Historia da Igreja - das orignes até o cisma do oriente (1054) (Portuguese Edition)

Eventually, on 16 December, a team of 17 took advantage of the fair weather and set out on makeshift snowshoes for the mountain pass. They were in trouble after just a few days. He was last seen smoking his pipe in the snow. On 24 December, they realised just how bad the situation was. They were lost, their supplies were gone, and the storm had returned. Desperate, they drew lots, but no one could bring themselves to kill the unlucky Patrick Dolan.

Two days later, four were dead and the group resorted to cannibalism, taking care not to eat their family members. Cruelly, and inevitably, this food quickly ran out, and William Foster suggested that they murder Luis and Salvador. On 12 January, the group found a Miwok camp, and the inhabitants nearly ran from the starved figures that appeared from the trees. A rescue team was scrambled and located the surviving members of the Camp of Death on 17 January. Their ordeal was finally over. Meanwhile, at Truckee Lake, the Donner party was becoming desperate. Patrick Breen wrote that he prayed to God on Christmas Day but the weather refused to let up, they struggled to forage or hunt, and animal hides became the basis of their meals.

While the Forlorn Hope party was being saved, numbers at the lake were dwindling. Death was everywhere, and the storms continued. But a rescue party was coming. Keyburg never gets up; says he is not able. Daniel Rhoads wrote about shouting a greeting and being met by a woman emerging from the snow, followed by others pushing their way towards them. In their absence, the hunger at the camp was worsening. Murphy said here yesterday that she thought she would commence on Milton and eat him. I do not think she has done so yet; it is distressing.

The Murphy cabin was a nightmarish pit of sickness, madness and cannibalism. The same scenes were found at the Donner camp, where the remains of Jacob Donner showed that his party had been surviving on him. The Breen and the Graves family refused to go on, but James Reed drove ahead, meeting William Foster and William Eddy, who were heading back to the lake with a rescuer named John Stark to save their families.

Foster and Eddy took two men and carried on, while the other two took a child each and headed back. In an incredible act of heroism, John Stark picked up two children and all the provisions he could carry, and guided the 11 to safety. When Foster and Eddy arrived on 14 March, they discovered that they were too late to save their children. They left for Bear Valley with four youths and two adults, but Thomasen Donner chose to stay behind with her husband, George, whose grotesquely advanced gangrene made travelling impossible.

Lewis Keseberg also stayed behind. It would be another month before a fourth relief party could make it through. Accounts differ as to how she met her fate, but when Keseberg was finally discovered, his shack was littered with the half-eaten bodies of his dead companions, including Mrs Donner. For settlers, they became the definitive cautionary tale. Beginning some 9, years ago, in roughly B. Now, new techniques to analyze the tantalizing clues left by these first settlers may overturn our entire notion of prehistory.

The prize of the dig season was a head modeled out of plaster and adorned with obsidian eyes. But the digs are winding down. To do so, she combines radiocarbon dating with stratigraphy — analysis of each of the layers of the foot-deep site — and data gleaned from all other available material, including fragments gathered by local women sifting through sand and gravel samples with thick tweezers.

Bayliss then crunches the data using Bayesian statistics, a sophisticated mathematical technique that can incorporate multiple lines of evidence. This direct comparison could establish whether important milestones, such as the introduction of domesticated cattle, were related to changes in the surrounding environment.

More precise dating of the hundreds of often co-mingled human remains at the site could also indicate the relationship between, for example, a body and the plastered skull cradled in its arms at the time of burial: Were they parent and child, or was the skull a venerated ancestor, many generations removed? The hundreds of homes excavated thus far exhibit remarkable unity in how they were built, arranged and decorated, with no sign of any distinctive structure that could have served as an administrative or religious center.

In most of the layers of successive settlement, each household seems to have had a similar amount of goods and wealth, and a very similar lifestyle. Hodder speculates that this uniformity, as well as a strong shared system of beliefs and rituals, kept people together in the absence of leaders.

He cautions, however, that it may not have been an egalitarian utopia. For many generations, it was very unacceptable for individual households to accumulate [wealth]. Once they started to do so, there is evidence that more problems started to arise. Most scientiic literature holds that the Anthropocene, the period of human activities inluencing the environment, began with the industrial era in the s, explains Hodder. There may have been reasons to resist adopting this technological advance. Some remains were subsequently disinterred and their skulls reburied with other bodies, possibly as a form of ancestor worship.

Her research thus far has shown greater variation among female teeth than those from males, suggesting more women than men married into the community. Analysis of bone development has also revealed some subtle differences between men and women in terms of manual labor. Says excavation director Hodder: Hodder cautions, however, against drawing too many conclusions about a society so distant from our own. Abstract Food in Middle Age has been studied and reinterpreted. The vision of a time marked almost exclusively by food privation is beeing abandoned and more elaborated descriptions, reflecting the variety of conditions and periods experienced by different groups, have been attempted.

