Kleidung und Identität: Zur Symbolik des Kopftuchs in der Türkei (German Edition)

Non-agency is reinscribed from another direction as well: Rearticulation of these limitations or regulations proves nearly impossible — one cannot appropriate irrelevance nor non-agency. Debus, who is also one of the few to point out that the court decisions could constitute a gender specific discrimination, in that they de facto prevent Muslim women from teaching in public schools, says the following: Do we not see here reflected — now cloaked as gender specific instead of, as previously, religious — the attempt at emancipatory missionizing characterized by European-Western ideals and the imposition of Western notions of self-fulfillment?

Do not the efforts to allow women who are rooted in other religions and cultures to attain happiness according to the life-form held to be right here imply yet another paternalism — not only towards them, but also towards the ever-growing number of Muslim women who happily and of their own free will wear the headscarf in order to document a specific self-confidence against Western notions? The troubling of this pairing, namely Ludin both as citizen of the State and participant in the German national community, remains unthought, obscured in the naturalizing of what is German.

These teachers can enlighten their students about Islam, and merely through their appearance can encourage reflections about other cultures and other civilizations Here, Ludin as subject meets her boundary between servant and citizen of the State. Her agency is appropriated as both representation of German tolerance and embodiment of Islamic culture. Needless to say, the majority of legal texts as well as the court decisions, which primarily come to the conclusion that Ludin should not be placed in public schools, provide even more restrictive spaces for Ludin as subject. In this way, we might see her agency as greatly limited.

Yet, there have been several moments throughout the case where an identity linked to participation in German society has been repeated enough to nearly have been normalized. Perhaps most strikingly, the Federal Constitutional Court majority opinion creates an unusual new opening for the Muslim female subject, by acknowledging her role in assigning meaning to the headscarf, validating her participation in the professional work world, and seeing her not only as subject to, but also subject of the State.

To fully explore the extent of this appropriation, further research is needed to explore both documents issued by conservative organizations as well as their statements in newspapers and newsletters, particularly those published in Arabic and Turkish in recent years, mainstream newspapers, with good reason, have chosen to refuse to cite such groups. Many of these are Turkish groups informed by the equally contentious headscarf debates in Turkey, where the government has a long history of promoting secularism and prohibiting religious clothes in public spaces such as universities and government offices.

The subversion of notions of Germanness has taken place through an insistent placement of the Muslim women in a heterosexist economy of desire, an economy which becomes more visible as Ludin gains public voice. While the arguments for allowing Ludin to wear the headscarf in Germany increasingly have to do with a recognition of the validity of her participation in a minority community in Germany, they have been accompanied by an increased attention to the Koranic justification for wearing the headscarf Henkel-Waidofer; Drobinski; Rath. This can also be seen by the increasing references to her husband, who with the exception of one interview was rarely mentioned by the press in the earlier articles.

While the contentious nature of the headscarf is at least partially rooted in the challenge it provides to notions of Germanness and the role of immigrant women in particular working spaces, it is clear that the case provides further challenges to German Studies. How these rights might be circumscribed by further legal action now remains to be seen. But there can be no doubt either that, in our current predicament, confidence in the formal democratic structures of civil society as sanctioning a cultural superiority from which to dispense bounty to the migrant, cannot find support.

This planet-talk is insistent on responsibility: If we can begin to imagine a wider range of possibilities for participations in life in Germany, particularly in relationship to economic and political subjectivities, we might better enable scholarship analyzing the intensely gendered processes of globalization. Finally, I will 1Other tropes certainly have been at work, including those of the rural Italian woman and the hypersexualized Slavic women; for now, I shall have to exclude these and focus on the representations of Muslim women.

As I pointed out in my introduction, in the last few years reviews of statistical information have contradicted widespread assumptions that there were no or few female guestworkers, and that immigrant women arrived in Germany almost exclusively as the spouses of immigrating workers. Women from a predominantly Muslim country, the reasoning goes, would not be involved in paid labor. However, from — the end of guestworker recruitment 20 percent of Turkish guestworkers and 25 percent of all guestworkers entering the Federal Republic of Germany were women who generally worked in factory positions in textiles, clothing, metal, or electronics.

