Vidas cruzadas (Harlequin Internacional) (Spanish Edition)

These are, by nature, meta-literary pieces of writing, which establish aesthetic and ideological guidelines for other artists and writers to follow. The most important manifestos appear in the mid to late s. For a transcription of all modernist manifestos, see Teles. Modernist intellectuals were well aware of the fact that, even though they shared the desire to transform the cultural landscape, there was rarely an agreement as to what path to follow.

In spite of the conflicts among members of the same sub-groups, and of antag- onistic groups, such conflicts, though mentioned, do not obstruct the overarching cohesiveness of the narrative of heroic cultural lib- eration. While Modernism as a whole tends to be idealized, individ- ual authors receive distinct treatment according to the centrality of their work in the modernist movement. This story is comprised of other stories that are organized in a sequential manner. Lyotard contends that the primary function of these metanarratives is to legitimize knowledge Conceived within institutions of higher learning, metanarratives of knowledge also fulfill the function of self-legitimation Lyotard xxiii.

This crisis of legitimacy oc- curs from within the systems that produced such metanarratives. Within institutions of higher learning, concerns with the validity of the metanarrative self-legitimizing function arise. The author first distinguishes two main types of discourse on knowledge: Narratives that rely on the concept of speculation are proper to discourse of the sciences, 8 Authors whose work was considered more innovative usually received better treatment and higher placement in the volumes of literary history.

Others, whose work remained attached to old-fashioned codes, or whose political positions were too conservative, received less praise. I will return to this topic in chapter two. Within the discourse of emancipation Lyotard distin- guishes two versions of the metanarrative. The first is political and the second is philosophical In the political version of the dis- course of emancipation, Lyotard recognizes the function of legit- imizing the state. The author argues that, in the narrative of free- dom, the state gains legitimacy not from itself but from the people: This university and its Faculdade de Filosofia [The College of Humanities] were to become models for a central- ized federal university system.

It defines Modernism as the pinnacle, the historical moment when the battle for an authentic national identity finally achieved its goals. In the most euphoric accounts of this bat- tle Modernism appears as the hero of the narrative, working toward the end-goal of emancipation of the national intelligentsia. Other accounts state that Modernism brings about a renewal of the artistic and literary languages.

In most of them it is possible to detect the identification of the historian, at some level, within this epic narra- tive. Therefore, the metanarrative of Modernism is not simply the discourse of legitimation and canonization of Modernism. This metanarrative, which is developed within state cultural institutions and institutions of higher education, performs multiple functions of legitimizing Modernism, the state cultural apparatuses, and itself. There are several components to this metanarrative. Each of these components constitutes smaller narrative and structuring categories that are used to explain certain key moments in the de- velopment of Modernism.

It is a discourse that assumed a some- what definitive form within institutions of the cultural educational apparatus of the Brazilian universities around the s. In this chapter I intend to focus on one of the most problematic components of this metanarrative, which is the expla- nation for the changes that occurred in Modernism in the passage from the s to the s. I will then contrast that explanation with that of the studies that dealt with the relationship between intellectuals and the state during the s and 40s, which consti- tute the first manifestations of incredulity toward the metanarra- tive of Brazilian Modernism.

In the final section of this chapter I will explore some of the issues that contributed to the building of the metanarrative by examining the first efforts to canonize the lit- erature of Modernism. These first efforts do not form a cohesive body of historiography, but they suggest tem- poral demarcations, establish a list of important authors and works, and, above all, confer authority to these intellectuals to ar- bitrate the terms of their own canonization.

Let me start with one of the conventional temporal demarcations that render, in aes- theticized terms, the beginning of the process that leads to this canonization. See a transcription of the texts in Batista, Lopez, and Li- ma, Primeiro tempo modernista This negative review ended up helping histori- ans and critics build a narrative that emphasizes the shock provoked by the intro- duction of the new aesthetics in the arts. It corroborates the general argument that modernists in the beginning had to fight hard against the conservative taste and mentality of the bourgeois public.

Others talk about being cursed and thrown rotten eggs. In general, there is a lot more emphasis on the shock and dismay of the audience than on the performances themselves. These sto- ries contribute to the mystique of heroism that surrounds the early modernist mani- festations in Brazil. And we lived some eight years, until around , in the biggest intellectual orgy ever registered in the history of this country.

And it is just around this date of that a calmer, more modest and quotidian, more proletarian phase, so to speak, of construction starts. This short passage contains a sketch of a historical framework that explains in broad strokes and in simple terms a very complex and long period of time for literature and the arts in Brazil. Andrade covers eight years of the history of Modernism in one sentence.

The author pro- vides a homogenized view of the s, by portraying it as a contin- uum, as a coherent whole. Thus, this passage already puts forth the notion that the s were a time of intense creativity, innovation, rebelliousness, and transgression for the modernist movement, which is also hyperbolically described as the biggest extravaganza in the history of national culture.

On the other hand, Andrade establishes a temporal mark, , as the beginning of yet another transformation in the intellectual milieu. It is also im- plied in this passage that the literature of the s not only had a connection with the earlier modernist endeavors, but it also was in a way made possible because of the experiments of the s. Andrade is probably referring to or including the group of modernists from the Northeast and the literature of the neo-real- ist novel, which he depicts as a development of the s, but also as something distinct in spirit and attitude.

This is, nonetheless, a 11 I am using the original book version of this essay that was later published as an article. It is a way to assume for his own generation part of the re- sponsibility for this development. This argument that the best writers and literary works of the s somehow derive from the early modernist movement was a construction with which the authors of the Northeast did not al- ways agree.

Vem agora o Sr. In the fragment quoted above Andrade provides no explanation for this change in attitude in the intellectual milieu in Brazil. Other authors explain this change as a maturing of the ideas, and they sometimes point out the fact that modernists did not need to be as aggressive in the s because the movement had gained supporters along the way. Contrariando o nome, sob o moderno buscou o permanente.

But its influence persists. It [the movement] was assimilated because it in fact encompassed solid principles, because it constituted a to- tal revolution, not just a simple revolt, much less an academic im- position of literary precepts. As a revolution, it acted upon the environment, modifying it; as a revolution, it overcame a destruc- tive phase, moving toward a constructive one. Contradicting its name, under the sign of the modern it searched for the perma- nent. Originating in foreign aesthetic movements, it soon be- came national; negative in its initial impetus, it soon became af- firmative; dogmatic in its inaugural formulas, it soon acquired a flexibility indispensable to action; eager for novelty in its origin, it acquainted itself with the most vivid tradition of our literary past; intellectually aristocratic at its onset, it rapidly became hu- mane; festive and somewhat humorous in its beginnings, it later gained the gravity of the creative impulses; apparently disruptive, separatist at first, it turned out to be a strong cohesive agent.

Pereira juxtaposes several antithetical adjectives in an attempt to reconcile many of the contradictions as well as the paradoxes that make it so complicated to narratize the movement in a linear, ho- mogeneous, and coherent flow of ideas and actions. The author clearly sees these opposing forces as transformative in the intellec- tual area because the trajectory generated from these conflicting elements always led Modernism in the direction of intellectual emancipation; of becoming national. Pereira describes a mo- ment at which Modernism has achieved a new status and no longer faced significant opposition.

Literatura no Brasil It had spread throughout the whole country. Such explanations, of course, can only be defended if one understands the modernist movement as a mono- lithic force with a clear and coherent cultural project. As it is typical in all of the narratives that make up the metanar- rative of Modernism, this is an explanation that establishes a ho- mogenized meaning for a cultural phenomenon that was diverse, fragmented, and full of internal conflict.

It narrates the moment in which Modernism becomes dominant and Brazilian intelligentsia is in a path for liberation. This is also a type of construction in which the political and ideological meanings of the modernist tri- umph are alluded to but not explained in explicit terms. The al- leged cultural transformation that Modernism underwent is narrat- ed, first and foremost, as a process of aesthetic gain and maturation.

Developments outside the aesthetic or outside the realm of ideas are not explained. The preceding discussion is a classic example of the immanen- tist view of Modernism. They elide the non- aesthetic components of the process of restructuring the political sphere i. Some of these new writers were in- fluenced by the early modernist manifestations, but many of them introduced an aesthetic sensibility and themes that were never part of the s modernist output.

This characterization holds true on- ly to those who see literary movements as autonomous entities with historicities of their own. Only if one takes for granted that the au- thors who were central to Modernism in the s were the same or the newcomers were heirs of certain currents of the modernist movement in the s does this explanation satisfy. The neorealist novel of the s fo- cuses, for the most part, on the problems of the backlands of the northeast region.

In poetry the most celebrated writers who debuted in the s were from other parts of Brazil, and they brought along a variety of influences that were not always directly related to the s. His poetry maintains some points of contact with the experimental poetry of the s, but it could not be reduced to any particular aesthetic group or ideologi- cal current. The above is just a brief description of the changes introduced by the literature of the s, but it is enough to argue that the modernist literature of the s and 40s cannot be seen as a mere development of the experiments of the s.

In the s and 40s, as in any other period, the literary production presents multiple temporalities, styles, an even broader range of subject matter, new authors, and new aesthetic influences. Some segments of this liter- ary production, such as the neorealist novel, were directed at a broader audience and achieved commercial success.

Thus, to historicize the changes in the liter- ary milieu from the s to s in a linear fashion—as a continu- ous flow of ideas and a natural development—is to impose a continuity that existed only partially. There were continuities, which include such traits as nationalism and the need to explore the culture of Brazilian countryside, as well as disruptions, which in- clude a return to less experimental forms, especially in the prose of the s. Not everything that is produced in the s and 40s is a direct consequence of the experiments of the s.