This work reunites information about food in Portugal during Middle Age, seeking a differential comprehension of the several forms it assumes. Food; Middle Age; Portugal. Roma tinha ideologias universalistas e, como tal, tentava uniformizar usos e costumes. Estes dados permitem substanciar a supremacia do trigo e do milho sobre os restantes cereais. Pensa-se contudo que, globalmente, seriam as carnes de carneiro e de porco as mais frequentes. Os legumes frescos seriam sobretudo apreciados pelos elementos das classes mais pobres. Destacam-se os frutos secos e as conservas e doces de fruta. Entre os frutos secos, seriam os figos e as passas de uvas os mais habituais.

Destas, destacam-se a manteiga, o toucinho e a banha. Os mais frequentes seriam o queijo, a nata, a manteiga e diversos pratos confeccionados, especialmente doces. Eram muito utilizados os refogados, feitos com cebola e azeite. Dependendo do tipo de carne, esta poderia ser picada, trinchada ou lardeada. A ceia era tomada entre as seis e as sete horas da tarde. Um aspecto era comum a todos: Cada prato, bem como o vinho, era precedido por um porteiro seguido por criados empunhando tochas.

Na Alvorada da Cultura Alimentar Europeia. Three River Press; A Sociedade Medieval Portuguesa. Aspectos da Vida Quotidiana. The Late Medieval Table. Livros Horizonte; , pp. Imagens do Mundo Medieval. Lisboa, Livros Horizonte; , pp. Anchora medicinal para Conservar a Vida com Saude. Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda; Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda; Texto de Nuno P.

Digitalizado, adaptado e ilustrado para ser postado por Leopoldo Costa. Morel Editeurs, , chapter 1. As with the Mayas, these assumptions about the Aztecs have been overemphasized by those who have wanted to demonize them for various reasons. The Aztec — CE rise to prominence in centralMexico was relatively late among Mesoamerican cultures.

The Aztecs authorized their presence in centralMexico by accentuating the similarities of their culture to those of Olmec, Teotihuacan and Tollan. The languages and ethnicity of the people who lived in these places is unknown. In fact most of what is currently known of the pre-Aztec cultures of central Mexico is filtered through the Aztec conceptions of these people.

For example, many of the place-names, such as Teotihuacan and Tula, are Nahuatl words. Also the Aztecs performed their own archaeological explorations and held important ceremonies at these sites. Nahuatl, the language of the Aztecs, is part of a family of languages called Uto-Aztecan. It seems that the Aztecs indeed originated in the north because Nahuatl is similar to the Hopi, Huichol, Ute and Paiute languages. From that place the Aztecs the earth, then wandered southward. They were despised and distrusted by those with whom they came into contact.

After a long time of being driven from place to place the Aztecs sought refuge in the marshy cane fields in the middle of Lake Texcoco. Throughout the Valley of Mexico there were enormous salt and sweet water lakes which were a major food resource for the residents. There the priests saw an eagle with a snake in its beak perched on a cactus, which grew out of a rock in the middle of the lake.

The eagle was a manifestation of Huitzilopochtli and associated with the sun. The legacy of the Aztec remains is due to the fact that Tenochtitlan lies beneath Mexico City. Pre-Columbian artefacts are unearthed by virtually every public works project. In electrical workers uncovered an elaborately carved stone near the great Cathedral and the Zocalo, the central square of Mexico City. They tried to cover-up the find because it would delay their work, but it was eventually reported and led to the most important Aztec excavation. The workers had discovered the now famous Coyoxauhqui stone, which lay at the base of the steps of the Templo Mayor, the central temple structure of Tenochtitlan.

From to the Temple was enlarged and rededicated on the spot where Huitzilopochtli descended onto the cactus in the middle of Lake Texcoco. The discovery and excavation of the temple radically transformed the scholarly and popular understanding of Aztec civilization. As with the other parts of the city, the Spanish conquistadors levelled theTemplo Mayor with cannon fire. For them the temple symbolized the heathen worship of the Aztecs.

They used the cut stone of the temple to construct what is now the oldest part of the National Cathedral nearby to the west. The Templo Mayor survives as a series of bases from successive rebuilding stages. When a new temple was to be erected the old one was carefully buried under the new structure. By the sixteenth century, therefore, the Templo Mayor was an enormous pyramid.

The Templo Mayor functioned as a ceremonial platform. For Mesoamericans, including the Aztecs, the city was defined by its central temple. When a town was captured by the Aztecs, for example, that event was iconographically represented by the temple having been toppled and set on fire.

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Mountains were understood to be containers of water. Either too little or too much water could be devastating for agricultural success. As we have seen at other sites in Mesoamerica, the intimate relationships between various aspects of material life were directly involved in the urban planning and the ceremonies.