Many married women entered without their husbands, and immigrant women have consistently been employed at higher percentages than German women Huth-Hildebrandt; Kofman et al. Like women of color all over the world, immigrant women in Germany have been particularly hard hit by increasing insecurity in their work. Critiques of simplified notions of difference pointed out the dangers of thinking about oppression as additive and hierarchal Schulz. This theoretical focus on binary or hierarchal forms of difference rather than intersectional differences overdetermined the forms of analysis possible in academic work.

Huth-Hildebrandt notes a shift in the s social science discourse on migrant women from one of class or national difference towards one of cultural difference Huth-Hildebrandt 46; see also Lutz and Huth-Hildebrandt; Westphal. Nor do I wish to deny that there are concerns specific to living in Muslim or Turkish families in Germany. I intend here to evoke a structure similar but not identical to racism. With a shift from traditional Germanistik to a German Studies influenced by cultural studies, a wave of North American German Studies scholarship expressed a commitment to researching culture in relationship to globalization.

A look here to feminist critiques of history and histories might be a productive impetus to rethinking this tendency. Yet, cultural constructions of cultural, ethnic and national difference clearly have material effects in terms of policy and institutions Kofman et al. In the late s feminist researchers in the social sciences in Germany have provided particularly useful and complex notions of ethnicity that work against culturalist tendencies in research.

This work in particular is important for providing ways of thinking about immigrant women as political, economic, and intellectual agents. Such a critical reading of culture and cultural production would locate immigrant women in Germany at a complex nexus of contradictory social relations that also varies immensely from woman to woman. These tasks must occur continuously, in constant dialogue, debate, and even contradiction with one another. Towards Planet-Thought and Planet-Talk: Planetarity and Teleopoeisis The planet, suggests Spivak, might serve as an alternative, though not as an opposite, to the globe: The globe is on our computers.

No one lives there; and we think that we can aim to control globality. The planet is in the species of alterity, belonging to another system; and yet we inhabit it, on loan. It is not really amenable to a neat contrast with the globe. I would like to suggest that the achievement of freedom from the burden of being placeholder of culture is not only a consequence, but a precondition for such planet-thought: The dominant already is recognized in these arenas.

Thinking the subaltern also in these realms is necessary before she can be interpellated as planetary subject — not merely as victim of culture. Readings of the textual figure are but one space where the construction of such imaginations can take place. Yet the attempt remains a responsibility, the effort undertaken without guarantees. Textual Figures I turn now to three collections of texts, Frauengeschichten: However, let me mark here the future necessity for readings that not only diversify the range of subject positions for immigrant women and women of immigration heritage, but also the relationship to nations, ethnicities, and cultures, in particular, the need to explore the textual figure of the Orientalized woman together with that of the hypersexualized Eastern European woman.

Zaimoglu himself seemed caught in the culture trap. Despite the supposed silence, at nearly every reading women vociferously demanded their perspectives be heard Zaimoglu Koppstoff 9. In one case, the narratives were created by translating and editing together a series of letters from one woman; in another, a woman insisted that he publish the text that she handed to him, already completed. Primarily, however, Zaimoglu employed the same method of writing texts based on interviews.

He does not specifically address this in reference to Koppstoff, but in Kanak Sprak, the interviewees were asked to edit and approve the final texts before publication. The editor had a detailed questionnaire, but allowed the women to speak as they choose; every woman was permitted to edit, expand on, or delete portions of the transcribed manuscript before publication. The ten selections are diverse, including women from Lebanon, Tunesia, Turkey, and Iran as well as second generation women.

The editors explain, It was important to us that we not write about the respective women, but rather develop the book together with them. In this way individual depictions of women have emerged in which they tell of their belief and their religious everyday life. Through their stories they give us a glimpse of the variety of their religious life- worlds and thought-worlds.

The interviews were conducted among a variety of women with a range of educational backgrounds using a questionnaire that focused primarily on the religious everyday life of Muslim women and the stereotypes encountered by Muslim women as well as the possibilities for intercultural and interreligious dialogue in the future, a dialogue the editors understand as including reflection on images of self and other All women were asked to review the transcribed interviews which were written into short first person narratives; many expanded the texts or edited them; in two cases, questionnaires were answered in written form.