Even if seen exclusively from the formal point of view, the changes that occur in the s still present a challenge to historians and critics. However, in the case of Brazilian Modernism, because the early output of the s 12 For a detailed explanation of the market for this kind of literature, see Miceli, Intelectuais In his classic The first phase was marked by a struggle to overthrow traditional forms and styles such as Parnas- sianism, while the second phase was marked by the consolidation of the modernist victory in the cultural realm and a move toward an ideological project.

By opposing aesthetic to ideological, the author proposes a separation between two aspects that are in fact inseparable. The author does mention the fact that the aesthetic project already contains an ideological component We have made here our main choice: We have tried to verify in what measure our authors remain close to this conception; in what measure they accepted the basic precepts of the modernist movement.

See Cunha O romantismo no Brasil. By doing so, the author does not recognize that his own defense of the aesthetic precepts of Modernism is not only ideological but prescriptive of an ideology. They explain the process as something circumscribed to the literary discourse form and ideolo- gy. That is, what is most relevant in their argument is the fact that the language of Modernism becomes less focused on aesthetic ex- perimentation and more focused on the ideological aspects of their work.

Though vague, such explanations for the changes in the liter- ature of s are widely accepted. Let us see which aspects of these developments were elided in the discourse of literary criticism and historiography. This was first done by studies exploring the connections between modernist intellectuals, the rul- ing classes, and the state. This is not to say that there were not studies and essays that contested the discourse of traditional historiography, as I will demonstrate throughout this book.

However, since the late seventies it is not the form or the meaning of modernist texts that became prominent or criticized. It is the topic of the institutional founda- tion of Modernism that has become one of the most pursued topics of research in Brazilian studies. Miceli also includes authors from other regions of Brazil where the modernist move- ment flourished such, as the Northeast, Minas Gerais, and Rio Grande do Sul.

Another important development Miceli points out is expansion of the state apparatuses, which would absorb many of these intellectuals His study, whose primary sources were the memoirs and autobiographies of modernist intellectuals, faced a great deal of resistance in the area of literary studies in Brazil. The center has a variety of official documents and classified government information from the Vargas years.

There existed different degrees of identification with the regime. Cassiano Ricardo and his fellow verdeamarelistas strongly sup- ported the Estado Novo and thus acted in consonance with their own ideological and political convictions. In general, though, Miceli implies that all of them were either in support of, or in compliance with, the administration.

The reasons for their involvement with the state administration were many, and the level of involvement and support for the state varied considerably from individual to individual. It was as if Miceli had caught Candido and an entire generation of literary crit- ics and historians in a lie. The author states that to think outside of these parameters was something new to him The author describes the involvement of the aristocracy with the arts and their support of the modernist group of intellectuals as a political reaction against the developing industrial bourgeoisie.

However, apart from these notable exceptions, it is still easier to find reissues of studies that perpetuate the institutionalized view of Modernism. In order to reevaluate the modernist pro- duction in view of their connections with power, the attitude of condemning or defending the modernist generation for their in- volvement with the nation-building apparatus of the Vargas admin- istration seems to be a futile effort. There are more productive paths for reassessing the legacy of Modernism and for critiquing the old structures of knowledge that imposed the formal paradigm as the norm for the interpretation of modernist texts.

Miceli makes it evident that the modernist generation benefited from, and was, in many cases, in charge of the very institu- tions and mechanisms of legitimation of their literary production: He argues that these books were influenced by the methodology he used in his book. Miceli raises the issue of patronage not to simply disqualify the modernist legacy. His remarks in the quote above introduce cate- gories that are usually excluded from the vocabulary of immanent modes of literary criticism.

The author provides a generic list of the structures of power, mechanisms of legitimation, private and insti- tutional support that made Modernism possible. These were essen- tial structures providing backing to a cultural movement operating outside of the market and with little commercial potential.

Aimed at setting new standards for high culture and for a discourse of na- tional identity, modernism depended on the structures of power private and state patronage in order to achieve and sustain sym- bolic power over cultural matters. In sum, Miceli emphasizes the role of cultural politics in creating and adding value to modernist works. These structures of legitimization were, at that time, the hegemonic forces behind the construction of an iconoclastic image of non-conformity with which many modernist authors liked to be associated.

In the following section I will provide an overview of the relationship between intellectuals and the Vargas administration, according to the scholarship in this area. It would be a mistake to answer this question with a coherent and homogeneous narrative. The growing scholarship in this area has shown the complexities and contradictions of that relationship. For my purpose here, determin- ing whether or not modernists individually or collectively con- formed to the politics of an authoritarian state is irrelevant.

The most important aspect to be considered is how the state cultural and educational apparatuses were involved in a sort of symbiotic re- lationship. This relationship was tense and complex, but it was also mutually empowering. The state gained legitimacy by appropriating the image of rebelliousness from the modernists and by appointing many modernists to positions of power within the state administra- tion in order to craft a discourse of self-legitimation.

On the other hand, intellectuals who participated in the state cultural projects benefited from the state patronage, as it projected them nationally and contributed to their canonization. This is not to say, however, that this relationship was always beneficial for these intellectuals. The administration had the upper hand in this relationship, appro- priating Modernism to cast the state as a progressive force.

In general, the Var- gas state administration used a generic image of Modernism as an emblem for its cultural and educational policies. On the one hand, it put forth an incisive effort to homogenize and institutionalize cul- tural and educational areas. On the other hand, it stimulated cultur- al production without completely obliterating ideological diver- gence among intellectual factions. This is not to say, however, that Vargas was lenient with regard to opposing political and ideological actions within the govern- ment.

Instead, the co-opting of intellectuals with conflicting politi- cal and ideological outlooks should be understood as an efficient maneuver to neutralize opposition. In this way all the major ten- sions between opposing intellectual groups were now played out mainly within the sphere of institutionalized culture. This group was his strongest political opponent, and its members attempted to depose him in The first Vargas regime 23 was clearly the period in which Brazil saw the most dramatic federal investments in the cul- tural and educational areas.

The state was involved in many cultural areas promoting book publishing, radio broadcasting, cinema, and the preservation of na- tional patrimony. Some of the most important cultural apparatuses of the state were: See also Schwartzman, Bomeny, and Costa These are but a few of the cultural institutions launched during the Vargas regime. The Vargas model of cultural state apparatuses still influences government projects of cultural promotion and control. However, Modernism as a concept within the Vargas administration assumed a much wider and vaguer significance.

Political and ideological clashes among modernist intellectuals, which were the norm beginning in the early s, continue to be evident through the s and 40s. Even in the early years, the complexity of the movement chal- lenged efforts to establish a linear, evolutionary, or homogenized ex- planatory narrative. Since its onset the movement represented di- verse and often conflicting political views. By the late s, under the rubric of Modernism, there were at least three somewhat defined ideological positions: The Catholic neo-symbol- ists of the Festa group included intellectuals of various political 25 For a list of cultural institutions created under the Vargas regime see Williams, Culture Wars After , right-wing intellectuals of the PRP, as well as Catholic intellectuals sympathetic to Integralis- mo27 became politicians at the state and federal levels Miceli Individual ex- periences of these intellectuals with the state cultural management were very distinct.

Also, the positions they assumed were not always at the highest echelons of the state administration. The level of identification with the state political and ideological orientation was greater among conservative modernists such as Menotti Del Picchia and Cassiano Ricardo. However, these scholars tend to agree that modernist intellectu- als converged on at least one aspect: There are au- thors who dispute the assertion that Integralismo was a Brazilian version of Fas- cism.

For more on this topic, see Vasconcelos, A ideologia curupira, and Calvari, In- tegralismo. Accord- ing to the authors, Anti-Liberalism is pervasive in the political discourse of the s. Intellectuals condemned the Liberal state for its absenteeism in relation to social issues. However, each group had its own agenda for defending an organic authoritarian state and attacked Liberalism through a com- bination of political, moral, and ideological justifications. The right- wing group with fascist inclinations members of the Verdeamarelo group who converted to Integralismo blamed Liberalism for the collapse of the oligarchic system, though their argument revolved around moral issues.

According to Oliveira, there were two major justifications for the condemnation of Liberalism. The first was a general attack on the liberal ideology: In his view these ideologies promoted the weakening of the moral values that sustain a community. Similar views characterized the equally conservative group of Catholic intellectuals. However, as previously mentioned, the Catholic Church had more at stake than a mere philosophical issue with Liberalism.

On the other end of the political spectrum, leftist intellectuals who identified with Communism or Socialism also disapproved of classical Liberalism. For them, the Liberal state was inadequate, es- pecially in a country like Brazil where most of the wealth was in the hands of the rural oligarchies. The system did not create mechanisms of wealth distribution, egalitarian access to education or health care, and other basic rights for the proletariat. Leftist intellectuals also believed that the state should control all of these areas. Hence, their concept of nation-state also presupposed a centralized system with a strong and hierarchical state administration.

Anti-Liberalism appears to be a common denominator in terms of the political and ideological make-up of the intellectuals who, in one way or another, served in the public administration at that time. But this aspect alone does not explain, nor does it translate as polit- ical support for the Vargas administration. Others kept themselves away from these is- sues.

The majority, however, agreed with respect to their rejec- tion of liberal democracy and supported the strengthening of the functions of the State. They also accepted the priority of the na- tional imperative and adhered, explicitly or not, to a hierarchical view of the social order. The author puts emphasis on the sense of class consciousness of these intellectuals, which, in his as- sessment, gives them a sense of entitlement to exert positions of leadership in the administration. This alignment against Liberalism in the s partly explains the long-lasting collaboration of intellectuals from a wide range of ideo- logical positions in the Vargas cultural apparatuses.