The Templo Mayor is actually two temples in one structure. The southern side of the temple is dedicated to Huitzilopochtli, the tribal god of the Aztecs, and the northern side is dedicated to Tlaloc, the god of rain and fertility whose earliest appearance is at Teotihuacan. The bifurcated structure is extremely rare among Mesoamerican cities; only one other bifurcated temple is known. While the Aztecs conquered an enormous area stretching from the Pacific to the Atlantic, they did not seem as interested in imposing their religious structures on subject peoples.

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Rather they were interested in the flow of tribute to Tenochtitlan. This is dramatized by the absence of similar bifurcated temples throughout their conquered region. The dominant status of Huitzilopochtli at the Templo Mayor was not surprising to researchers. What was surprising was the absence of images of the god. In fact no iconographical representations of Huitzilopochtli were found at the site. Yet as Matos Moctezuma, the archaeologist responsible for the excavations, has said, it was Huitzilopochtli who oversaw the imperial designs of the Aztecs.

As god of the sun Huitzilopochtli was venerated at the Templo Mayor with sacrifices and other offerings. Like the sun he was omnipresent, but at the same time he was a uniquely Aztec deity. Scholars have been quick to point out that the absence of images of Huitzilopochtli at the Templo Mayor should not be seen as symptomatic of his significance for the Aztecs. Instead he may have been of great significance as a deus otiosus, a god obscured, or remote.

Unlike Huitzilopochtli, the presence of Tlaloc at the Templo Mayor is ubiquitous. For Broda this indicates that the Aztecs perceived the Templo Mayor as a symbol of absolute fertility. Huitzilopochtli was the solar god but also the Mexica deity of war and tribute.

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Tlaloc was the water and fertility god and a pan-Mesoamerican deity of agriculture. In the bifurcated Templo Mayor, therefore, the Aztec venerated deities who symbolized the material well-being of the city of Tenochtitlan. The Aztecs adopted Tlaloc as their own deity and thereby authorized their presence in the Valley of Mexico. Thousands of figurines and statues were found at theTemplo Mayor, as well as numerous other artefacts associated with water and fertility.

The various layers of these boxes were intended to represent the different layers of the cosmos. In addition these layers indicate how Aztec ceremonial life unfolded. At the bottom of the box are various shells and corals from both Atlantic and Pacific oceans. They are laid out in an east—west direction, tracing the path of the sun.

Above that were found various objects including jaguar skeletons, beads, figurines of various gods, and jars which symbolize the temple as a container of water. Above these objects were the entire skeletons of forty-two children below the ages of 7, with a corresponding number of Tlaloc figurines capping off the box. This offering was dated to when there was a very serious multi-year drought in Central Mexico.

In desperation the Aztecs propitiated the deities of rain, principal of them being Tlaloc, to bring rain. The Aztecs are famous, perhaps infamous, for their use of human sacrifice. These sacrificial rites have held a powerful place in the European imagination, and at certain points in the last years they have assumed mythic proportions. Incidents of human sacrifice in the New World were often emphasized and exaggerated by Europeans in order to justify their colonial operations in the Americas. It is important to note, however, that the Spanish killed millions more people than did the Aztecs.

This is particularly ironic given that the intention of the Spanish, as with other Europeans in the New World, was to spread a religion of love. Protestants wished to demonize the Spanish Catholics by emphasizing the atrocities throughout the Americas. As horrific as Aztec human sacrifice was they killed far fewer people in the course of a given agricultural year than did the Spanish.

The phenomenon of human sacrifice is no different from similar offering rites. In an exchange economy of relationships with the deities human sacrifice is the gift among all gifts. Even so, the descriptions of these rites that have survived through the conquest of Tenochtitlan seem to indicate that even among Mesoamerican cultures, who were no strangers to human sacrifice, the Aztecs were known to be particularly bloody in their sacrificial rites. Since the scholarly view of the Mayas has been altered since the s their counterparts in central Mexico look more similar and less bloody than they had done.

Written by Philip P. Porque la otra ley, la ley humana, distingue otras dos clases: La otra clase es la de los siervos: Texto capital y, en alguna de sus frases, extraordinario. Otros, entre ellos recientemente Vasilij I. Basta comparar ese esquema con los de la alta Edad Media para darse cuenta de la novedad. Roldan, aparte lo que se haya podido decir, tiene una moral de clase, piensa en su linaje, en su rey, en su patria. El Lancelote en prosa remata el ciclo. No hay duda de que los poderosos: No hacia lo alto, sino hacia abajo, hacia la muerte.

El taller urbano es un crisol donde se disuelve la sociedad tripartita y donde se elabora la nueva imagen. La Iglesia termina por adaptarse de grado o por fuerza. Al principio, esta nueva sociedad es la sociedad del diablo. En las guardas de un manuscrito florentino del siglo XIII, por ejemplo, leemos: Los manuales de confesores que, en el siglo XIII, definen los pecados y los casos de conciencia acaban por catalogar los pecados por clases sociales. A cada estado sus vicios, sus pecados. En esta sociedad rota, los jefes espirituales conservan, a pesar de todo, la nostalgia de la unidad.