Finally, it seems appropriate to cite the caveat the editors give in their introduction: We wish to explicitly emphasize that it is in no way about defending Islam per se or to end critique of the structures of oppression of women. I do this somewhat schematically, by addressing how some women position themselves in relationship to culture, politics, and the economy generally via work. Culture To be sure, these women invoke subjectivities in terms of culture. This is, in fact, particularly dominant in Koppstoff, perhaps less so in Frauengeschichten and Muslimische Frauen.

Yet, often culture is invoked in order to reject its limitations and thematize subjectivities as agents of knowledge. The foreigner-woman is always oppressed! German pure happy-glowing-woman, in contrast, has beautifully emancipated herself and so is a notch higher and must drool her enlightenment in the face of us barbarians. Political comments, ironically, are expressed most explicitly in the arena presumed to be closed to Muslim immigrant women: But women should also get these equal rights in reality. How many German professors or university presidents are women?

The West cannot be my model in this respect. The means to equal rights is via education. E articulates a position which cuts to the heart of a major failure in the German feminist movement: Percentage of participation by women in the equivalent of tenured faculty positions so-called C4 professorial positions in Germany is dramatically lower than in the United States or in other European countries Deutscher Bundestag - 14 ; minority women are virtually absent.

As far as I know, integration is a modern term for assimilation [… ] Historically viewed, the attempt to bring integration is nothing new. It is a strategy of the West in its own political interests. Filiz here responds to an ongoing discussion about integration in Germany, debates that often point to the wearing of headscarves as an example of the failure to integrate, as I discuss in Chapter 1.

Her understanding of the way racism works through these integration policies draws on her understanding of historical continuities. G of Frauengeschichten, a German citizen of Turkish heritage working on her PhD, also articulates involvement in and theorizing of politics. She views her involvement in politics as having been more intensive in the time in Turkey than in Germany: We spent much time thinking about ideologies.

There were cliques in school: That was completely normal.

1. Ragioni per vivere (Oscar contemporanea) (Italian Edition)?
2. Oops! Wrong Family?
3. Michael finnissy.
4. Shop by category?

Before the military coup of Now I think about Germanization. If one compares our position with that of youth raised in Germany, one sees that they are almost completely lacking orientation. We had a goal. Even though we were affected by the coup. She suggests another possibility, of women who, having grown up during the turbulent times between two military coups, were intensely policitized and constantly thinking of politics. Economy and Work Ms. She has not been able to find work in her field, and instead works part-time for the post office: At least I have two finished degrees.

With that I have to finance my life, my studies and everything. Indeed, though the research is difficult to access, some studies have been done: One discovers as well that traditional feminist concerns about the nature of economies and work in other words, that not all production — certainly rarely reproduction — occurs as a consequence of paid work, and not all work is paid come into play.

Included in Koppstoff, Banu works in a bar, the only work she could find after an ill-timed return to Turkey for several years prevented her from finishing even the lowest form of a high school diploma Hauptschule. As a consequence, she has been ostracized by most of her family.

They want to amuse themselves, they want me to entertain them. Banu further opens up a category of labor performed for German men that is neither sexual labor nor caring labor, though the entertainment she ultimately provides is undoubtedly shot through with complex issues of sexuality. She describes her work in a way that feminists have long suggested we think about unpaid domestic work: In the time in which I raised my children […] I worked from early morning to late evenings! Reading her a working or economic subject allows us to think about issues that do not reduce her life in Germany to a lineage of cultural oppression.

I created a slave from my flesh, one who has perfected cleaning: Dip the mop in the water, wring the dirt trekked in by shoes from the mop, lay the mop on the broom, pull the mop over the floor.

• Seller information.
• NEW Kleidung und Identität (German Edition) by Alexandra Mörz | eBay.
• Desde la Puerta del Sol (Spanish Edition).
• .
• !
• !
• Auch viele Kurden unterstützen die Regierungspartei.

And so I don the flowered apron and scrub the floor and still am not the image or images of the others. A static symbol of her has been created, she says, as silent, obedient to employer and husband , and uneducated, incapable of doing much more than cleaning their floors. And yet, in the last paragraphs of her narrative, she provides a critique of those who produce knowledge.