Leftist intellec- tuals either conformed to or were repressed by the authoritarian state. The coercive actions of the state became more frequent after the coup of and the establishment of the Estado Novo. State repression became fiercer with the establishment of the TSN in , the organ responsible for the incarceration of leftist writers such as Jorge Amado, first jailed in and then several times later. The author argues that their par- ticipation in the nation-building projects of the state ultimately represents a certain degree of political compromise.

However, it is necessary to emphasize that left-wing intellectuals were not given high-level administrative positions. After the implemen- tation of the Estado Novo there was not much space for dissenting voices within or outside of the state. The Catholic intellectuals who were co- opted by the state operated as spokespeople on behalf of these in- stitutions, lobbying the government especially on issues related to the educational area, whose private section was already dominated by the Church.

The Catholics were pressing, among other things, for the obligatory teaching of religion in both private and public sectors. While the Catholic agents did not manage to impose their ideas as the dominant set of principles to be followed by the state as a whole, they certainly succeeded in having their most fundamental interests in the educational sector sanctioned by the state.

Many of these attacks were based solely on fear and distrust Levine Capanema started the project for a cen- tralized university system in the late s. As I will demonstrate next, modernist intellectuals are directly involved in this project. Second, a remarkable expansion of the publish- ing industry opened up new possibilities for modernist writers Hallewell ; Miceli, Intelectuais Both occurrences also con- tributed to the development of more diverse and specialized intel- lectual personnel.

I will focus on the re- forms in the university system because this was the terrain in which the metanarrative of modernism would be consolidated. See also, Hallewell chapter xvi. The other existing Brazilian universities, The Universi- dade de Rio de Janeiro founded in , and The Universidade de Minas Gerais founded in , were formed by isolated facul- ties and unified later by decree.

According to Candido, it was through this text- book that the avant-garde theories of the modernists were proposed to teachers and students at the middle-school level This first project was rejected, and the Faculdade de Filosofia became an autonomous faculty whose primary functions were research and teacher education Vargas was particularly interest- ed in implementing teacher training programs for the purpose of the expansion of the secondary education system. The Faculdade de Filosofia was one of the most innovative and successful projects of the new university and thus became a model for other universities at the federal level.

Capanema also placed emphasis on the Faculdade Nacional de Filosofia [National College of the Hu- manities], which would comprise all of the humanities. According to Schwartzman, Bomeny and Costa, the Faculdade Na- cional de Filosofia was intended to be under federal tutelage but al- so under ideological control of the Catholic Church He stayed in this position from to , when he re- signed, citing his lack of administrative capacity, lack of enthusiasm for the project, and many ideological disagreements with other pro- fessors and staff members.

The Church had already given up ideological control of the public university, preferring instead to focus on its own university project Tempos de Capanema There was a massive presence of modernist intellectuals and artists working as professors and chairs of their disciplines. The sheer presence of modernist intel- lectuals and artists in the public university system shows that this sector was one of the preferred sites for their participation in the cultural projects of the administration in the s.

The presence of modernists as educators at institutions of higher education is an im- portant factor for the manner by which Modernism became assimi- lated and disseminated in the educational system. This is not to say, however, that their mere presence in the educational system was alone a determining factor in this process of canonization. Also, I am not trying to say that these intellectuals imposed their own views of Modernism or that they all agreed on a definition of Mod- ernism.

This is a simple observation that the process of canoniza- tion of Modernism starts in this historical context and this particu- lar configuration. The process starts at a time when the presence of modernist intellectuals in the educational system was significant. The first efforts to provide a historical overview of Modernism and to construct a narrative of legitimation start to appear in the late s and early s. In the following section, I will focus on some of the earliest examples of narratives that provide structuring elements for the canonization of Modernism in literature.

Vidas cruzadas

In the process of the canon- ization of Modernism and the constitution of a metanarrative, some of the first studies to provide broad historical interpretations of the modernist movement to be published and to enter the educational 35 For more details on the failed project of the Universidade do Brasil, see chapter seven of Tempos de Capanema O premodernismo [Contribution to the History of Modernism: The Premodernism] appear during the Estado Novo.

He participated in the Week of Modern Art of All of these publications offer, in distinct ways, elements that contributed for the canonization of the modernist literature. These efforts to or- ganize and categorize the modernist literature are evidence that the process of canonization of Modernism started very early, while most modernist authors and artists were still alive and active.

In fact, Bandeira had been asked by Minister Capanema to organize several of these anthologies. Since , Bandeira had been involved with this project. I have already organized six: And, what is worse, I involuntarily hurt many friends. The great Minister, who gave such great support among us for the arts to him owes the glory of Portinari and Niemeyer , want- ed me to condense in five anthologies the best of the poetry in Brazil.

Bandeira emphasizes the role of Minister Capanema as a cultural promoter and the man who had the idea for the anthologies project that Bandeira carried out. The fact that the Minister selects Ban- deira as the main authority on poetry and the history of poetry in Brazil confirms at least three aspects related to the canonization of Modernism. First, the fact that a modernist poet became the main authority in the history of poetry and Bandeira affirms that only two other modernists could do the job: That is, the process of rationalization and separation of the spheres of knowledge was still in its early stages.

As far as historiography is concerned, anthologies rep- resent the most basic; they are the least elaborated in terms of con- ceptualization. Bandeira explains that he selected the texts and pro- vided a preface to describe the criterion adopted. In his humorous account of this process Bandeira affirms that the problem is that nobody reads these prefaces and most of his fellow poets com- plained about his selection. Bandeira did not want to take on the project of anthologizing the poetry of the modernist period because he knew it would cause conflict: There is no intent in creating a complex narrative in this project, but it is still possible to see a nar- rative thread connecting the poetic production of hundreds of years.

Yet this simple or- ganization of texts already denotes an assertion of authority, an im- position of a judgment of taste, arbitration and exclusions. The fi- nal result is a selection of the most representative poetry with which his friends, who also considered themselves authorities, did not agree.

It does not concern itself with historicizing the movement as a whole but rather with analyzing the formal aspects of one of its genres. After Cortes had captured Mexico City for the first time he was obliged to return to the coast and meet a Spanish Army under Narvaez, which had been sent by the Spanish Minister Velasquez to compel him to renounce his command.

He defeated this army, and returned to Mexico City only to find that the Mexicans had revolted in his absence. Montezuma was put to death by the Spaniards. The Mexicans chose a new Emperor and for a time the Spaniards were driven back, but on July 7, , Cortes obtained an overwhelming victory in the plain of Otumba. Some time was spent in subjecting the neighbouring provinces and then, after a long and stubborn defence, Mexico City was retaken on August 13, This letter of Cort4s' contains an account of these latter successes, which were entirely owing to his genius, valour, and profound but unscrupulous policy.

The extent of his conquests, and the ability he had displayed, effaced the censure which he had incurred by the irregularity of his operations; and public opinion having declared in his favour, Charles V. Translated from the Spanish into Latin, by Dr. De Sphera Mundi cum additionibus et familiarissimo oommentario Petri Ciruelli, interfectis egregiis questionibus Petri de Aliaco. With woodcut border to title and woodcut of the sphere on the reverse of title and on last leaf, woodcut portrait of John Holywood, diagrams, etc. Folio, calf Alcala, Michael d'Eguia, See also footnote to Item No.

Libro del famoso Marco Polo Veneciano de las cosas maravillosas que vido en las partes orientales: E del poderio del gran Can y otros reyes. Con otro tratado de micer Pogio Florentino y trata de las mesmas tierras y islas. With a fine woodcut border to the title. Logrono Spain , Miguel de Eguia, I This Prince, being highly entertained with their account of Europe, made them his Ambassadors to the Pope; on which they travelled back to Rome in , and with two missionaries once more visited Tartary, accompanied by the young Marco.

After a residence of 17 years they returned to Italy, in Marco afterwards served at sea against the Genoese, and, being taken. Marco Polo related many things which appeared incredible, but the general truthfulness of his narrative has been established by succeeding travellers. On the discovery of Temixtitan, or Mexico City, it was at first believed that the place was this Chinese city of Quinsai, and Schoner in his " Opusculum Geographicum," see item No.

Title within a very elaborately engraved border, representing the labours of Hercules. Small folio, old calf, gilt back. Alcala de Henares, Michael d'Eguia, I Fine copy of one of the most valuable and important of the early works concerning America, being the first complete edition of the eight Decades of Peter Martyr, relating to the discovery and exploration of the New World, and the great Oceanic discoveries.

Pietro Martire d'Anghiera, better known by his Latinized name Petrus Martyr, the first historian of America, was born at Arona, in July, about , and died at Grenada, in Spain, in He possessed eminent ability and learning, and is believed to have been the first writer to notice in his works the discovery of America by his countryman Columbus, as he is the first who published a treatise descriptive of the peculiarities of the natives of the New World.

In he went to Rome where he became acquainted with Cardinal Ascanio Sforza and Pomponius Laetus, to both of whom many of his letters were addressed. He was extremely fond of letter-writing, and, having a wide circle of correspondents, it was no doubt owing to him that the news of Columbus's discovery, which he probably received from the discoverer himself, became speedily known to a number of notable people outside of Spain.

Harrisse in his " Notes on Columbuis " has reprinted three of these letters. In he was ordained a priest and appointed as tutor to the children of Ferdinand and Isabella. Seven years later he was sent on a diplomatic mission to Egypt, an account of which he has given us in his Legatio Babylonica. From personal contact with these discoverers, as well as from his official position as a member of the Council for the Indies, which afforded him the free inspection of documents of undoubted authenticity, he was enabled to obtain, at first-hand, much valuable information regarding the discoveries made by the early navigators.