La sociedad cristiana debe formar un cuerpo, un corpus. Sin embargo, el duelo entre el sacerdocio y el Imperio no siempre apare ce en estado puro. Hay otros protagonistas que remueven las cartas. Por parte del sacerdocio, las cosas se aclaran con bastante rapidez. Gregorio VII da un paso decisivo a este respecto con el Dictatus papae del , donde afirma entre otras cosas: El papa Inocencio III reconoce en que, de facto, el rey de Francia no tiene superior en lo temporal. Los Etablissements de san Luis declaran: De este modo, la idea de imperio, aunque parcial y fragmentaria, iba siempre ligada a la idea de unidad.

Pero el verdadero conflicto se entabla entre el sacerdos y el rex. Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat. Este le autoriza a llevar la diadema y las insignias pontificales y concede al clero romano los or namentos senatoriales. Al rex-sacerdos le corresponde un pontifex-rex.

El papa no lleva la tiara durante el ejercicio de sus funciones sacerdotales, sino en las ceremonias en las que aparece como un soberano. A partir de Pascual II, en , los papas son coronados al subir al solio pontificio. Desde Urbano II, el clero romano recibe el nombre de Curia, nombre que evoca a la vez el antiguo senado romano y una corte feudal. Los benedictinos de Fleury Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire y de Saint-Denis contribuyeron en gran medida al establecimiento de los capetos. La Iglesia favorece el poder real contra su rival, el poder militar, el sacerdote ayuda al rey a dar ja que al guerrero.

Por supuesto que lo hace para convertirlo en su instrumen to, para asignar a la realeza el papel esencial de protectora de la Iglesia, la verdadera Iglesia del orden sacerdotal, la Iglesia ideal de los pobres. A cambio, la Iglesia sacraliza el poder real. Hugo de Fleury, en el Tractatus de regia potestate et sacerdotali dignitate, dedicado a Enrique I de Inglaterra, llega incluso a comparar al rey con Dios Padre y al obispo con Cristo solamente. Gregorio VII recuerda al emperador que, al no saber expulsar a los demo nios, es bastante inferior a los exorcistas.

Honorio de Autun afirma que el rey es un laico. Pero su mujer y su espada le impiden pasar por tal. Al mal rey —el que no obedece a la Iglesia— se le tacha de tirano y que da privado de su dignidad. Menudean las excomuniones, los entredichos, las deposiciones. A las preten siones imperiales y reales, los papas replican mediante la imagen de las dos es padas, que simbolizan, a partir de los Padres, el poder espiritual y el poder temporal. Pedro es el detentor de las dos espadas.

Lo mismo ocurre con las dos luminarias.

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Para la Iglesia, la luz mayor, el sol, es el papa, la luz menor, la luna, el emperador o el rey. Las dos espadas quedaron en manos separadas.

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Los hombres de la cristiandad medieval tuvieron una clara conciencia de ello. Rangel de Lucques, a comienzos del siglo XII, afirma: A su padre le dijo: Entonces Gotelinda, la hermana, dijo: Dices siempre "deu sol" y yo no entiendo su sen tido. Sabido es que Ernst Robert Curtius ha defendido brillantemente esta tesis.

Ejemplo mismo de la lengua sagrada que aisla al grupo social que tiene el privilegio, no de comprenderla —lo que importa poco—, sino de hablarla aunque sea a trancas y barrancas. Quaecumque sint illae linguae seu nationes, possunt erudiri de divina sapientia et virtute. Durante largo tiempo, la regla de la unanimidad se impone. Lo esencial es no dejar solo al individuo.

Aislado, no puede sino comportarse mal. El gran pecado consiste en singularizarse. Ni en la literatura ni en el arte apare cen los personajes descritos o pintados con sus particularidades. Los nobles tienen el cabello rubio o rojo. Roldan, en Roncesvalles, se niega durante largo tiempo a hacer sonar el olifante para llamar en su socorro a Carlomagno, por temor a que sus parientes se vean deshonrados por ello La solidaridad del linaje se manifiesta de un modo particular en las venganzas privadas, las faides.

La vendetta fue algo reconocido, practicado y ala bado en el Occidente medieval. Ese complejo de intereses y de sentimientos suscita por otro lado en la familia feudal tensiones de una excepcional violencia. Agrupa a todos los que viven bajo el mis mo techo y se dedican al cultivo de la misma tierra. Que a la mujer se la vea como a ser inferior, de eso no cabe la menor duda. La mujer campesina es casi, por lo que se refiere al trabajo, la equivalente, si no la igual del hombre. En las capas superiores de la sociedad, las mujeres siempre han gozado de un cierto prestigio.