The images they create have transformative power But as she says, she still is not that what she has been produced to be. Her utterance becomes an implicit challenge to forms of knowledge about immigrant women in Germany, in which she recognizes her position at the intersection of techniques of self and of power: We read her through a textual figure, produced by another intellectual, who, presumably produced her with the consent of another woman, another cleaning woman met in a school with another name.

Teleopoeisis is impossible under all circumstances, as I addressed earlier. Learning to learn from below is always the impossible but necessary precondition for ethical collective action, a goal located in a utopian place, never attained but always strived for.

At the same time, our brief reading here suggests other directions for the future. We should provide continued analysis of the ways in which academic discourses limit imaginations of political and economic subjects who are member of minority groups in Germany. Complex and careful analyses of representations including self-representations and participation in popular media, including print media, television, film and the internet seeking to understand political and economic subjectivities are also sorely needed.

These studies would aid us in moving beyond thinking immigrant women as the recipients of enlightened European culture to recognizing their complex positionings in a globalized world — laying the groundwork for the collectivities necessary for truly planetary thought and action. And so I went, nonsense in my hand, bedsheets in the head, oh, pardon, the other way around, to the next theater. She offhandedly evokes the cloth of the head, the headscarf, and the cloth in the hand, the marker of a cleaning woman, revealing the often hidden intersections of representations of the veiled immigrant woman and her role in the service industry within the globalized German economy.

Born in in Malatya, she grew up in Istanbul and Bursa. She first came to Germany as a guestworker from , during which time she worked in a Berlin electronics factory. Upon return to Turkey, she attended acting school in Istanbul; her first roles were in works by German authors. She acted in numerous plays and films in West and united Germany. In she was awarded the Heinrich von Kleist prize, another prestigious literary award likely to ensure critical attention in the coming years as well. Critical attention thus far provides a number of interesting analyses.

These lacunae can partially be attributed to the fact that Caravanserai gained more critical and popular attention immediately upon its publication.

16 Dinge, die Kopftuchtragende Frauen in Deutschland kennen!

These subaltern pasts work both to write transnational histories of Germany as well as to insert women into that transnational history. If we build on the nationalisms evident in the dominant narratives of the Muslim woman I explored in earlier chapters to consider their implications for larger narratives of the s, we might consider that the Muslim woman serves as a special figure for the nation, both inverted and invaginated: The historical immigrants are left out of this historicization of the German nation. As I pointed out in my earlier chapters, in discussions of labor migration to Germany, women are largely left out or presumed to have arrived only as the wives of labor migrants.

This is particularly true of the women arriving from countries that are predominantly Muslim. Despite his critical look, all the guestworkers are male. Yet this understanding was structured in a way that often left out or marginalized the actual immigrants in their midst. While the New Left movements largely understood themselves as international, in solidarity with peoples of the third world and existing in tandem with anti-war movements in the United States and western Europe, the larger narratives of these movements exclude the transnational members in their midst: An activist as well as a writer, he has also worked to support young Turkish German writers and multicultural programming in television and radio, cofounding Radio Multikulti in Berlin.

This worker is also inevitably male, rendering the woman immigrant worker unthinkable. This casual tone for such serious content performs a sort of Brechtian Verfremdungseffekt. Bridge follows its unnamed protagonist5 from her 17th year, , to the year ; dates are often marked without numbers but by reference to various newspaper headlines in a manner reminiscent of dos Passos. One should note that one of the earliest references is to , the year Benno Ohnesorg was killed in a student protest against a visit by the Shah of Iran to Berlin. This event is often pointed to as an originary point for galvanizing energy for the crystallization of the New Left movements Schiller 4 - 5 , reminding us of the transnational nature of these movements from their very inception.

In fact, the date of the murder, June 2nd, gave one of the prominent organizations in the New Left movements its name. After a brief return home to Turkey, she returns to Germany via Switzerland, where she completes a Goethe Institute language course. Having received her introduction to socialism, socialist theater, and student activism in both West and East Berlin, the woman narrator immediately networks with leftist groups in Istanbul while pursuing theater training. Strange Stars is more explicitly autobiographical and picks up chronologically where Bridge left off. It is also dated by newspaper headlines modernist writers; Turkish socialist writers such as Nazim Hikmet, Turkish puppet theater traditions, and Turkish folktale traditions.

