty's parliament, Holden at Bury the first of this next month. And my consent ne'er ask'd herein before! This is close dealing. Must you, Sir John, protect my lady here?

So am I given in charge, may 't please your grace. Entreat her not the worse in that I pray You use her well. The world may laugh again, And I may live to do you kindness if You do it her; and so, Sir John, farewell! What, gone, my lord, and bid me not farewell! Witness my tears, I cannot stay to speak. Art thou gone too? For none abides with me; my joy is death, Death, at whose name I oft have been afeard, Because I wish'd this world's eternity. Why, madam, that is to the Isle of Man; There to be us'd according to your state. That's bad enough, for I am but reproach; And shall I then be us'd reproachfully?

Like to a duchess, and Duke Humphrey's lady; According to that state you shall be us'd. Sheriff, farewell, and better than I fare, Although thou hast been conduct of my shame. It is my office; and, madam, pardon me. Ay, ay, farewell; thy office is discharg'd.

Madam, your penance done, throw off this sheet, And go we to attire you for our journey. My shame will not be shifted with my sheet; No, it will hang upon my richest robes And show itself, attire me how I can. Go, lead the way; I long to see my prison. I muse my Lord of Gloster is not come; 'Tis not his wont to be the hindmost man, Whate'er occasion keeps him from us now. Can you not see? With what a majesty he bears himself, How insolent of late he is become, How proud, how peremptory, and unlike himself? We know the time since he was mild and affable, And if we did but glance a far-off look, Immediately he was upon his knee, That all the court admir'd him for submission; But meet him now, and be it in the morn French bears: Small curs are not regarded when they grin, But great men tremble when the lion roars; And Humphrey is no little man in England.

First note that he is near you in descent, And should you fall, he is the next will mount. Me seemeth then it is no policy, Respecting what a rancorous mind he bears And his advantage following your decease, That he should come about your royal person Or be admitted to your highness' council. By flattery hath he won the commons' hearts, And when he please to make commotion 'T is to be fear'd they all will follow him.

Now 't is the spring and weeds are shallow-rooted; Suffer them now, and they'll o'ergrow the garden And choke the herbs for want of husbandry. The reverent care I bear unto my lord Made me collect these dangers in the duke. If it be fond, can it a woman's fear; Which fear if better reasons can supplant, I will subscribe and say I wrong'd the duke. Well hath your highness seen into this duke; And, had I first been put to speak my mind, I think I should have told your grace's tale. Smooth runs the water where the brook is deep, And in his simple show he harbours treason.

The fox barks not when he would steal the lamb. Did he not, contrary to form of law, Devise strange deaths for small offences done? And did he not, in his protectorship, Levy great sums of money through the realm For soldiers' pay in France, and never sent it? By means whereof the towns each day revolted. Tut, these are petty faults to faults unknown, Which time will bring to light in smooth Duke Humphrey. My lords, at once: William Shakespeare 61 The duke is virtuous, mild, and too well given To dream on evil or to work my downfall.

Ah, what's more dangerous than this fond affiance! Seems he a dove? Who cannot steal a shape that means deceit? Take heed, my lord; the welfare of us all Hangs on the cutting short that fraudful man. All health unto my gracious sovereign! What news from France? That all your interest in those territories Is utterly bereft you; all is lost.

Cold news, Lord Somerset; but God's will be done! Thus are my blossoms blasted in the bud, And caterpillars eat my leaves away; But I will remedy this gear ere long Or sell my title for a glorious grave. All happiness unto my lord the king! Pardon, my liege, that I have staid so long. Nay, Gloster, know that thou art come too soon, Unless thou wert more loyal than thou art.

I do arrest thee of high treason here. Well, Suffolk, thou shalt not see me blush, Nor change my countenance for this arrest; A heart unspotted is not easily daunted. The purest spring is not so free from mud As I am clear from treason to my sovereign. Who can accuse me? Is it but thought so? I never robb'd the soldiers of their pay, Nor ever had one penny bribe from France. So help me God, as I have watch'd the night, Ay, night by night, in studying good for England! That doit that e'er I wrested from the king, Or any groat I hoarded to my use, Be brought against me at my trial-day!

No; many a pound of mine own proper store, Because I would not tax the needy commons, Have I dispursed to the garrisons, And never ask'd for restitution. It serves you well, my lord, to say so much. I say no more than truth, so help me God! In your protectorship you did devise Strange tortures for offenders never heard of, That England was defam'd by tyranny.