Por lo menos algunas de ellas. Se ha pretendido con frecuencia que las cruzadas, al dejar a las mujeres solas en Occidente, provocaron un acrecentamiento de sus poderes y de sus derechos. A juzgar por las obras de arte, no lo parece. El vocabulario de los cantares de gesta es ilustrador en este sentido. Pero esos progresos fueron lentos. Pero para la masa esto da lugar, con frecuencia, a opresiones adicionales. En definitiva, el individuo que triunfa es el despabilado, el astuto. El individuo es siempre sospechoso. En principio, la Iglesia deduce el diezmo a los miembros de esa otra comunidad que es la parroquia, con el fin de socorrer las necesidades de los pobres.

No obstante, la comunidad aldeana no es igualitaria. Algunos jefes de familia —de ordina rio los ricos y, a veces, los simples descendientes de familias tradicionalmente notables— dominan y gestionan en beneficio propio los negocios de la comunidad. El bien proce de de los vecinos, el mal de los extranjeros. Hemos conservado el texto de algunas de estas reclamaciones. Regidor por lo menos nueve veces, lo es especialmente en , cuando reprime ferozmente una huelga de tejedores de Douai.

La frater nidad se convierte, finalmente, en comunidad ligada por juramento: A comienzos del siglo XIV, muy pocas ciudades so-brepasan, y de poco, los cien mil habitantes: Los ciudadanos llevan en ella una vida semirrural. No obstante, el contraste ciudad-campo fue mayor en la Edad Media que en casi todo el resto de las sociedades y de las civilizaciones.

Las murallas, con sus torres y sus puertas, sirven para separar dos mundos. Las ciudades consolidan su originalidad, su particularidad, y reproducen de forma ostentatoria en sus sellos esas murallas que las protegen. Los pa triarcas, por el contrario, y en general los justos, los temerosos de Dios, vi vieron bajo la tienda, en el desierto. En , cuando una guerra feroz enfrenta Siena a Florencia, uno de los prin cipales comerciantes-banqueros sienenses, Salimbene dei Salimbeni, hace entrega a la comunidad de Flandes, Alemania, Italia del norte y del centro.

Entre las ciudades y sus contornos rurales las relaciones son bastante complejas. El campesino que emigra a ella recobra ante todo la libertad: Las ciudades desarrollan un artesanado rural barato, que controlan por completo. Muy pronto sienten miedo de sus campesinos. Esos productos de la ciudad: A veces se desata en crisis de gran violencia.

Es de una fealdad repugnante, bestial, a duras penas tiene figura humana. Su destino natural es el infierno. La misma hostilidad respecto del ser moral del campesino. Es la resistencia pasiva mediante el sabotaje de los trabajos obligatorios, la negativa a entregar los pa gos en especie, a pagar las tasas. En , el abad del monasterio de Marmoutier, en Alsacia, suprime los trabajos obligatorios de los siervos y los reemplaza por un pago en dinero.

Y la Iglesia, que hizo del fraude un pecado grave, no pudo atajar esas manifestaciones de la lucha de clases. De este modo, pobres y ricos se enfrentaban en las ciudades. Son el objeto de la rivalidad masculina de las dife rentes clases sociales. La lucha de clases en el Occidente medieval se duplica, como es sabido, por las enconadas rivalidades en el interior de las clases.

En las lizas de los torneos, en pleno campo, en los asedios de los castillos, las confrontaciones entre las familias feudales pueblan la historia medieval. En el seno de la sociedad urbana, las familias burgue sas se entregan, solas o animando partidos, a luchas sin cuartel por el liderazgo del patriciado o por el dominio de la ciudad. En , una serie de vendettas oponen en Florencia a dos grupos de familias, a dos consorterie, la de los Fifanti-Amidei y la de los Buondelmonte.

Edmunds van capitaneados por dos sacerdotes que portan los estandartes de los rebeldes. Desconfiemos de estos juicios que cuelgan a quienes se rebelan la etiqueta de envidiosos. Cuando el raptor cae sobre el po bre, nos negamos a socorrerlo. Pero el rey se encuentra a veces solo frente a las clases sociales.

Lejos de dominarlas, se siente amenazado por cada una de ellas. Entre esas clases separadas por la edad, una representaba en particular una realidad estructurada y eficaz: La ciudad condujo con frecuencia a la ruptura de esas tradiciones y de las solidaridades que eran su base. No obstante, quedaron residuos de ellas: Se celebran en ella reunio nes, sus campanas llaman a la gente en caso de peligro, sobre todo de incen dio. En ella tienen lugar conversaciones, juegos, mercados.

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En la ciudad y en la aldea, el gran centro social es la taberna. El cura, por el contrario, lanza vituperios contra ese centro de vicio en el que se da libre cur so a los juegos de azar y a la borrachera y donde se hace la competencia a las reuniones parroquiales, a los sermones, a los oficios religiosos. De ese modo, la taberna es un nudo esencial en la red de relaciones. Desde ella se difunden las noticias portado ras de realidades lejanas, las leyendas, los mitos.