The first half of this novel is written in the form of memoir. There protest against the East German state is particularly remembered in connection with Wolf Biermann and Rudolf Bahro. The popular and politically critical singer and songwriter Wolf Biermann was expatriated by the East German government in November while on a concert tour in West Germany.

On the train to Munich, the narrator7 sits surrounded by other women also going to work in factories in Berlin Haunting the narrative is not only the fact of women as workers, but the impacts of their work on their bodies. As in this tradition, the conflation of reality and magic does not serve to Orientalize the characters, as critics would have it,8 but is used to provide social critique, in this case a critique of the factory working conditions.

They close their left eyes, and as a consequence, even after leaving the factory, they see only out of their right: During work we lived within a single image [Bild]: This picture had its own voices; you separated yourself from the voices of the world and from your own body. Your spine disappeared, your breasts disappeared, your hair disappeared.

Sometimes you had to sniffle. You pushed the sniffling further and further away from yourself, as if it could destroy the enlarged picture in which we lived. When the Turkish interpreter came and her shadow fell on this picture, the picture ripped like a film, the sound disappeared, and a hole was created. The surreal image of a group of women whose dandruff will not even fall until their work is interrupted provides a suggestion of the dehumanization of the working bodies of the factory. The anonymous factory director and his rule is ironically critiqued via word play. Sherin, said the women, share they said as well.

The created name is, quite obviously to the German speaking reader, a homonym for the German word for ruler, Herrscher — yet the narrator leaves this unremarked, and continues to call the director Herscher and Herschering. To the reader, then, there is a constant linguistic reminder of the special power that the factory director has over the women who work there.

In the second factory in which the narrator will work upon her return to Germany, a Siemans factory located near Berlin, the narrator herself steps into the shoes of the translator — not in the factory itself, but in the factory dormitory. In the dorm, there are originally only women; eventually three floors of the six story building are occupied by married couples.

The factory itself, however, erases heterosexuality narratives for the hours of work: The melting snow implies a non-subjective, non-gendered mass identity created for the workers. This contributes to the constitution of the immigrant body from which a certain labor-value can be extracted in order to keep Germany functioning economically. In this case, the ideology functions by erasing gender and sexuality from the consciousness of the workers, an erasure constantly reversed via narratives of heterosexuality within the dormitories themselves.

The text writes the complicated positions of Turkish women to transnational left movements in both Turkey and Germany. In Bridge, the small group of women who are exploring socialist thought in Germany find themselves highly sexualized. As the narrator gradually becomes a regular in socialist circles, she often appears as the only woman, particularly in Turkey. Nobody asked me what I thought about any topic; for them I played the audience member; they performed with each other and I watched. I liked being the audience: In between their discussion they demanded that I sing old songs from the Ottoman times.

They applauded with closed eyes, and sometimes they sang along. Within left movements, both in Turkey and Germany, the female body serves on a particular stage to provide the 10It is interesting to note, however, a passage which evokes the mothers of Argentina protesting the desaparacidos. She gains, however, no voice here, though the writing of this book belies that silence. The conservatives of Turkey associate the left with promiscuity while foreclosing potential for autonomous female sexuality.

He exposes himself rather literally as a narcissist: The Turkish student with the hot body wanted to free me of my diamond, but he kept observing his own body while he kissed my mouth or my breast. He flexed his arm muscles and his chest, as if he were a statue placed upon a stone, and observed how well he did everything.

I also began to observe him, and as a result of all this observing my diamond remained with me This scene humorously highlights a further contradiction -- the student on the right who is supposed to protect female purity is more than happy to immediately consume the excess sexuality he associates with Socialist and Communist females. The literaral and figurative impotence of this man functions to reinscribe the narrator as a speaking agent. Bridge suggests, however, that all of the multiple positions taken vis-a-vis the nation, those on both the right and the left who claim Kemalist heritage as well as those who reject the project of modernity, often construct these positions on and through the female body.

The [conservative] student answered: Perhaps your grandfather also said that he was a Bolshevist; why are you afraid of this word?