These facts he embodied in his Decades, which were based upon his extensive correspondence, but were written with more care and give more ample details. His works were held in highest esteem by his contemporaries and have always been placed in the highest rank of authorities on the history of the first association of the Indians with the Europeans, and are indispensable as a primary source for the history of early American discoveries. With 4 woodcuts of globes in the text. Fine copy in full crimson levant morocco, gilt, g. Three chapters are devoted to the New World.

An extremely interesting Americanum. The Imemory of Amerigo Vespucci has been subjected to a long series of calumnies in which it was imputed that he himself bestowed the name of America to the New World, by having artfully inserted the words " Terra di Amerigo " in charts which he had slightly altered, and this attack on his memory first originated in the present work. The Moluccas lay on the farther side of it, and the islands of Yucatan, Jamaica, Hispaniola, and Cuba, on the nearer side.

He closes his work with a chapter on Brazil. Schoner also dismisses the suggestion of the earth moving round the sun as erroneous. Con la gionta del Monte del Oro novamente ritrovato. Title in red and black within handsome woodcut border, woodcut maps and charts. Folio, old calf, gilt Arms of the Marques de Caracena on upper cover, tied with green silk ties. Venice, Nicolo d'Aristotile, detto Zoppino, An early edition of a very scarce and celebrated work on cosmography.

Amongst the very interesting woodcuts contained in, the volume is a plan of the city of Temistitan Mexico before its destruction by Cortes; a large map of the world in which the two hemispheres are merged in one sphere; the islands of Jamaica, St. Domingo, Cuba, Martinque, and Guadaloupe. A valuable addition to the text is the " Copia delle lettere del prefetto della India la Nova Spagna detta," which comprises the earliest authentic description of Francisco Pizarro's entry into Peru, the original document having been received in Europe a year before the publication of this book. With the 2 maps of the World, a folding table, and many woodcuts.

Basel, Henricits Petrus, ' The Preface is by Oronce Fin6. The text, is preceded by a page index. The map of the world in the first part is like that in the first edition of this work, with, the twelve heads of the various winds round the border. The Appendices occupy pp. Deodatensi "; and " Nova Terrae descriptilo secundum, Neotericorum observantiam, I which is followed by a folded map of the world, engraved on wood, with the inscription in type at the top, " Typur, universal'is terrae, iuxta modernorum. The twelve books, in which it is divided relate to grammar, logic, rhetoric, artificial memory, correspondence, arithmetic, music, geometry, astronomy, cosmography astrology, natural philosophy, chemistry, alchemy, botany.

Sphera Volgare novamente tradotta con molts notands additione di geometria, oosmographia, arts navicatoria, et stersometria, proportioni, et quantita delhi slementi, distanze, grandeze, et movimenti di tutti 1i corpi celesti, cose certamente rare et maravigliose. With fine woodcut borders. With geographical, astrological and heraldic woodcuts. Venice, Bartbolomeo Zanetti, Obra muy util y provechosa para todo genero do morcaderos: Do mas do tonor clara luz Para on todos los nogocios do la mar o concornientos a ella tiono agora nuevemonto las ordinacionos do los dorochos dol goneral y dol Poso dol Senor Roy, otc.

Traduzido do lengua Catalana on Castellana. Title printed in red and black, surmounted by a fine woodcut of sailors and ships and 'Surro0Unded by a woodcut border, double columns. Valencia, Francisco Di az Romans, i z,3. Polyhistor et do Situ Orbis. Juiji Solini Polyphistor, re-rum toto orbo momorabilium thosaurus locupletissimus. H uic ob argumonti similitudinomn Pomnponii Molao do Situ Orbis libros tres, fido diligontiaquo summa denuo iam rocognitos, adiunximus Of these two important cosmographical works, De -Situ Orbis is one of the very earliest geographies, the editio priniceps having appeared in It is written in a clear simple style, and notwithstanding its conciseness, is enlivened with interesting descriptions of manners and customs.

Pomponius Mela was a Latin geographer who lived in, the first century of the Christian era, in the reign of the Emperor Claudius. Very little is known of his origin, some authorities opining that lie belonged to the Seneca fanmily. Caius Julius Solinus, whose curious woodcut mnap of time world describes America as Terra Inazcgnita, was a Roman geographer probably of the third century. His book was originally called " Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium," to which ha afterwards gave the title " Polvhistor "-a namie which has siance been transferred to the author.

Thixs work, by one of the founders of the famous Academy of La Crusca is certainly curious and interesting especially to philologists. It is placed among the books relating to America, on the strength of a small map on page 18, which exhibits to the West of Ethiopia Africa , a land with the inscription: Agora nuevamente traduzido de Latin en lengua Castellana por el Bachiller H. With numerous woodcut diagrams. Title within woodcut border; gothic letter. Seville, Juan de Leon, A valuable Spanish translation of S.

He was Professor of cosmography, when that chair was established at the Casa de la Contratacion; and amongst his publications was a map of America. He bequeathed his maps, instruments, and original cosmographical works to the Monastery of La Cartuja at Seville, inserting a clause which forbade their removal under any circumstances.

The Library was destroyed, however, and only some of Chave's geographical works could be rescued. Espasa's Enciclopedia comments upon the interest of this particular clause, " both as regards the classification of the works that were found, and with reference to the earliest cartography of the New World.

This is of course the work of Chaves, whose large map of the New World is said to have never yet been printed. De Geographia libri octo. Paris, Christian Wechel, See footnote after Sabin, No. Libro dela Cosmographia, el qual trata la descripcion del Mundo, y sus partes, por muy claro y lindo artificio, augmentado por el doctissimo varon Comma Frisio, doctor en Medecina, y Mathematico excellentissimo: Agora nuevamente traduzidos en Romance Castellano. Woodcut of a Globe on the title; 5 woodcut revol1ving diagrams; folding cordiform woodcut map of the World, including America; and many other diagrams.

Antwerp, Gregorius Bontius, The -account of America occupier, folio The folding niap of the world shews all of America, the Souther-n part bearing the name " America," and Northern the word " Baecalearum. He was an inventor of astronomical instruments and designed one of the earliest maps to contain the name America. His matheniatical and astronomical works must always take a prominent rank -among those relating to the discoveries in the Western Hemisphere.

Small 8vo, very fine Copy in f tll green morocco extra, insi'de dentelles, g. Paris, Charles I'Angelier, Time woodcuts are tea in number and very finely executed. See note to No. A fruteful and pleasuant worke of the best state of a publyque weale, and of the newe pie called Utopia: I2mo, old half calf. It is one, too, that belongs to our speciality of books relating to America: Utopia being an imaginary island near the continent of South America. The farthest discovery of Vespucius, in his fourth voyage, along the coast of Brazil, appears to have been Cape Frio.

The narrator of the story of the happy republic being one of the company of Vespucius, was by the latter, left on the island refered to. We quote from the 'Utopia. For he made such meanes and shift as to be one of the xxiiii whiche in the ende of the last voyage were left in the countreu of Gulike But after the departynge of Mayster Vespuce, when he had travailed through and aboute many Countreyss with five of his companions Gulikianes, he chaunced to fynde certaine of hys Countrye shippes, wherein he retrouned agayne into his Countreye.

Every house in its fifty-four walled cities had a large garden: All the islanders learned agriculture; but all had besides a certain trade, at which six hours' work and no more, had to be performed daily. There were no taverns, no changing fashions, few laws, and no lawyers. War was considered a brutal thing, and hunting only fit for butchers, etc. With 54 fine woodcut double-page maps.

Fine copy in levant morocco, gilt, g. Basel, Henrich Petrus, Phillips' List of Atlases, No. This is the fourth edition of M1iinster's Ptolemy, with his long Geographical Appendix at the end, and containing an additional treatise " on the use of maps at the beginning. Konrad Wolffhart are al" enlarged. There are two remarkable World Maps: This map is somewhat altered from that in the Ptolemy.

The second world map " Typus Orbis Ptol. Descriptus," is the old snap of the world, before the inclusion, of America. Newfoundland is named " Corteria. Britonum," Florida " Terra Florida. Some of the West Indian Islands are nanied, -and the flag of Spain is shewn flyinig there. Yucatan is given as an island adjoiniim: Thme descriptive text for the maps is given on their reverse, generally within fine woodcut borders, which ]have been attributed to Hails Holbein. Miinster was the first to give separate maps for the four p arts of the world, and lie gives, his sources for the " niodern " miaps.

Paris , Michel de Vascosan, This was thme first translation priimted of Castanlheda's original Portuguese work which was published at Coinibra two years previously. It relates principally to thme East Indies, but coiitains- -somie particulars of the Portuguese conquests in thme New World, and is included in JDr. R1obert-son's- ' Catalogule of Authorities. With woodcut maps, nautical and meteorological illustrations. Venice, Aurelio Pincio, The work is divided into eight "books," dealing with physical geography; the tides and early navigation; the winds; the sun,; the poles and zones; the compass; the moon; the calendar and tables of hours.

Of special interest is the full-page woodcut mapl of the world in which Florida, Mexico, the Amazon, Peru and the city of Los Reyes Lima are specifically named. The author, who was with Cortes, may be said to have been the founder of the literature of seamanship. He was entrusted by the King with the examination of pilots and sailing-masters for the West Indies, taught navigation, and was held in high esteem as a cosmographer.