Las conversaciones que en ella se mantienen forjan las mentalidades. A veces se ha dicho que la fe religiosa es la que ha proporcionado a cier tas revueltas sociales el cemento y el ideal que necesitaban sus reivindicacio nes materiales. El mal activa nuestros deseos. Dala a los leprosos. Al fin se precipita hacia la reina y la toma por la mano. Fuera de la ciudad desciende el asqueroso cortejo. Lanza a los caminos a ese mundo de tarados, de enfermos, de parados que van a mezclarse con la turbamulta de los vagabundos.

Con la primera cruzada las persecuciones se incrementan. En la sociedad campesina, el tonto del pueblo es un fetiche para la comunidad. La lepra, sin desaparecer por completo, retrocede de manera considerable en Occidente a partir del siglo XIV. Los ladrones ilustres, lo mismo que los bastardos y los pederastas nobles, nada tienen que temer. Pueden continuar ejerciendo sus funciones y vivir en tre la gente honrada. En ese mundo donde la enfermedad y la discapacidad se consideran signos externos del pecado, quienes se ven afectados por ellas son malditos de Dios y, por lo tanto, de los hombres.

El excluido por excelencia de la sociedad medieval es el extranjero. La cristiandad medieval, sociedad primitiva y cerrada, rechaza a ese intruso que no pertenece a las comunidades conocidas, a ese portador de lo desconocido y de la inquietud. Enfermos y vagabundos erraban de una parte a otra solos, en grupos, en filas, mezclados a los peregrinos y a los mercaderes.

Talvez seus "privados" se distinguissem de seus "amigos" pelo fato de que lhe estavam ligados pelo sangue: Esse corpo podia ser bastante numeroso: Falei de um corpo: Um casal estava estabelecido no centro da rede dos poderes. Pois se tratava disso: Mas bem sabia que os agradaria mais, que seria tanto mais obedecido, servido e amado se satisfizesse os desejos de seus corpos. E, para isso, jamais olhar a despesa. Existia um camareiro suplementar.

Com efeito, quando a sra. A mesa, ou antes, as mesas mensae eram postas na sala ou, desde que o tempo o permitisse, ao ar livre. Aparato, como no mosteiro: De fato, dois substitutos comumente ocupavam seu lugar. O tumulto estourava, com efeito, de todos os lados. Elas eram por isso estreitamente vigiadas, subjulgadas. No quarto, eles penetravam, e o senhor, muito livremente: Evidentemente, fazem o mal. Tratava-se de parentas, sogras, cunhadas, tias, e adivinha-se, pululante, o incesto fortuito. O homem era desonrado pelas mulheres submetidas ao seu poder e, em primeiro lugar, pela sua.

Um jogo, mas que se inscrevia em um quadro real, no vivido. Separando-se do grupo que comandara, despindo-se de seu poder, remetendo-o a Deus. There is one mention of lilot pl. Furthermore, the characterization of Lilith as a named demonic personality really only begins late in antiquity. Even the gender of the creature is not fixed. Jewish tradition gradually fixes on Lilith as a female demon.

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She is a succubus , seducing men in their sleep and then collecting their nocturnal emissions in order to breed demonic offspring Shab. Later commentaries on the Talmud explain Lilith does this because her consort, Samael, has been castrated by God. She has many demonic children, the most famous being Ormuzd B. In amulet incantations contemporary to the Talmud, she is addressed as a demon that preys on women in childbirth and as the spirit of infanticide, the killer of children, a theme that become more prominent in medieval sources Zohar I: The most famous legend of Lilith is the one first appearing in the medieval satirical text Alef-Bet of Ben Sira.

In that document, Lilith is identified as the first woman God created along with Adam. The case for there having been two women in the Garden of Eden is based on the two disparate accounts of the creation of woman that appear in Genesis Gen. Adam and Lilith began to fight.

For you are fit only to be in the bottom position, while am to be in the superior one. When Lilith saw this, she pronounced the Ineffable Name and flew away into the air. Adam stood in prayer before his Creator: If not she must permit one hundred of her children to die every day. If the infant is male, I have dominion over him for eight days after his birth, and if female, for twenty days. But she swore to them by the name of the living and eternal God: When Lilith sees their names, she remembers her oath, and the child recovers.

Lilith appears in a third and very different incarnation in the highly influential Treatise of the Left Emanation, written in the 13th century by the Kabbalist Isaac Cohen, where she is portrayed as the evil antipode to Eve, and the female personification of cosmic evil, the consort and mother of princely demons: This is the account of Lilith which was received by the Sages in the Secret Knowledge of the Palaces.

The Matron Lilith is the mate of Samael. Both of them were born at the same hour in the image of Adam and Eve, intertwined in each other … You already know that evil Samael and wicked Lilith are like a sexual pair who, by means of an intermediary, receive an evil and wicked emanation from one and emanate to the other … The heavenly serpent is a blind prince, the image of an intermediary between Samael and Lilith. He is the bond, the accompaniment, and the union between Samael and Lilith. If he were created whole in the fullness of his emanation he would have destroyed the world in an instant".