Why, 't is well known that, whiles I was protector, Pity was all the fault that was in me; For I should melt at an offender's tears, And lowly words were ransom for their fault. Unless it were a bloody murtherer, Or foul felonious thief that fleec'd poor passengers, I never gave them condign punishment. Murther indeed, that bloody sin, I tortur'd Above the felon or what trespass else. My lord, these faults are easy, quickly answer'd; But mightier crimes are laid unto your charge, Whereof you cannot easily purge yourself. I do arrest you in his highness' name, And here commit you to my lord cardinal To keep until your further time of trial.

My Lord of Gloster, 't is my special hope That you will clear yourself from all suspect; My conscience tells me you are innocent. Virtue is chok'd with foul ambition, And charity chas'd hence by rancour's hand; Foul subornation is predominant, And equity exil'd your highness' land. I know their complot is to have my life, And if my death might make this island happy And prove the period of their tyranny, I would expend it with all willingness; But mine is made the prologue to their play, For thousands more, that yet suspect no peril, Will not conclude their plotted tragedy.

Beaufort's red sparkling eyes blab his heart's malice, And Suffolk's cloudy brow his stormy hate; Sharp Buckingham unburthens with his tongue The envious load that lies upon his heart; And dogged York, that reaches at the moon, Whose overweening arm I have pluck'd back, By false accuse doth level at my life. I shall not want false witness to condemn me, Nor store of treasons to augment my guilt; The ancient proverb will be well effected,-'A staff is quickly found to beat a dog.

My liege, his railing is intolerable; If those that care to keep your royal person From treason's secret knife and traitor's rage Be thus upbraided, chid, and rated at, And the offender granted scope of speech, 'T will make them cool in zeal unto your grace. Hath he not twit our sovereign lady here With ignominious words, though clerkly couch'd, As if she had suborned some to swear False allegations to o'erthrow his state? But I can give the loser leave to chide. Far truer spoke than meant; I lose, indeed. Beshrew the winners, for they play'd me false! And well such losers may have leave to speak.

He'll wrest the sense and hold us here all day. Sirs, take away the Duke, and guard him sure. Ah, thus King Henry throws away his crutch Before his legs be firm to bear his body. Thus is the shepherd beaten from thy side, And wolves are gnarling who shall gnaw thee first. Ah, that my fear were false! My lords, what to your wisdoms seemeth best, Do or undo, as if ourself were here. What, will your highness leave the parliament? Ay, Margaret; my heart is drown'd with grief, Whose flood begins to flow within mine eyes, My body round engirt with misery, For what's more miserable than discontent?

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What lowering star now envies thy estate, That these great lords and Margaret our queen Do seek subversion of thy harmless life? Thou never didst them wrong nor no man wrong; And as the butcher takes away the calf And binds the wretch and beats it when it strays, Bearing it to the bloody slaughter-house, Even so remorseless have they borne him hence; And as the dam runs lowing up and down, Looking the way her harmless young one went, And can do nought but wail her darling's loss, Even so myself bewails good Gloster's case With sad unhelpful tears, and with dimm'd eyes Look after him, and cannot do him good, So mighty are his vowed enemies.

Gloster he is none. Free lords, cold snow melts with the sun's hot beams. Henry my lord is cold in great affairs, Too full of foolish pity, and Gloster's show Beguiles him as the mournful crocodile With sorrow snares relenting passengers, Or as the snake roll'd in a flowering bank, With shining checker'd slough, doth sting a child That for the beauty thinks it excellent. Believe me, lords, were none more wise than I-And yet herein I judge mine own wit good-This Gloster should be quickly rid the world, To rid us from the fear we have of him. That he should die is worthy policy, But yet we want a colour for his death, 'T is meet he be condemn'd by course of law.

But, in my mind, that were no policy. The king will labour still to save his life; The commons haply rise to save his life, And yet we have but trivial argument, More than mistrust, that shows him worthy death. So that, by this, you would not have him die. Ah, York, no man alive so fain as I! So the poor chicken should be sure of death. Madam, 't is true; and were 't not madness, then, To make the fox surveyor of the fold? Who being accus'd a crafty murtherer, His guilt should be but idly posted over, Because his purpose is not executed.

No; let him die, in that he is a fox, By nature prov'd an enemy to the flock, Before his chaps be stain'd with crimson blood, As Humphrey, prov'd by reasons, to my liege. And do not stand on quillets how to slay him. Be it by gins, by snares, by subtlety, Sleeping or waking, 't is no matter how, So he be dead; for that is good deceit Which mates him first that first intends deceit. Thrice-noble Suffolk, 't is resolutely spoke. Not resolute, except so much were done, For things are often spoke and seldom meant; French alive: William Shakespeare 69 But that my heart accordeth with my tongue,-Seeing the deed is meritorious, And to preserve my sovereign from his foe,-Say but the word, and I will be his priest.

But I would have him dead, my Lord of Suffolk, Ere you can take due orders for a priest. Say you consent and censure well the deed, And I'll provide his executioner, I tender so the safety of my liege. Here is my hand, the deed is worthy doing. And so say I.

And I; and now we three have spoke it, It skills not greatly who impugns our doom. Great lords, from Ireland am I come amain, To signify that rebels there are up And put the Englishmen unto the sword. Send succours, lords, and stop the rage betime, Before the wound do grow uncurable; For, being green, there is great hope of help.

A breach that craves a quick expedient stop! What council give you in this weighty cause? That Somerset be sent as regent thither. If York, with all his far-fet policy, Had been the regent there instead of me, He never would have stay'd in France so long. No, not to lose it all as thou hast done; I rather would have lost my life betimes Than bring a burden of dishonour home By staying there so long till all were lost.

Show me one scar character'd on thy skin; Men's flesh preserv'd so whole do seldom win. Nay then, this spark will prove a raging fire, If wind and fuel be brought to feed it with. No more, good York. What, worse than nought? And, in the number, thee that wishest shame! My Lord of York, try what your fortune is.

The uncivil kerns of Ireland are in arms, And temper clay with blood of Englishmen. To Ireland will you lead a band of men, Collected choicely, from each county some, And try your hap against the Irishmen? I will, my lord, so please his majesty. Why, our authority is his consent, And what we do establish he confirms.

A charge, Lord York, that I will see perform'd. But now return we to the false Duke Humphrey. No more of him; for I will deal with him That henceforth he shall trouble us no more. And so break off; the day is almost spent. I'll see it truly done, my Lord of York.

Now, York, or never, steel thy fearful thoughts, And change misdoubt to resolution. Be that thou hop'st to be, or what thou art Resign to death; it is not worth the enjoying. Let pale-fac'd fear keep with the mean-born man, French affairs: Faster than spring-time showers comes thought on thought, And not a thought but thinks on dignity. My brain more busy than the labouring spider Weaves tedious snares to trap mine enemies. Well, nobles, well, 't is politicly done, To send me packing with an host of men; I fear me you but warm the starved snake, Who, cherish'd in your breasts, will sting your hearts.

Whiles I in Ireland nourish a mighty band, I will stir up in England some black storm Shall blow ten thousand souls to heaven or hell; And this fell tempest shall not cease to rage Until the golden circuit on my head, Like to the glorious sun's transparent beams, Do calm the fury of this mad-bred flaw. In Ireland have I seen this stubborn Cade Oppose himself against a troop of kerns, And fought so long till that his thighs with darts Were almost like a sharp-quill'd porpentine; And, in the end being rescu'd, I have seen Him caper upright like a wild Morisco, Shaking the bloody darts as he his bells.

Full often, like a shag-hair'd crafty kern, French brain: This devil here shall be my substitute; For that John Mortimer, which now is dead, In face, in gait, in speech, he doth resemble. By this I shall perceive the commons' mind, How they affect the house and claim of York. Say he be taken, rack'd, and tortured, I know no pain they can inflict upon him Will make him say I mov'd him to those arms.

Say that he thrive, as 't is great like he will, Why, then from Ireland come I with my strength And reap the harvest which that rascal sow'd; For Humphrey being dead, as he shall be, And Henry put apart, the next for me. Run to my Lord of Suffolk; let him know We have dispatch'd the duke, as he commanded. O that it were to do! What have we done? Didst ever hear a man so penitent? Here comes my lord. Now, sirs, have you dispatch'd this thing? Ay, my good lord, he's dead.

Go, get you to my house; I will reward you for this venturous deed. The king and all the peers are here at hand. Have you laid fair the bed? Is all things well, According as I gave directions? Go, call our uncle to our presence straight; Say we intend to try his grace to-day, If he be guilty, as 't is published. I'll call him presently, my noble lord. Lords, take your places; and, I pray you all, Proceed no straiter 'gainst our uncle Gloster French bed: William Shakespeare 75 Than from true evidence of good esteem He be approv'd in practice culpable.

God forbid any malice should prevail That faultless may condemn a nobleman! Pray God he may acquit him of suspicion! I thank thee, Meg; these words content me much. Where is our uncle? Dead in his bed, my lord; Gloster is dead. How fares my lord? Rear up his body; wring him by the nose. Run, go, help, help! He doth revive again. What, doth my Lord of Suffolk comfort me? Came he right now to sing a raven's note Whose dismal tune bereft my vital powers, And thinks he that the chirping of a wren, By crying comfort from a hollow breast, Can chase away the first-conceived sound?

Hide not thy poison with such sugar'd words; Lay not thy hands on me; forbear, I say!