This book was most popular with the successors of Columbus and was translated into several languages. The map may be taken as embodying the result of Spanish. It shows the mouth of the Mississippi, " R. Newfoundland had not vet been discovered to be an island. The river Saguenay is here indicated, a remarkable feature in so early a map. Parte Primera de la Chronica del Peru, que tracta la demarcacion de sus provincias, la descripcion dellas, las fundaciones de las nuevas ciudades, los ritos y costumbres de los Indios, y otras Cosas estrahas digna de ser sabidas.

With numerous woodcuts depicting scenes from the life of the Spanish settlers in Peru, etc. I2mo, old calf, blind stamped. Antwerp, Juan Steelsius, I He started the work at Popayan in and finished it in Lima in ; the full chronicle consisted of four volumes, of which only the first was published, and deals with the geography, history and ethnology of Peru. According to Leclerc, the three remaining books dealt respectively with: La relacion y comentarios del governador Aluar Nunez Cabega de Vaca, de lo acaescido en las dos jornadas que hizo a las Indias. With a large woodcut coat-of-arms on the title.

Title printed in red and black, and the book itself printed, for the most part, in Black Letter. The two parts in 1 vol. Valladolid, por Francisco Fernandez de Cordova, Fine copy of one of the rarest and most valuable early works relating to America, and particularly so to Florid, oisia, Loui, Texas, the Argentine, Uruguay, and Paraguay.

The work is divided into two parts, each with a separate title-page, but with continuous pagination. It is a trilling story of adventure, and describes the Author's wanderings with the survivors of Narvaez' expedition, which set out in for the conquest of Florida, or all the region afterwards known as Florida and Louisiana. It is the record of the first journey made by Europeans through any part of the country now included within the boundaries of the United States.

Thence lie and three of his companions worked their way southwards, and finally succeeded in reaching Mexico. He returned to Spain in , where, having failed to obtain the governship of Florida, which had been given to Soto, he obtained that of the Rio de la Plata, in He arrived in Uruguay in On the complaint of his lieutenant Domingo de Irala he was arrested and sent back to Spain in , where he spent several years in freeing himself from the charges made against him.

The second part, the " Commentaries de Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca, adelantado y governador de la provincia del Rio de la Plata," is here published for the first time, and is the first printed account of the La Plata regions. It was written, by Cabeca de Vaca's secretary, Pero Hernandez, whilst the former was in prison. At the end is appended a Relacion made in by Hernando de Ribera. From to , nine long years, this small party of Spaniards were slowly traversing the vast region which separates the Atlantic from the Pacific Ocean.

Constantly with wild tribes of Indians, who in them first saw men with white skins: The narrative of Nuiiez was entirely written after his return, for he could take no notes by the way. Hence we find it extremely difficult to follow his footsteps, and commentators are unable to agree on the point whether he crossed the Rio Grande near the present town of El Paso, and thence proceeded westward through the most northerly pass of the Sierra Madre and thence down into Sonora and Cullacan, or whether he crossed the Rio Grande two hundred miles farther south. Smith's notes to his edition of the book printed in , he carries the travellers east of the Mississippi, beyond the present southern boundary of Tennessee, where he crosses the great river; thence he carries him westward along the banks of the Arkansas and Canadian rivers to New Mexico, crossing the Rio Grande at about 32 deg.

In the notes to his new version printed in , Mr.

Smith adopts an entirely new route. In this he keeps near the Gulf of Mexico, entirely within the present bounds of Texas, crossing the Rio Grande near the mouth of the Conchas River, which he ascends until he reaches the great mountain chain, which he crosses, and there enters Cinaloa.

Speculum conjugiorum aeditum per R. Illephonsum a Veracruce, cathedraeque primariae in inclyta Mexicana academia moderatorum. With large woodcut Coat of Arms on title. Mexico City, Juan Pablos, I Tjhe identical copy described.

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Only 5 copies known. This very important work deals largely with marriage difficulties in the New World, both among the early settlers and among the Indians. First title within ornamental woodcut border flanked on either side by the figures of Adam and Eve. The second title is in facsimile. Small 4to, old calf, blind stamped. Mexico, Juan Peblos Bressano, It belongs to that valuable series of the earliest linguistic works published by the missionaries at the time of the Conquest.

There is, moreover, no more important vocabulary in existence-even amongst those published in our day-than Padre Gilberti's work on the Tarasca Language, one of the principal languages of the ancient Mexican Empire. With numerous astronomical woodcut: Antwerp, Joannes Richardus, I. The fame of John Holywood, or Halifax, of Oxford, rests entirely upon his "Sphera," a little work in four chapters, which treat respectively of the terrestrial globe; of circles great and small; of the rising and setting of the stars; and of the orbits and movements of the planets.

It was the second astronomical work to appear in print. John Holywood, of Oxford. Libellus de Anni ratione: With 6 woodcut diagrams in the text. Geographia olim a Bilibaldo Pirckheimherio translata, at nunc multis oodioibus gracis collata, pluribusque in locis ad pristinam veritatem redacta.

With 64 double-page maps. Fine copy in full crushed levant morocco, gilt, g. Venice, Vincent Valgrisi, This is a new edition of Ptolemy, revised and annotated by Josephus Moletius, whose dedication is dated " Venetiis, Cal. Greenland, with the names Montagna Verde and Grotlandia, is connected on the west with Asia and on the east with Europe.

The inscriptions include Mexico. With the woodcut map of Utopia, and printer's device on last leaf. Small 8vo, morocco rebacked g. Woodcut vignette on title, woodcut border to each page, and I21 woodcuts of the costume of various countries, each with a four line verse of description beneath. Paris, Richard Breton, An, interesting little costume book.

Tradotti nuovamente dalla lingua Spagnu 'a nella Italiana. I2mo, old half morocco. Venice, Michele Tramezzino, I5,. This work comprises an important scries of letters from various Jesuit missionaries in America, and gives much contemporary information, respecting Brazil, India, Persia, Ethiopia, and Japan. The letters from America comprise: Letter from Es] Santo, Brazil. Letter from San Vincenzo, Brazil. Letter from Salvatore, Brazil, by Vincenzo Rodriguez.

Containing the First Spanish Map of the World. Omnia Latina Opera, quorum aliqua nunc primum in lucem prodcunt. Small folio calf with centre panel of the original binding let into the covers. Louvain, Petrus Zangrius Tiletanus, I With the autograph of Alexander Boswell, father of James, the biographer, on the fly-leaf.

Primera Parte de las differencias de libros que ay en el universo, Original, Natural, racional e revelado. Madrid, Alonso Gomez, I His Treatise is written in a good style, though not without conceits of thought and conceited phrases. But it is not, as its title might seem to imply. Small 4to, 24 pp. Padua, Lorenzo Pasquati, I It is written by a noble Venetian, and dedicated to the beautiful and gentle ladies of Venice. In the course of the poem reference is made to the discovery of the West Indies by the Genoese Christopher Columbus.

Relacion del descubrimiento y conquista del Piru y del Govierno y Horden que los Naturales Tenian y Tesoros que en ellos set Hallaron y de las demas oosas que en el an 9ubcedido hasta el dia de su fecha, Hecha por Pedro PiQarro conquistador y poblador destos dichos rreynos y vezino de la ciudad de Arequipa. Ano de mill e quinientos y setenta y un anos. Folio, original calf binding, with gilt tooled border and fleurons on corners and centre, gilt gauffred edges. It is the most authentic narrative of Pizarro's exploits upon which later histories have been based , and is so described in Espasa's Enciclopedia.

The text of this Relation was only partially published for the first and only time in , in Vol. Navarrete could, however, admittedly only work from an inaccurate transcript, which presented many blanks in the text. Many quotations from the MS. Pizarro's manuscript, therefore, remains unedited to this day, and is of the foremost historical importance.

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With regard to the above-mentioned transcript edited by Navarrete, Prescott makes the following remarks, which, in view of our acquisition of the original manuscript offered herewith, are of special interest: But a single copy of this important document appears to have been preserved, the existence of which was but little known till it came. The manuscript has lately been given to the public as part of the inestimable collection of historical documents now in process of publication at Madrid. He was born at Toledo in , and died in Peru, where he completed his Relacion at Arequipa in He began, his service under Francisco Pizarro as page at the age of fifteen and afterwards followed his banner as a soldier of fortune.

He was a witness of practically the whole conquest, and was employed in some difficult missions which he executed with gallantry. He was there on the outbreak of the great rebellion under Gonzalo Pizarro, and was on the point of being hanged for having sided with the King's party, but was saved through the instrumentality of Francisco de Carbajal, to whom the chronicler had once rendered an important service. He has given us not only the basis of a first-class history of the military operations, but a valuable report of the social and natural conditions of Peru as he found them.

This gives the narrative a value to which it could have no pretensions on the score of its literary execution Pizarro was a soldier He has to deal with facts, not with words. Pizarro's situation may be thought to have necessarily exposed him to party influences, and thus given an undue bias to his narrative. It is not difficult indeed to determine under whose banner he had enlisted. He writes like a partisan, and yet like an honest one There is no management to work a conviction in, his reader on this side or the other, still less any obvious perversion of fact.

He evidently believes what he says, and this is the great point to be desired. Francisco Pizarro, Diego de Almagro, and the vicar, Padre Luque, the principal one was Pizarro, " and they received information that there was a province which was called Peru" presumably that which is now Ecuador "there being two hundred leagues of coast towards the land which is now called Peru: In they entered into a contract, whereby Pizarro and Almagro were to be Continued over. Having made a brief survey under difficulties.