Intriguingly, the Treatise of the Left Emanation starts to come full circle, once again referring to multiple Liliths, as did the ancients. This tradition of there being two or more Liliths also appears in Pardes Rimmonim, and becomes a commonplace part of kabbalistic cosmology in 17th- and 18th-century works. This interpretation of Lilith, as the female face of cosmic evil, also occupies a significant place in the Zohar, where she is the evil counterpart of the Shekhinah II: In other, later mystic texts, she is one of the four queens, or the four mothers, of demons.

She is the most prominent of the four, being queen of the forces of Sitra Achra, the impure, or left side of divine emanations, which run loose in the world. In the early modern Kabbalistic text, Emek ha-Melech, the three interpretations of Lilith put forth in earlier literatures are reconciled: And all this ruination came about because Adam the first man coupled with Eve while she was in her menstrual impurity—this is the filth and the impure seed of the Serpent who mounted Eve before Adam mounted her … Behold, here it is before you: For Evil Lilith, when she saw the greatness of his corruption, became strong in her husks, and came to Adam against his will, and became hot from him and bore him many demons and spirits and lilin 23b—d … Samael is called the Slant Serpent, and Lilith is called the Tortuous Serpent Isa She seduces men to go in tortuous ways … And know that Lilith too will be killed.

For the groomsman [Blind Dragon] who was between her and her husband [Samael] will swallow a lethal potion at a future time, from the hands of the Prince of Power. For then, when he rises up, Gabriel and Michael will join forces to subdue and bring low the government of evil which will be in heaven and earth.

There is also a ritual that can be performed during and after intercourse to drive her away Zohar III: German Jews of the 18th century had a more elaborate ritual, involving the new mother sleeping with a sword, dagger, or sword-shaped charm under her pillow and arising each night for the first thirty-one nights to slash the air around the bed assuming the child slept in the bed with her to fend off the threat. Yale University Press, , — Dan, Early Kabbalah, , Patai, Gates to the Old City, Sperber, The Jewish Life Cycle, 26— Gold was in great demand in the Maghrib and in Europe to lubricate a monetary system.

Salt was needed in the Sudan, 'vhere the body loses much salt through perspiration. So, the precious yellow metal 'vas exchanged in the trans-Saharan trade for the indispensable salt. It was because of their great need for salt that the people of the goldfields reluctantly came out to trade with foreigners. Ca da Mosto says that the people of Mali consumed much salt lest their blood would dry up. He adds that the Sudanese heal many internal diseases with salt.

On the other hand, salt bars extracted from mines in the Sahara were dry and solid enough to be carried undamaged over long distances. There were several deposits of salt in the Sahara, which became principal sources for the salt trade in different periods. Nearest to Bilad al-Sudan were the salt mines of Awlil mentioned by al-Bakri in the country of the Juddala and by al-Idrisi on an island near the coast.

The salt of Awlil was taken either by caravans overland, or by boats upstream to Takrur, to Silla, and as far as the goldfields of Bambuk. In Bambuk this salt had to compete with the salt bars of the Sahara, which were of better quality, because they were thicker and more solid. Taghaza, about half way between Sijilmasa and the Sahel, was the principal salt mine between the eleventh and the sixteenth centuries. In this mine the fort and houses were built of salt stones.

The labourers in the mine were slaves of the Massufa. No food was produced in Taghaza, and the people there lived on dates brought from Sijilmasa and Dar'a, on millet imported from the Sudan and on camels' meat. It was a miserable and unhealthy place, yet 'in spite of its wretchedness, transactions in tremendous sums of gold took place in the village of Taghaza'.

Raymond Mauny points to the decline in quality of the salt by reviewing information of different periods. Whereas Ibn Battuta reported that two salt bars made a camel's load, Leo Africanus -who visited the mine about a century and a half later- found that a camel carried four salt bars. In other words, between the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries the size and weight of a salt bar wer'e reduced by half.

This is confirmed by Fernandes, a contemporary of Leo, who says that it was very difficult to load up the salt bars of Taghaza because these were too thin, and tended to crumble. This, however, was for a short time only. In the Tuaregs, allies of the Songhay, evacuated Taghaza and opened the new salt mines of Taodeni, following the Moroccan conquest of Taghaza. As the productivity of Taghaza declined, the salt mine of Idjil, between Rio de Oro and Fort Gouraud, gained importance. Its name- Ygild- was first mentioned by V. It is likely, however, that about half a century earlier Ca da Mosto had referred to the same mine- six days travel north of Wadan - though he still called it Taghaza.

Fernandes described the pattern of the salt trade of Idjil. Traders from Wadan, which flourished on this trade, bought a camel load of salt at Idjil for one and a half mithqals. In Wadan itself the price reached two or three mithqals. From Wadan the salt was taken to Tichitt, where it fetched up to seven rnithqals for a camel's load.