Weiße Türken und anatolische Aufsteiger

In the early s, the left hope to ignite a revolution by inspiring the workers to rise as they were thought to have done in June with anti-Western and anti-Capitalist actions like kidnapping American soldiers or prominent corporate figures. In the mids, the aim was to cause chaos and demoralization, to create a climate in which a law and order regime would be welcomed by the masses as the savior of the nation.

And the Men Were Western: Her works write the left movements as specifically transnational movements in which migrant intellectuals were active. Working to theorize positions as a worker and an intellectual is a constant struggle for the narrators. The theoretical texts the narrators read in many ways make no sense in terms of the concrete lived experiences of work on the part of the characters.

The narrator struggles with the concepts, trying to relate them to the lives of her family and those around her: She had beautiful eyes, and at this moment I believed I understood what production meant. The narrator asks another colleague to tell her what reproduction means. The protagonist has a brief but intense affair with a Spanish man, Jordi, in Paris; this affair occupies a central position within the novel. Upon their separation, Jordi writes an awkward poem in broken English the only language the two can speak to each other that begins: These cryptic words evoke two events.

In the s Hikmet was asked what he thought about the progress women were making in light of Kemalist reforms. The second reference is possibly to tensions between the United States and Turkey as the U.

20 Best ebook free download! | Page 63

A collectivity among workers has been created, but it reflects not only a Marxist understanding of collectivity created based on shared work experiences, but the mechanization of their lives that occurs in the factories. This division exists in Turkey as well. The workers must leave earlier from the nightly meetings to sleep in preparation for the next day; the intellectuals have the luxury of staying out and discussing through the night: The commune is constantly drying film with their hair dryer — their form of work: The purely descriptive tone taken by the narrator is belied by these sorts of juxtapositions which critique the disconnect between the intellectuals waving their hair dryers and the workers below and above.

Of those participating in the commune, only the narrator of Bridge ever works to forge real connections to these workers: The importance of theater to Ozdamar cannot be underestimated: Within the two books at hand, theater provides one of the institutions through which transnational intellectual networks can be established. In Bridge, for example, the dorm director who introduces her to Socialism and left theater in Berlin also establishes a revolutionary theater group in Turkey.

On the edges of the story, we discover that another intern is from India Transnational networks beyond those we might immediately suspect in the German context are being established. Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin, and Jan-Carl Raspe, members of the organization, appear in headlines of newspapers stacked in the bathroom in her West Berlin apartment; this would have been during the two year trial of these three members, at the end of which they will be found guilty for four murders and 27 attempted murders Varon The events of the deutscher Herbst are experienced almost exclusively from East Berlin.

The perceived safehaven of the East proves to provide but a false sense of security. The initial experience of violence is the experience of censorship. Fear that the events of West Germany would instigate a similar movement against the State in the East led the government of the GDR to prevent reports of anarchist violence and kidnappings from entering the newspapers. These events coincide with a period of relative repression in East Germany.

Ask Seller A Question. We do not intentionally sell counterfeit items. If you have any concerns as to the authenticity of the item listed on this page please contact us. We will respond to your enquiries within 2 business days. This is our commitment to you as a professional and responsible business. We offer combined postage for additional items at no extra charge. If you buy more than one items, the total shipping cost will only be highest shipping cost among all your purchased items. To combine postage, after adding all the items in your shopping cart, please send us a message to request for combined invoice.

Please do not pay before receiving the combined invoice otherwise eBay will charge multiple Shipping and Handling fees. Please allow 5 to 10 working days for dispatch, unless otherwise stated in the listing. However, in most cases we can dispatch the item considerably quicker. Items can only be delivered to the address associated with your PayPal account so please double check that the delivery address is correct before completing the PayPal payment. Please choose carefully as AusReseller does not accept return of goods if you change your mind or made a wrong decision.

Der Unterschied zu einer demokratischen Verfassung ist offensichtlich. Aber schon jetzt ist klar, dass es in der AKP Widerstand gibt. Deshalb ist Kardas klar, dass die Erdogan-Regierung ein derart radikales Programm niemals vorschlagen wird. Eine autonome postkemalistische Linke sei zwar notwendig, aber nirgends zu sehen. Mit dem Resultat, das es beide nicht ins Parlament schafften. Viele Familien sind hoch verschuldet.