Pizarro sought to obtain the governorship of the new country for himself, a high adminstrative post for Almagro and the bishopric for Luque. With this end in view he returned to Spain in The second chapter of the MS. He obtained permission to continue the enterprise; and, in the succeeding chapters, the whole wonderful story is traced of Pizarro's various expeditions into Peru. The narrative relates the hardships they underwent in the prosecution of their object, Pizarro's attitude towards the natives, and especially the reigning Inca, Atahualpa, Quisquis and other personalities; his association with his brother Hernando and Diego de Almagro, and the latter's relations with Hernaii Pizarro.

Much is said about the treasures that were found and how they were to be shared out; the government and legends of the Incas; lengthy descriptions of the geographical, mineral, and animal resources of the country and adjacent islands; and of the foundation of Lima, the Ciudad de los Reyes City of the Kings as the capital, which took place in The many thrilling military engagements are fully described, and finally the rebellion of Don Sebastian and Francisco Hernando.

Of the civil wars, Pedro Pizarro comments: I think it must be forty-two years since we proceeded to conquer and discover this kingdom. Original manuscript Royal Decree in Spanish signed by the King, by which permission is granted to Captain Alvaro Cepeda de Ayala, Governor of the Province of the Musos and Colimas Nuevo Cranada, New Spain, in view of his undertaking to develop the Emerald mines in those provinces to take two ships, convoyed by the Fleet, with a hundred and fifty slaves for the purpose of working the mines.

The conditions are set forth in quaint terminology; and the recipient of the licence is exempt from paying any duty on the slaves. Original manuscript Royal Decree in Spanish signed by the King, granting Captain Alvaro Cepeda de Ayala, Governor of the Provinces of Musos and Colimas in Nuevo Granada America eight months' leave in which to complete his preparations for his voyage to Carthagena America with the hundred and fifty slaves allotted to him for the purpose of working the Emerald mines in the Provinces under his rule.

Madrid, 26th May, I El Pardo, Igth Jan. With a folding cordiform Mappemonde shewing America, and various revolving and other woodcut diagrams. Small 4to, old half calf. Antwerp, Juan Withagio, I Folio 34 contains the " Account of America " by Apianus. Folio 52 contains the " description of America and its Islands. See also footnote to the edition in this catalogue. Le Prodezze di Splandiano, che sequono a i quattro libri di Amadis di Gaula suo padre.

Tradotte dalla Spagnola nella nostra lingua. With woodcut printer's device on title. They were of strong and hardy bodies, of ardent courage and great force. Their island was the strolvgest in all the world, with its steep cliffs and rock shores. Their arms were of gold, and so was the harness of the white beasts they tamed to ride; for in the whole island there was no metal but gold. The first time so far as known that the name of California was applied to any actual body of land, was in , in the diary of Francisco Preciado.

This book is a translation of "Las Sergas " the Exploits of Esplandian. With Portrait of the Author. Basel, Peter Perna, Early Book on Syphilis. Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquista de las Provincias del Peru, y de los successes que en ella ha avido, desde que se conquisto, hasta que el Licenciado de la Gasca, obispo de Siguenga, bolvio a estos reynos: Woodcut heraldic vignette on title.

Woodcut ornamental capitals, double columns. Small folio, mottled Spanish calf, g. Seville, Alonso Escrivano, I Augustin de Zarate was sent out as Crown Treasurer to Peru in , and played an important part in the civil wars in that country. Robertson describes his history of the discovery and conquest as " a book of considerable merit. In short space that we had journeyed togither, and communed of each other his Countrey, it pleased him to say as followeth: My good friende, if you knew my sute unto the Kings maiestie.

But it is incorrect. And it is precisely this letter in which the painter informs the dealer that he has just offered to decorate the Spanish pavilion of the exhibition The origin of the initiative to print the stamp Aidez l'Espagne has to be found both in the Parisian representation of the Propaganda Commission and in Christian Zervos himself, and the reason is pecuniary as well as political. As is well known, in there had been a widespread occurrence in many places in Spain, but especially in Catalonia, of the burning, destruction and looting of an important part of the artistic heritage of the Catholic Church.

As will happen at the beginning of the 21st century Juncosa Vecchierini , p. Reproduced in Rowell , p. As we have seen, Ventura Gassol, was already mobilized since July. As a result of his action and the contacts he had in France, a Committee for the Safeguarding of the Catalan artistic heritage was set up in Paris, Christian and Yvonne Zervos immediately taking control of it.

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Miravitlles decided to pull the boat out and announces to Christian Zervos that there is no budget limit. The editor rubs his hands, because his finances had been dry for years: Zervos sets off and prepares a large exhibition in Paris with works taken from the churches and transported to France with the help of Joan Prats, an initiative that will cost Prats a few months in jail once the war was over. This exhibition would then move to London. The industrious Zervos also offers to publish, at the expense of the Generalitat, books in several languages defending the action of the Catalan government and denying veracity to all the information that had circulated.

Christian Zervos gets down to work. Zervos will publicize the event with an article published in the latest issue of Cahiers d'Art of Zervos meets in Barcelona Gudiol, who hands him the manuscript of a short book on the evolution of Catalan art. Zervos then offers Miravitlles to publish several editions of this text, illustrated with photos by him and accompanied by a preface also by him and statements defending the attitude and results obtained by the Generalitat by intellectuals who were part of the mission Three editions of the profusely illustrated book were published: The pieces reached collectors from all over Europe, and especially from the United States.

Solidaridad Nacional 8 de novembre de This contraband for the global black market, similar to that at the beginning of the 21st century with works stolen in Syria, Iraq or Afghanistan, had its epicenter in Catalonia, not only because of the border with France, but also because it was in this Spanish region where there were more assaults on churches and because the committees and militias that led the plunder were precisely those in charge of public order.

He thus accepted the invitation of Zervos to make a drawing that would be reproduced in a stamp of 1 Franc to benefit the campaign of recovery of the plundered goods. The text was inspired by the proclamation that Louis Aragon had just published in the magazine Europe, in which he asked French intellectuals to mobilize in favor of the Spanish Republic The critic wanted to obtain a statement from the painter in support of the republic in the Spanish civil war.

The interview begins in fact with a striking statement by the painter: Duthuit, who supported the revolution in Catalonia like most Surrealists, then avails himself of the opportunity to tell him: But Duthuit, does not let him slip away, pressuring him to pronounce his support for the Republican cause. The painter does not want to enlist in any of the two revolutions underway, the conservative or the proletarian, and lashes out in the interview against intellectuals, who have positioned themselves in their vast majority on the side of the revolution that has horrified the painter: Intellectuals are among the worst enemies of man.

Who can you join? If historical events are strong enough, we follow them without knowing it. The painter refuses to give his support to what at that time represented the Spanish Republic for the readers of Cahiers d'Art, that is the proletarian revolution. But this does not prevent those who have managed to get him out of the country to ask him for a first favor and for him to accede. If we do not attempt to discover the religious essence, the magic sense of things, we will do no more than add new sources of degradation to those already offered to the people today, which are beyond number Definitely, this is not what Zervos wanted to obtain from his survey.

The pochoir Aidez l'Espagne was inserted in No of the magazine Cahiers d'Art of the summer of dedicated —it could not be otherwise in the case of Zervos, the cataloger of Picasso— to Guernica, that the artist had painted for the international exhibition. The second work that will be delivered in payment for the service provided by the Propaganda Commission of the Generalitat will be a canvas to which reference will be made in a letter to Joan Prats of March 27, , in which he asks his friend to hand a photo of it to Jaume Miravitlles.

It represents as the pochoir a peasant, with the barretina hat and a sickle in his hand. He has a disproportionate head with its mouth wide open, showing fangs like knives. Reproduced in Rowell p. But especially because it was a commission for a large mural 5. At last —he believed— he was going to be placed on an equal footing with the great master, at the summit of painting.

Renau could not under any circumstances find satisfactory a mural in which pretending to portray a peasant in rebellion, the image was a monster of sharp fangs like the ones he drew representing the fascist enemy in the posters he made. In the interpretation made by Mironian historiography since of the series of savage paintings, and especially The Reaper, we can observe a curious phenomenon.

There are three factors that should be addressed in these works: A sickle and not a gun. For her, the leap from the aesthetic approach of nationalism aesthetics-nationalism equation that she claims to see in his series of the twenties, to the violence of his works made during the civil war The Reaper, Aidez l'Espagne, etc. According to Greeley, to do so the painter chooses a huge image of Catalan nationalism for the Spanish pavilion of With his authorization, we will cite his work extensively: A deformed and gigantic profile head capped with a barretina, emerges from the earth with extraordinary violence, brandishing in one of the hands of his outsize arms a defiant sickle.

The environment is apocalyptic, a chaotic sky dominated by a fluctuating star, seems to serve as a counterpoint to a firmament in decomposition This aggressive symbol has many examples. Iconographically there is a precedent whose resemblance to 'The Reaper' is very cose, not only in the detail of the teeth, The head, like that of the peasant, is seen in profile, the chin is dislocated, the mouth open and dangerous, being Greeley , p. Some of these characters are characterized by being in excitement, as if they were prisoners of a frantic diabolic dance that infuriates them and at the same time confronts them.

The Reaper in his irascible gesture raises his arms, long, filiform, like enveloping seaweed. Perhaps because of difficulties of identification, since the canvas has been known by different names: The painting was a gift from the painter to the children of Pierre and Teeny Matisse: Paul, Jacqueline and Peter. The only explanation we found is the painter's mental state in , still influenced by his escape from Spain and the horrors of war.