The merchants of Walata came to buy the salt at Tichitt and sent it to Timbuktu, where a camel load was sold for a hundred or a hundred and twenty mithqals. Ibn Battuta says that a camel's load of salt from Taghaza was sold for eight to ten mithqals at W alata, and for twenty to thirty, and sometimes even forty, mithqals at the capital of Mali.

Gold, on the other hand, was easier to carry. This is why it is reported that of the four hundred camels charged with salt on the way south, only twenty-five came back north with gold. The other camels were sold in the Sahel. The same traders and porters carried the gold northwards. Gold was found as powder or in nuggets. It was used in the courts of the kings of Ghana and Mali to decorate state emblems. Early in the sixteenth century V. Fernandes mentioned Jewish goldsmiths at Walata. The dinars struck in Tadmekka were called 'balds', because they carried no inscriptions.

In the tenth century al-Mas'udi reported that the gold bartered in the Sudan was coined into gold dinars in Sijilmasa. They carried it to their own countries, where dinars were minted. Zawila, on the route from Kanem to Tripoli, became the most famous centre for the slave trade in the Sahara. This difference in the role of gold and slaves between the Western and the Central Sudan respectively, had far-reaching historical consequences.

For the gold trade it was vital that peace and security should prevail over all the country between the gold sources and the market towns of the Sahel. This trade encouraged the formation of states, their integration in large-scale empires, and the spread of Islam far inland to the south. An intensive slave trade, on the other hand, was based on continuous raids, which bred terror and hostile relations between the raiding kingdoms in the north and the invaded countries to the south, the sports ground for slave raiders.

This may be one of the reasons why Kanem and Bornu had throughout their history antagonized 'savage' tribes on their southern frontiers; why a series of 'neo-Sudanic' states did not develop in the immediate hinterland of Bornu, which remained pagan until the nineteenth century. Though of lesser importance than in the Central Sudan, and second to the gold trade, slave trading in the Western Sudan did exist.

Slaves were important in different stages of the trans-Saharan trade. They worked in the salt mines of Taghaza and in the copper mines of Takedda. They were porters in the service of the Wangara traders in the southern section of the trading system, where beasts of burden 'vere of little use. These slaves were needed as porters to carry gold and other commodities.

War captives were made slaves and sold to traders. Armed bands from Silla, Takriir, and Ghana raided the country of the Lamlam for slaves, as did the people of the trading towns of Barisa and Ghiyarii. These slaves were sold to merchants from the Maghrib. Portuguese sources reported that chiefs used to capture their own subjects to be sold as slaves to the Europeans. It may have been the immediate result of the new demand for slaves near the coast following the arrival of the Portuguese.

In some societies people were sold into slavery for serious crimes, such as theft or adultery. It vvas not, perhaps, so different from what Caillie described in the s. He travelled in a caravan of camels. Slaves were put on camels which carried loads of lesser weight such as ostrich feathers and cloth; others went on foot. They 'vere given very little water and suffered more than others from the heat.

Some of the Moors in Caillie' s caravan treated the slaves very harshly. Leo Africanus recorded that the merchants of Mesrata east of Tripoli traded in European goods, bought from the Venetians, for Sudanese slaves. They formed the bodyguard of the Zirid rulers of Ifriqiya. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries Sudanese slaves were recorded in Cordova and Algeciras. In the fourteenth century they appeared in the Christian states of Catalan, Valencia, Majorca, in Marseille and Montpellier.

Yet at these northern latitudes they were never found in great numbers. Towards the end of the fourteenth, and during the fifteenth, centuries Sudanese slaves appear in European documentation. In Naples they amounted to 83 per cent of the servile population. In Sicily they were employed in agriculture. Genoa and Venice also had black slaves at that period, which Malowist associated with the scarcity of labour in Europe.

Significantly, most of the Sudanese slaves in Southern Europe were attested to have come from 'the Mountains of Barca', or Cyrenaica. At that time, however, Europeans became involved directly in the slave trade along the Atlantic coast. When the Portuguese reached the Saharan coast they used to make forays from their ships to kidnap Moors, whom they brought to Portugal.

Later, captured Moors were exchanged for black slaves brought by the Moors from the Sudan. History of the Byzantine State , pp. Religion and Irreligion in Bulgaria: How Religious Are the Bulgarians? Religion and power in Europe: Golubinskii, Istoriia russkoi tserkvi Moscow: Universitetskaia tipografiia, , vol.

Ideas, Politics, and Society, Volume I: Byzantium and The Crusades. A history of Rome to A. History of the Later Roman Empire: Christianity through the centuries: Longmans, Green, and Co. The fathers of the church: The Contested Public Square: The Gift of the Church: The fear of freedom: India and the Apostle Thomas: University of Pennsylvania Press.