VII of his Barcelona series, made with the report papers that Georges Braque recommended him to buy in Varengeville and that he took with him on his return to Spain in , in our understanding already drawn. The series would be printed in in the city of Barcelona with money from Joan Prats. The Catalan historiography of the last 40 years pretends that lithographs are something else. It seems therefore unconvincing that in reaction to the revolutionary violence he sould set out to denounce with his painting fascist barbarism, which he had not personally experienced.

The CCMAA is attributed some 8, murders in the course of the war, most of which in the first four months of it, when they executed the painter's brother-in-law. His concern is the horror he has lived in Republican Catalonia. Since January 10, the allies are aware of the German plans of imminent invasion of Belgium, France and the Netherlands. On that day, a German staff officer carrying invasion plans with him landed by mistake in a Belgian town Maasmechelen , next to the German border.

The Belgian police got hold of the documents before they could be destroyed. We have also verified, thanks to an unpublished letter to Georges Hugnet of The painter had nothing to fear from the Germans, as he had not even been designated by the Nazis as a degenerate artist. There is no witness to this alleged burning, and in any case the material that Valland kept in the museum was not degenerate art, but the works plundered, in large part from Jewish owners, with the aim of swelling German collections or to be sold to obtain funds.

The possibility of staying in occupied France came up with a variant in , when the armistice took place: The difficulty posed by the French option was that the painter no longer had an outlet for his work in Europe. His dealer Pierre Loeb had been mobilized and the other gallerists did not live during the war but on trading with the plundering of the assets of incautious Jews, whether collectors or dealers. That day, Mendes issued payment visas for those who had money, the Rothschild family bankers among others. The next day he issued hundreds of safe-conducts for those who had no money.

Most Surrealists opted for exile in the United States. The trip of these to the other side of the Atlantic was quite hectic. First they took longer to move. There he met a young American journalist, Varian Fry, who with the support of Eleanor Roosevelt — and within the framework of the International Rescue Committee conceived by Albert Einstein in — had created the Emergency Rescue Committee, whose main objective was to remove from Europe the maximum number of anti-fascist and Jewish intellectuals and artists.

To prepare the list of intellectuals Barr. In Marseille was also Jewish millionaire and collector Peggy Guggenheim —who had come there called by fellow millionaire Kay Sage, Yves Tanguy's wife— who funded Fry's risky operation and ended up marrying one of the artists that Fry took to the United States: He then went to Bordeaux to head for Spain and Lisbon. Then he changed direction, heading to Marseille to meet Varian Fry. But the ship went to Martinique, in the French Antilles, where after Breton was detained for a few days the family had to wait until June.

Thanks to an affidavit of support for him, his wife Jacqueline Lamba and his daughter Aube, issued by Pierre Matisse, he was able to travel to New York, where they lived a precarious existence that produced a estrangement between the writer and his wife and an immediate divorce.

When Georges Raillard asks: Sert, but there were no seats on the boats. My daughter Dolores was small. For me it was a great responsibility. It was possibly done because it was aesthetically unacceptable that an anti-Franco painter directly opted for the alternative he finally chose. But the examination of his correspondence shows that the idea never crossed his mind.

In several letters he talks about the intention of one of his friends to make the leap, but in none does he show the slightest interest in doing the same, while he clearly expressed his intention to return to Spain There is no doubt that the painter had decided from the beginning to return to Franco's Spain, as his friend Joaquim Gomis had done when Franco won the war.

In Bonet Correa, Antonio ed. Cited in Reus p. But he returned home in and joined the editorial staff of Falangist magazine Destino. A short article by the English collector Peter Watson published in his magazine Horizon: But as everyone who tried the adventure knew then, in Varengeville in May it was not possible to know whether there would be places on the ships for the United States. The only way to find out if the trip could be made was to go to an Atlantic port, and wait there for both a visa for the United States and the availability of a ticket.

The same direction took the surrealists, who once arrived in Bordeaux went to Marseille when they learned that it would be possible to take a boat from there. He can not pretend he planned anything but to return to Spain through Catalonia. Moreover, the attraction of the United States and of joining Sert was very low in June The architect, who ceased to receive his salary as an official of the Republic in Paris in the first months of , immediately went to Cuba, where he arrived in March.

His early days there were difficult, living in a hotel room and not getting practically any work. It took several years until Paul Lester Wiener, who had built the American pavilion at the exhibition, offered him to collaborate on urban projects in Latin America. Thus was born in Town Planning Associates. Cited in Reus pp. If it were not for my wife and child, however, I would return to Spain. Besides, if in France all his friends were aligned on the antifascist side, in Spain the situation was more complicated.

Some of his friends, like Sert or Prats, were moderate Republicans, but many others had clearly gone over to the side of the new regime. The painter could therefore count, if he returned to Spain, with a safe roof, sufficient means to live with a certain comfort and with the Montroig estate that provided him with many pleasures — in addition to food and a secure income.

The problem that arose was how the regime would react to the return of someone who had carried out two propaganda works for the republic: And he had someone to consult and to support him. If the only two sins he had committed —as we saw he had refrained from publicly speaking about the war— he had made them for the Propaganda Commission of the Generalitat. And the Propaganda Commissariat of the Franco regime had been founded in Madrid by Dionisio Ridruejo, helped by his mentor since the beginning of the century, writer and art critic Eugenio D'Ors.

There were many people acclaiming them from both sides of the road or from the sidewalks.

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My father, who had not set a foot on the street for almost two years, was holding me up to watch the troops march past. My mother shouted Franco's name with an enthusiasm that I would see her manifest on very few occasions throughout her life, and followed a good distance the soldiers without ceasing to cheer and applaud.

It was the army of the military rebels What united the thousands of people was the experience of three years of terror: My father, totally disinterested, like many other Spaniards, from politics until the beginning of the war, had defected from the Republican army. Undoubtedly because they were not his people, but also because, as he told me in one of his infrequent confidences, he could not bear the task that as a doctor he had been assigned —to go to the victims after the executions and, if he still detected them alive, give them the coup de grace— and he lived hidden, not even daring to lean out of a window or raise his voice, with the constant fear that someone would denounce him or that they would find him during a casual search, as we had suffered several However, when the troops of the Generalissimo entered Barcelona in January , my grandparents received them screaming and shouting, right arm in the air: For a large part of the three million inhabitants of Catalonia, the choice presented to them in the summer of was the one spelled out by to the humanist and diplomat Joan Estelrich i Artigues: Facing an independent Catalan state with dictatorship of an anarchic proletariat, the victory of the military appeared as the lesser evil.

To our knowledge, the painter has no doubt: And his family and friends tell him that he does not have much to fear. The only thing he is advised to do is to remain discreet for some time and to take some precautions so that the episode of his modest collaboration with the republic does not come to light. The information is confirmed by Pilar Juncosa: Undoubtedly, the date repeated incessantly in the Mironian historiography is incorrect.

He could not have left Paris on June 6 and, after a trip that was undoubtedly difficult, be in Perpignan, installed in a hotel and sending letters, postcards and telegrams on the first of June. If he had left, for example, on Thursday, May 16, he would have done it three weeks before what has been said since the 70s. While bombs fall, one takes refuge at home or wherever one can, and when it clears up one tries to flee. Barcelona 1st edition , p. In Aubert p. It states that the eight days are before the arrival of the Germans to Normandy, not Paris. In this region, which had remained calm, the Germans opened pitiless bombardments.

With the Allied armies completely defeated and continuous bombardments we took the train for Paris. Pilar took Dolores, who was then a little girl, by the hand and I carried with me under my arm the portfolio containing those Constellations that were finished and the remainder of the sheets which were to serve for the completed series. We left Paris for Barcelona eight days before the Germans entered Normandy. In fact, the Germans never bombarded Varengeville, a small holiday village of 1, inhabitants without any strategic interest, but the city and port of Dieppe.

What happens is that the Clos des Sansonnets of Varengeville, where the painter lived, was about 4 or 5 km away from the port of Dieppe, so the feeling was that they were bombing next to your house. But when the Roland Penrose book is reissued in , in a publication that maintains exactly the same pages as the edition, the reference to Normandy disappears, leaving the text like this: Plain manipulation, as this modification endorsed the interpretation of the painter and his family that they had left three weeks later, which as we have seen can not be true. In Paris, they probably spent a week making arrangements, both for their trip to Spain and to safely leave behind the paintings and goods they had in the capital.

Actually the paintings should have been sent to the United States, but it seems that at that moment, when he was not receiving the stipend from his dealer, his main concern was not to fulfill his wishes. But saving the paintings should be a priority. The poet had been in the Republican zone during the civil war and had organized numerous acts in France in its support.

Tzara, who was a Jew, chose like his son Christophe to join the French resistance instead of going into exile in the United States. Perpignan was the last days of the spring of a hotbed of refugees. Pierre Matisse is worried. But it's too late, because the painter and his family have been for more than a week in Perpignan, where the messages arrive. I think this is the wisest thing to do at the PMGA I know that this entails very great sacrifices on my part, but I cannot allow my little family to remain in the midst of a tempest.

We are thinking of leaving on the 8th I do not know what will await me upon arrival But it took a few more days to cross to Spain. The explanation changes when Pilar Juncosa speaks: Obtaining the safe conduct to enter Spain was not difficult, although it did take a few days. Editorial Electa, Madrid From Gerona they went to the place where they thought they would be safer: They met Joan Prats and our father.

In short, everything was planned in advance by Joan Prats: As we had seen, the imposing Quintanes estate should theoretically have been ceded to the Church and charities after the death of Jaume Galobart in Ylla i Cassany in Mas Quintanes is currently an important Opus Dei agricultural professional training center. Two decades later, Pilar will repeat the same comment: The elections of February had been comfortably won in the region by the conservatives, not the popular front.

Industrialist Lamberto Juncosa Massip had strong ties to the wealthy classes of Majorca, who were his main clients. Special was the bond with Juan March, the main financier of the Francoist rebellion. In fact, in the summer of he moved his official residence and that of his wife and daughter to Montroig It has also been claimed that the writer could have returned to Spain as an agent of the Abwehr, the German military intelligence From that moment, when he acquires a more stable economic position and can afford it, he will not stop traveling abroad. Nor would Joan Prats print the engravings, since he had spent a few months in prison for his role in the exportation of works of sacred art in the framework of the Zervos exhibition in It does not seem far-fetched, however, to think that apart from the fact that censorship of course never saw the series of prints, of which only five copies were printed, artist and publisher could have a prepared explanation in which the monsters drawn did not represent the dictator, but his enemies.

And in Prats printed the lithographs to avoid that the natural deterioration of the fine report papers would destroy the drawings. Report paper is meant to be passed to stone immediately, not to be stored. What could have happened is that when it is decided that the series has to be printed urgently in , to prevent the deterioration of the paper or to send them to the MoMA, some of the fifty sheets of the notebook remained unused. The artist then completed the empty notebook pages with signs and drawings that are characteristic of his work see, for example, lithographs numbered as 34, 36 and 41 of the Barcelona series.

It does not seem very smart to flaunt anti-Francoism in the MoMA of , already led by an anti- communist establishment. Neither do we believe that he tried something similar three years later when he reissued the series in the United States in a circulation of 1, copies during his stay in the country His graphic work, which also included reproductions of the Barcelona series One of them is reproduced in the catalog of the exhibition , in which his friend Cirlot describes the series as a simple continuation of his schematism But how soon he lost the creative impetus, the risky spirit, and began to repeat and imitate himself until he became a cacophonous, artificial and falsely naive industry.

Some of the horrendous characters of his previous period and of the Barcelona series make their appearance again in the gouaches, but miniaturized, hidden or schematized to the extreme in the form of a curved line for the mouth and a series of triangles for the teeth.

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We think this is a splendid description, not of the Barcelona series, but of the Constellations. The dominant characteristic in both is the safety of the stroke and the firm line drawn on the background. The name Constellations, denomination that would not be applied to the series of gouaches until , appears for the first time and the series also carry titles that seem small poems. The figures are now diluted and the arrangement of the set and the incorporation of bright and cheerful colors make the aggressiveness of the subjects disappear.

Most of the pictorial surface is occupied by other benign figures, such as stars, moons, suns, eyes, soft representations of the female sex, etc. In the Constellations, the main lines that dominate the composition are those of the main figures, persons and animals. These guide and direct the distribution, dimensions and color of the secondary components, each of which is tamed and controlled so that it maintains its place in the balance of the whole.

The painter explains then that he began in in Varengeville- sur-Mer a new stage of his work that had its source in music and nature. He remembers that this happened more or less when the Second World War broke out, when he felt a deep desire for escape and deliberately locked himself in. He also points out in this interview that, perhaps because of his isolation from other painters, materials began to acquire a new importance in his painting.

In watercolors, he would harden the surface of the paper by rubbing it, and when painting on this hardened surface it produced curious random shapes. He recalls that after the series of paintings on burlap, he began the series that in was not called yet the Constellations: There were Malet p. They were based on reflections in water. Not naturalistically —or objectively— to be sure. But forms suggested bu such reflections. In them my main aim was to achieve a compositional balance. It was a very long and extremely arduous work. I would set out with no preconceived idea. A few forms suggested here would call for other forms elsewhere to balance them.

These in turn demanded others. It took a month at least to produce each watercolor, as I would take it up day after day to paint in other tiny spots, stars, washes, infinitesimal dots of color in order finally to achieve a full and complex equilibrium.

As I lived on the outskirts of Palma I used to spend hours looking at the sea. Poetry and music both were now all-important to me in my isolation. After lunch each day I would go to the cathedral to listen to the organ rehearsal. I would sit there in that empty gothic interior daydreaming, conjuring up forms. The light poured into the gloom through the stained-glass windows in an orange flame.

The cathedral seemed always empty at those hours. The organ music and the light filtering through the stained-glass windows to the interior gloom suggested forms to me. I saw practically no one all those months. Bit I was enormously enriched during this period of solitude. I read all the time: John of the Cross, St. It was an ascetic existence: After having finished this series of paintings in Palma, I moved to Barcelona.

Forms take reality for me as I work. In other words, rather than setting out to paint something, I begin painting and as I paint the picture begins to assert itself, or suggest itself under my brush. The form becomes a sign for a woman or a bird as I work. Even a few casual wipes of my brush in cleaning it may suggest the beginning of a picture.

The second stage, however, is carefully calculated. The first stage is free, unconcious; but after that the picture is controlled throughout, in keeping with that desire for disciplined work I have felt from the beginning. I drew all this in charcoal with great vigour. Once I had managed to obtain a plastic equilibrium and bring order among all these elements, I began to paint in gouache, with the minute detail of a craftsman and a primitive; this demanded a great deal of time. When he ran out of leaves stained by dirty paintbrushes soaked in turpentine, Miro says he repeated the same operation, cleaning the brushes Sweeney , Rowell pp.

It has always been understood that the painter first drew the contours with a brush or lithographic pencil in black and then filled the drawings with bright colors. In fact, after observing samples of the painter's work stages in the Chagall Museum in Nice, we can assure that very often the painter made one or several spots of color and then used the charcoal, marking the edges of the stain and filling it with drawings of characters or objects that the stain had suggested.

It seems to us that in reality these three stages —preparation with paintbrushes and turpentine, drawing with charcoal and coloring— are not enough to explain the process. In fact, with the brushes impregnated with the colors of the previous Constellation, the painter could not have created the backgrounds of the following one without further deliberate action. In the first one, made on an ocher and gray background, red and black predominate and there are only a few small final touches of blue.

With turpentine in the brushes one could not obtain the overwhelmingly blue background of the second wash, applied in two layers, one light blue and the other a much darker shade. And the same can be said of the transit from number 3 to 4. As we have seen, People at Night But the fourth gouache, Women on the Beach, has a light cream background on the right that is darkening to the left and that can not result from rubbing the brushes used in the previous gouache, which does not include this color.

But what he did next was to prepare a colored background in each tempera. When we look at the gouaches in the series, the first thing that catches our attention are the figures, well-colored with gouache of pure colors and bright tones. These are elements or figures of drops, balls, stars, inverted triangles joined by the tip, eyes and bicoloured leaves —representing these the female sex.

But if we look closer we discover that the fine lines drawn by the painter surround or define silhouettes, some of them more or less adapted to the color stains of the background and others located discretionarily over the entire surface of the paper. Those silhouettes are the characters that the painter alludes to in the titles. Astral bodies are represented by circles or planets and stars. The characters symbolize the earth and the birds would be the union of earth and heavenly world.

Retired life favors Tone As we had seen, Picasso also associated the astral constellations with music in Sweeney, a multitude of microscopic forms swim in an infinite space; delicate lines, freely drawn, move between these tiny symbols, drawing larger forms of phantasmagorical character. The tiny shapes are so numerous and so subtly arranged that the whole composition seems to be in constant movement The aggressiveness remains, but as above the rhythmic joy that contradicts it The monsters are no longer solid and powerful, but ethereal.

When the lines that define each character intersect with those of another or with figures of balls, stars, etc. This produces the impression that the fearsome characters of yesteryear, although they retain their teeth or viperine tongues, are actually innocuous transparent jellyfish, which reveal both the hidden side of the figures and the background of the paper. Transparency implies a loss of matter that makes dangerousness disappear. But in reality there are two women in her because her big breasts create an impression of a face of another woman in the belly of the first, the breasts being the eyes and a huge vulva being the nose.

The counterpoint of the big woman is a small lover located to the left of the gouache, with a distracted air, a hairy wart on the nose and five hairs on the head. There are two other characters, the beautiful bird that is a parrot with its prominent tongue, located in the upper right, and a slug with a large stylized head and body, which advances to the left as all the characters except the ventral woman, who throws a deep look at the observer of the gouache. And it is this second woman who focuses attention. The result is that the Constellations transform the characters of the savage paintings and integrate them into a dreamlike landscape, arranged like a melody by Bach or Mozart.

Below is a horizontal line ending in small circles, followed by Penrose p. So in each of the 23 gouaches. The ladder of escape is the title of an early Constellation, just as on 14 October he wrote on the back of another The 13th, the Ladder Brushed against the Firmament. Another is named The migrating bird, and the last of the series, which began with Sunrise, is The Passage of the Divine Bird.

But the painter has a steel spirit with sufficient resources to get out of this situation. One of them, Mind and mood in Modern art I: It notes however that through introspection and meditation, the spiritual beliefs of the artist sustained him in his sufferings, and made his isolation, loneliness, dissatisfaction and the desire to ascend to the celestial heights subject of his art.

The result of this event was the book Depression and the Spiritual in Modern Art: Homage to Miro See also Schildkraut Schildkraut According to the anthropologist of Peruvian origin, compassion for oneself is caused by personal importance, a powerful force that prevents us from perceiving the hidden realities of our own existence. To undo personal importance, the individual must move his assemblage point, the place where the person's consciousness, his soul, lies.

By moving that point you can reach different perspectives that discover planes of consciousness different from the daily reality of everyone. It is much more than a change of perception, because it opens consciousness to unusual worlds. In his long letter of January 12 of that year to his North American dealer he indicates that, since all his unfinished works have remained in Barcelona, he will try to do something new: