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Analyse von Gorgias Lobrede auf Helena (German Edition)

This was essentially making a mechanism of even operation out of human consciousness, and decrying the moral principle and the freedom of the will. Droysen finds himself called upon to define civilization and to give the delimitation of culture from it. And what 'progress' is that where perhaps there is some advancement of intellectual truths coupled with a weakening of moral truths! In the history of nations, there are at work moral forces and ideas. Duty, virtue, choice of action, are there at work. Mind, conscience, will, are the great elements in history: Nature study indeed is never concerned about individuals but about types alone.

I have said so much of the problems of culture and the human soul because I now wish briefly to add the Christian position, which for the writer is absolute, because it is that of Christ. The soul of man is the precious thing in that valuation: The little children, the poor, the uncultured, are no less precious in His sight, because they are endowed no less with immortal souls.

How profound, how incisive his spiritual righteousness, the inner attitude of the soul, not the satisfaction of outward statutes Matthew 5, 20; 15, 2; Mark 2, 27; 7, The Summum bonum is not indeed this life, but the life beyond this life Matthew 5, 25 sq. Christ and Christians must dispense with the approval of the Neopagan Nietzsche, who has called the Gospel a system of Ethics for slaves. As if a little eloquence or some lyrical faculty or keener analytical power, or perhaps a symmetrical countenance, or some other possession or acquisition raised the possessor above these soul-needs or soul-truths, or as if such exceptional particular qualities or possessions really satisfied the soul, where genuine honesty and veracity prevails, — or as if a novel or clever rearrangement of the lapilli that constitute the assets of human consciousness and human history — as if this could do more than make a new pattern in the mosaic of the ages.

Christianity is not the sum of an evolution of human speculation, it is not the goal of any purely human movement, although it has suffered sorely at the hands of those who wished to justify it academically, for ever it has been, and is, and will be, "unto the Greeks, foolishness. Even where no higher standard of ethics prevails than a utilitarian, it would seem wrong to dissever the one from the other. Paulsen, a voluble and voluminous writer, has said some apt and not at all shallow things about Christianity coming into the world not by any means as a product of evolution, but as the hard fact of the greatest revolution the history of mankind has known " Gesch.

He writes felicitously of the essential difference between page: I propose, later on, to furnish data that will warrant a fair induction in the formation of judgment. As to culture and the human soul, it remains for me to pen a few pertinent matters before closing this chapter. I radically dissent from much of the loose generalization of current unbelief, which, while removing a personal God and his design from this world of which we really know but a very little , talk glibly of a systematic progress in which culture is accumulated for future generations. Thus then we are to believe that man, and the souls of individual men, are as nothing in themselves but gain value merely as elements in a totality comprehended and enjoyed by what happens to be at the given moment, the last or most modern generation.

What legislation then establishes this new kind of design? Who brings this purpose into human history? A full generation have I striven to gain a closer vision of the classical world, and I have seen there a movement, which, taken as a whole, was one of decline and decay, even in a cultural aspect. It is entirely possible for academic arbitrariness or any other whim to make out a fictitious unit of successive humanity when the actuality are individual persons, and souls. But specific, living reality it does, in fact, possess only as the plurality of generations that succeed each other; and an 'education' is incomprehensible which constantly changes its material, throws away those who are incompletely page: There is little space in this chapter and little inclination in the writer to turn aside to Matthew Arnold's "Culture and Anarchy," essentially a polemic of the passing hour and permeated by a flippant spirit and pretty shallow wit, — controversial papers which have given to Swift's phrase of "Sweetness and Light" a new currency.

His main thesis is that the British Philistine a phrase borrowed from the German was too much devoted to "Hebraism," the righteousness of the Old Testament, and that he, the Philistine, should turn more to "Hellenism," i. Arnold has evidently pondered much on culture , and he has coined terms which he jingles much and with the air of a very confident trader. Culture he also defines as the harmonious perfection of our whole being: And righteousness is greater than taste, is it not?

In that loose and light fencing, this modern pupil of the Deists, with infinite ease, couples and really identifies reason and the will of God: Elsewhere he calls culture "a harmonious expansion of all the powers which make the beauty and worth of human nature He credits the Greeks the old glib and convenient generalization with "the immense spiritual significance Also, Arnold speaks with enthusiastic reverence of Herder and Lessing. We get at the root of the matter when Arnold, at last, reaches the greatest and gravest theme of the experience of mankind, Sin p.

Paul; the mere ease in itself with which Arnold chooses to make such crude juxtaposition at all is odd.

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He is one who looks out upon the world across a library table, and who, of himself, believes that all recorded utterance is merely letters and equally food for the critic. The present writer utterly declines to assent to the following definition of Christianity p. Compared with this vast periphery of interest and transcendent concern, the interests of culture must of necessity deal with a small number who actually have in the main, very many of them, overvalued themselves and their exceptional endowments, and have contributed little, very little, to the real, that is the universal, postulates of the human soul.

Does the professional study of the classical world at all affect or determine the spiritual interests of the student? I am not prepared to page: It cannot be denied, however, that the attitude of the given man to Christianity or the absence of a definite attitude will certainly color the vision of men.

How different the conception of a Luther and of an Erasmus, of a Milton and of a Shaftesbury, of a Thirlwall and of a Byron, of a Gladstone and of a Swinburne. We close this chapter with a few citations: Goethe, at the age of sixty-four, wrote to Jacobi Jan. As poet and artist, I am a polytheist, as a student of nature, I am a pantheist, and the one as decidedly as the other.

If I need a God for my personality as that of a moral human being, that is provided for. The affairs of heaven and earth are so extensive a realm, that the organs of all beings alone, united, can comprehend it. The Campo Santo , wrote thus: I find numbers, even of the most intelligent and amiable people, not knowing what the word means; because they are always asking how much is true, and how much they like, and never ask, first, what was the total meaning of it, whether they like it or not.

Christianity is the belief in, and the love of, God thus manifested. Anything less than this, the mere acceptance of the sayings of Christ, or assertion of any less than divine power in His Being, may be, for aught I know, enough for virtue, peace, and safety; but they do not make people Christians, or enable them to understand the heart of the simplest believer in the old doctrine. I T is almost six hundred years since Petrarch gave himself up to the joy and study of his own classicism.

This movement is often called Humanism: The sanest of the three scholars I have named is Voigt. The base and hope of each of the three is the force that determines and guides the limner's hand, that furnishes shade and color in their painting. Symonds is often curiously ecstatic — as when he speaks of the "new-found, Holy Land of Culture," of the "indestructible religion of science and the reason," this "search after the faith of culture," and other phrases morbidly exaggerated, wide of the truth.

And the same writer says very justly: My own study aims at this: I desire to show, fairly, how conduct and spiritual interests kept company, and what company, with the new movement of culture page: In this quest I have striven to gain a closer vision of things and minds: I am not content to merely transcribe from the pages of Symonds or of the two Germans. Symonds indeed has fully seen and felt the moral and spiritual reverse side of this bright coin: As for the great exile of Florence, Dante Alighieri, he is indeed not so permeated with the spirit of the Middle Ages as many would have it: His high valuation of what he knew of classics and the classical world, pointed the way: Aristotle, who furnished to Scholasticism logic and categories, was revered by Dante.

As he idealized everything written in classic Latin, so did all the further spirits of Humanism to Erasmus, to Montaigne and far beyond. And this attitude of idealization is both the strength and the weakness of the entire movement. And so it is even now. But why should the Tiber be more "classical" or associated with loftier or finer ideas and reminiscences, than the Thames? And even the very guide of Dante's Inferno, Vergil, has been, by common consent, reduced to page: As a matter of fact, the canonicity of Vergil as "the poet" came to Dante through an unbroken tradition of the Roman grammatici from Quintilian onward.

Dante knew not that he himself was, or was to prove to be, the very Homer and more of the Tuscan tongue, the "vulgar" tongue, in comparison with Latin, of which in the "Convito," I, 5, he says: Hence we see in the ancient writings of the Latin Comedies and Tragedies that they cannot change, being the same Latin that we now have; this happens not with our native tongue, which being home-made, changes at pleasure. Dante's Greek lore is a faint and distant thing, through reflection from Latin letters; suspended in Limbo though these Greeks were, still were they possessors "of great names," "souls of mighty worth.

Dante, too, cherished it as a dear and noble conception that the Italians were, after all, heirs and descendants of the race that once held universal sway, were in fact Latin De Vulgari Eloquentia. Pain and disgust with the present had much to do with the new movement. Among the thoughts there suggested and set free was this one: In Petrarch , bel esprit of Europe's fourteenth century, the newly discovered elements of beauty and strength of Classic Latinism found a soil curiously fitted and predisposed through aims and ideals. For the aim was now to think the thoughts, to be concerned in the concerns, to write the style, of Vergil, of Cicero, of Seneca; to endow them, in a word, with a practical and absolute authority, at which their own contemporaries would have marvelled, at which they themselves perhaps would have smiled.

His time became enamoured of him: It is tedious to us to wade through his pages dripping with classic allusion and ornament. The reminiscence of the Ciceronian phrase fails to flash upon us as a superhuman achievement: His pages curiously reveal the struggle between Christian morality and pagan worship of glory and of the things of this world. His poems to the eyes of Madonna Laura were based on what Symonds calls a respectable friendship: Knight or Prelate was still the choice of gifted men in that age: Petrarch had to live and mainly lived from the favors and prebends of great prelates.

His two illegitimate children, Giovanni and Francesca , page: The greatest labor of his life was devoted to an epic in heroic verse in the Vergilian manner, devoted not indeed to the glorification of Pope or Emperor, but to the memory of achievements of the elder Scipio. In our own day, Oxford and Cambridge are well-nigh the only places left in all the Renaissance movement, where high academic prizes are awarded to this form of culture — the elevation of the Exotic — once dominating the intellectual ambition of Europe.

Like Aristippos of Kyrene, he knew how to use without much being used, to hold and not be held, to receive ample donations and still maintain a high degree of personal independence and freedom of movement. His letters are often very charming: But it was this very thing which encircled his brow with the laurel eagerly offered by his contemporaries.

And if he had written all this in his own superb Tuscan, we would read and reread with permanent delight. But as for Cicero, Vergil, and Seneca, we enjoy them more, if we enjoy them at all, at first hand and in their virginal utterance.


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When, at thirty-two, he had accomplished the ascent of Mt. It was just ten years that he had brought to conclusion, at Bologna, his academic career. His soul was flushed and strongly moved by the thought of much sin and folly of the past, the feeble and imperfect steps page: With him he had a copy of St. The words were there: Here we have, as Voigt well urges, the central point of Petrarch's concern: And still his active actual life was one long chasing after the phantom of glory, immediate, direct contemporary glory. And so it remains to him a moral axiom "Rerum Senilium," V, 6 that to richly endowed minds glory is a mighty spur — generosis ingeniis ingens calcar est gloria.

It was the glory attainable through human speech and its literary forms: Few mortal men are able to bear so heavy a burden as is high praise of one's own entire generation; a more than human humility would be required for any man, soberly to realize, that his whole century was following in his footsteps and bidding all hail to the pathfinder. It was Petrarch's fortune, if fortune it be. Many were the searching visits into his own heart: The church fed and nurtured this pathfinder of the Humanists. And still soon it was clear that the New Learning at bottom tended to emancipate its devotees from the church, nay, from the very basis of living and being on which it was at first grounded and reared.

The shocking swiftness with which was revealed the interdependence of the new movement with the emancipation of morals and morality was strikingly revealed in an admirer and disciple of Petrarch, viz. The Black Plague of , which so cruelly ravaged Italy, found Boccaccio thirty-five, and the chain of novels which is reared upon this catastrophe constitutes the most powerful plea of mere animality known to human letters. And this, while Boccaccio after would have gladly cancelled and recalled his "Novelle," when it was too late.

From Burckhardt's delineation of the Renaissance we do indeed receive the impression that little exaggeration, if any, of social disruption and decadence is here met with. We do seem indeed to be face to face with a society which knew no romance beyond the snapping asunder of matrimonial law, and shrank from no detail which added to the delineation of impurity. Contemptible as Boccaccio made purity and marital fidelity, he trampled upon a sacrament of the church as well. But the church itself and its official page: Boccaccio hated the monks even in his character as classicist and restorer of the Old Learning.

In the great library of Monte Cassino where he often stopped in passing and repassing between Florence and Naples he noticed with disgust how, frequently, the indolent clerics instead of studying precious parchments of old, abraded the ancient characters and inscribed missals and legendaries to sell them to the people. Other classics lay in dusty oblivion on the shelves. He finds them all abandoned to dissoluteness both natural and contrary to nature, fond of gluttony and the bottle, given up to grasping avarice also, the buying and selling of church benefices in full vogue, with current euphemism for all this, as though God, says Boccaccio, could not pierce this thin veil.

Returning to Paris then, the Jew Abraham replies to his Christian friend: And so, in Paris, is the Jew Abraham baptized. Still more incisive is Boccaccio's attitude towards the Christian church in his novel I, 3 of the three rings, which has furnished the central theme to that classic Song of Songs of Deism, Lessing's "Nathan. Swift's "Tale of the Tub" will occur to many of my readers. The "evil hypocrisy of the Religiosi " is, as I have above suggested, one of the favorite themes of these stories, — hypocrisy largely in two forms, viz.

The corollary that they were not any better than the secular people who went about their quest without any pretence or cloak, is quite obvious. We are fairly entitled to believe that here as elsewhere this clever Florentine, with his curious mixture of moral indifference and searching moral satire, merely mirrored the current conviction of his own time. Calm and deliberate are these words I, 7: And still Boccaccio made his peace with the dominant corporation of human life of his day: Earnest monition had reached him from a Carthusian of Siena to change his life and his works.

As for selling his library also, Petrarch dissuaded him. His own last years were full of disease and other misery: Suffice to say that he willed his library to Brother Martino da Segna, his confessor, providing that ultimately the books were to go to the convent of Santo Spirito of Florence for the use of students. One may fairly ask: The popes indeed had returned from Avignon and from their French vassalage to the Seven Hills of Rome. But after a few years, in , followed the election of a counterpope, who again established his court at Avignon, Clement VII, who thus became a much more pronounced page: Thus began the great Schism, which not only rent Christendom in twain, but dealt an irreparable blow to the Papacy itself, whose Vicarage of God was now in the balance.

Whose excommunication was divine? At the same time, each court with its full measure of needs, and with the reduction of the taxable area for each, was constrained and driven by sore need to increase the financial burdens which it imposed, for its sustenance, upon its own subjects. We thus reach the beginning of that fifteenth century of European History which was destined to be the space of time made memorable by the Renaissance of Letters and Art, a Golden Age indeed, if we are to believe some of the ecstatic eulogists thereof.

But it is utterly unhistorical to ignore the profound and very essential interdependence which prevailed actually between the Renaissance and the decadence and convulsions marking the Annals of the Church itself. Who were the leaders of Humanism then? What sort of men were they? What attitude did they take in the agony of the Church and in those tremendous struggles which were made, in the first half of the century, at Pisa, Constance, and Basle, for a Reformation of Head and Members? It is not necessary here to enumerate the Latin Classics which he conveyed to Italy out of Swiss or German monasteries, openly or by filching them.

Our task here is to gain a closer view of his moral personality. If he had any moral ideals, the very court of which he was so conspicuous a part was impregnated with practices and principles essentially vicious and vile. It was an age "when the psaltery chimed ill with the secular lyre," when Balthasar Cossa, the infamous Neapolitan, a member of the Sacred College, as John XXII charged later with having procured the removal of his predecessor page: Of all the works of Poggio, his collection of anecdotes alone remains in the hands of men: For all the graces and turns of highly polished Latinity are here debased to the service of jestful impurity, compared with which Boccaccio is elevated and refined.

And so even the very form of phrase or speech in which Cicero had presented the most serious thoughts of the Greek sects on Religion and the concerns of the soul, the tongue in which the incomparable moralist Seneca had lashed the foibles of the human heart, the tongue in which venerable forms of liturgy and worship had been handed down fairly from the primitive church itself — this noble and grave speech, I say, was debased to the company of Satyrs and Pan, as though the court-robe of a great and noble lady were used to deck a smirking and berouged courtesan.

The scorn with which the clerics proper do duty in the Satire of this Humanist is even more strongly revealed in his Latin dialogue to be presently named. The faintest sympathy or trace of concern in the great councils of Constance or Basle is sought and searched for in vain in the lines of Poggio. His "Dialogus contra Hypocrisim" was written in his advanced age under the great Humanist pope, Nicholas V himself sqq.

Meaning of "Lobrede" in the German dictionary

Poggio, in that famous diatribe, intimates that Eugene IV had been surrounded with such clerical hypocrites, eagerly pursuing the interests of their several orders. The preachers before the pope had furnished Poggio much quiet amusement with their empty prattle.

One faint and fleeting citation of St. Matthew, the rest Cicero, Terence, Sallust, Seneca: All this dramatically, with an abbot as one of the participants in the dialogue. And when this protagonist of the new learning and confidential secretary and adviser of many popes concluded his sweeping charges against the friars, viz.

His fellow-student, Lionardo Bruni of Arezzo, was a more serious soul and a somewhat nobler character. Poggio survived him to deliver his funeral eulogy before the magistrate of Florence. Early he too served in Rome as Apostolic Secretary, where the new taste for purer Latinity determined preferment. His scholarship and interest in the newly acquired Greek seems much more pure and genuine than in Poggio's case. He refers to Plato with awe: Nostri , our own men, our own ancestors.

He calls the schism of popes: The modern Romans are a poor lot, "to whom from their ancient glory nothing but empty boasting has remained. He too visited Constance in connection with the great Council, January, His correspondent at Florence, Niccoli , indeed, is not at all interested in ecclesiastic matters: Non-Italians are, of course, barbarians. He calls Nature "that mother and maker of the Universe. But Bruni's concerns were centred as before, not on that matter of mighty moment, the reformation of the church, the pacification of the souls of Europe; but the recovery of the classical world remained the essential point of his concern.

Poggio had written with enthusiasm of the noble defence and noble death of Jerome of Prague, at the stake: Angrily he calls a detractor at Rome a wretched Sodomite. His study of Aristotle's "Ethics" was not merely historical and critical: He confesses that in literary matters he has become a voluptuary, an Epicurean.

He commends a certain Englishman who has come to Italy for culture: II, 20 , he goes on to say: This same Niccoli is called by a modern student of these times, Gregorovius, "beautiful personality. And still this same ecstatic delineator of the Renaissance knows his ground too well to be quite blinded to the truth "History of the City of Rome," Engl. Why then, in Gregorovius, the tedious iteration of "noble culture"? How so noble , if it so utterly, so signally failed to ennoble its most prominent devotees and professors: A protagonist among them was Antonio Beccadelli of Palermo , student at Siena, court poet, and secretary and historiographer at the court of Alfonso the Magnificent of Naples.

While pursuing academic life of the baser kind, at Siena and Bologna, he infiltrated himself with the matter and manner both of the debauched verse of Catullus, Ovid, and Martial: Even Poggio shook his head, but Beccadelli defended himself by naming "Catullus, Tibullus, Propertius, Juvenal, Martial, splendid poets and Latin poets" — exemplars in the literary Olympus of that generation and a court of last appeal.

And Guarino of Verona, the classical professor so highly esteemed as sane and industrious and of reputable conduct, is so ravished with the literary cleverness of this verse as to greet Beccadelli as a rising bard, and with transcendent absurdity to compare the Sicilian's muse with that of Theocritus! And as to the grossness, Guarino finds a curious justification therefore: Such were the dominant voices and the leading sentiments almost throughout this entire fifteenth century, hailed as voices of the light.

A far stronger mind was that of Beccadelli's rival at the court of Naples, Laurentius Valla He translated Herodotus and Thucydides and with keen study of Quintilian more than of Cicero became a practical model and laid down theories of pure Latin writing. He served his master Alfonso of Naples efficiently and thus further undermined the authority of the papal see, if that were possible then, by proving the Constantine donation a forgery, but shrinking not even from an attack upon the Apostles' Creed.

Gorgias’ Lehrmethode

More frankly than his fellow-humanists, he cast aside the checks and norms of divine obligation in conduct. The second voice pleads for the justification of lust and against the immortality of the soul and against a judgment to come. He was opposed to the Scholastics of his time who held that the Christian Faith can be reasoned out in the Aristotelian manner and procedure.

He profoundly detested the claims of the Clerics — claims of spiritual superiority, claims of being something apart from the laymen. In his essay, " De Professione Religiosorum ," he attacks these spiritual claims of that most powerful class and corporation of the Middle Ages, whose autocratic rule even then was being enfeebled, and in this controversy exhibits a good knowledge of St.

He deals vigorous blows too against the normal monastic vows, and quotes St. Paul against enforced celibacy, I Timothy 4, 3, and goes on to say: Under the Humanist pope, Nicholas V , Valla even triumphantly entered Rome itself and reaped there high honors and rich emoluments. This same Pope Nicholas was much more moved by the desire to save Greek manuscripts when Constantinople fell than to save the Greek Empire itself from the Ottoman deluge.

More clear-headed on these grave issues of the Christian world was the second one of these Humanist popes, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, who took the title of Pius II. Neither he nor the church at large were able to rouse distrustful Europe to a new crusade; the laity and the feudal aristocracy merely suspected a new pretext for an impost of money.

Synonyms and antonyms of Lobrede in the German dictionary of synonyms

As for this Pius II himself, how could he who was the very incarnation of secular scheming and a man of the world in his character and career — how could such a one rouse the spirit of Peter the Hermit or of St. The world and the flesh, money and pleasure, had then well-nigh smothered what spirituality there was in the church. In his youth, he had written an erotic novel in which he had dissected all the phenomena and all the sensuality of sexual passion with a detail and a love for these things in which he fairly outdid Boccaccio.

A diplomatic agent and negotiator of great prelates of the Council of Basle, he ultimately became the secretary and adviser of Frederic III of Austria. His restless and active mind was bent upon grasping the actualities of things, of seizing the vital point of human affairs. He loves learning, he loves fully as much money and power. With bright and exact eyes he outlined eminent contemporaries in his " De Viris page: With an admiration as genuine as that of our contemporary journalists when they commend the millions derived from some accumulation of industry he expatiates on the splendid success of Cosmo dei Medici, richest man of Florence, nay, of Italy, whose vast financial transactions were not even checked by exile, who is now ruling in Florence without seeming to rule: His mansion is fine enough for an emperor.

He has built the monastery of San Marco for the Dominicans. There he has installed "a wonderful library packed with Latin and Greek books. His Latin verse is written with good taste and his prose is not inferior to the former. Barthold of Cremona, apostolic secretary and later archbishop of Milan, who crowned the emperor Sigismund at St.

Ambrose's, was impregnated with Vergil and wrote very good Latin verse. Enea's characterization of Sigismund who had actually brought to a conclusion the great schism shows how church politics or world politics were equally manipulated by men who were without a spark of inward religiosity. When he was at Rome with Pope Eugene, he said: You sleep in the morning, I rise before daybreak.

You drink water, I drink wine. You flee from women, I pursue them. But we are at one in these things: You have gouty hands, I have gouty feet. You are ruining the church, I, the empire. We pass on to one who among all the Humanists of the fifteenth century was himself a conspicuous exemplar, a veritable microcosm of the entire Classic Renaissance. This was Francesco Filelfo Trained at Padua, and a budding professor of the Classics at Venice, he spent eight important years at Constantinople as secretary of the Venetian embassy.

His aim was to become a master of Greek. Returning to Venice in , with a Greek wife and a collection of Greek codices noteworthy in that day, he was engaged by some of the richest and most prosperous states of Italy to teach the language and the culture of the Classics: His reading was wide, his interest in Greek and Latin letters, antiquities, and above all, in the reproduction of prose and verse, was genuine and profound.

It is hard for one who has carefully perused some one of the folios containing letters of his, to determine, whether his craving for gold or his desire to acquire codices or his insatiable appetite for notice and renown was stronger or strongest. His letters often were composed as official epistles from state to state by direct mandate of his princely patrons at Milan. Among the noble or distinguished recipients we notice the Emperor of Byzantium, several popes, cardinals and archbishops a plenty, the republic of Florence, King Charles VII of France.

But the most besetting of all his sins, the typical failing of the Humanists, was his vanity. At thirty he writes to his fellow-humanist, page: Aristotle's ethics, rather than that of the New Testament, had taken possession of his soul. He addresses the cardinal of Bologna in as " pater humanissime.

All rate me highly, all extol me to the sky with praises.

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He deplored the jealousy of two scholars of Florence: He has a lively consciousness of his power dated Siena, Sept. With all this vanity which was powerfully nurtured by the drift of the times, and by the universal itch for a quick and wide reputation — with all this there was in Filelfo a keen and trenchant intelligence which forsook him only when he dealt with himself. When Filelfo had entered Milan in , his report of the event was rendered in these words: This was the effect of his academic expounding of practical Stoicism, and that noble striving for the boons inherent in the soul, a soul withdrawn entirely from craving of wealth or fame — of this there is not the slightest trace in this representative Humanist.


  1. CHAPTER II?
  2. Translation of «Lobrede» into 25 languages.
  3. Gorgias’ Lehrmethode in: Mnemosyne Volume 70 Issue 2 Year ?
  4. Translation of «Enkomion» into 25 languages!
  5. The Envy of the Gods is fused in his moralizing with a frequent admixture of ill-related Christian phrase. As many others page: Of these indeed the proud belief, that, by their Latin verse, they could bestow immortality, comparable to that once bestowed by Vergil or Horace, — this conceit was exceedingly strong, and we must add it produced them many purses of gold from those who were thus immortalized cf.

    We will close this brief delineation of Filelfo with a citation from an epistolary admonition directed to Poggio and Valla: Why March 7, do you hate me so bitterly? And why are you so foul towards one another? And that too in the Roman curia, that is, in the most famous and the most brilliant theatre of the whole world.

    The tutor of the children of Lorenzo dei Medici, Poliziano , in his mastery of Greek and Latin, stood quite alone in Italy after the death of Filelfo The wonderful ease and grace of his Latin verse almost makes one pause to ask whether the cunning of Horace, of Catullus or Ovid, had actually had a literary palingenesis on the Arno.

    Synonyms and antonyms of Enkomion in the German dictionary of synonyms

    But we must turn to his themes and look beyond this formal facility. We see, indeed, the paganism of glorifying lust; both Latin and Greek verses are there so foul in their enthusiasm of unnatural lust that we marvel not that Madonna Clarice, the wife of Lorenzo, in the end caused Politian's removal from the household, as being a plague to her sons.

    This man was teacher of the future Pope Leo X. The greatest skill and an almost incredible control of word and phrase does Politian display in this verse, in which the phenomena of mere sexualism are enumerated in a manner that fairly outdoes the Pans and Satyrs of Catullus and Ovid. We notice that the most repulsive of these themes both in Greek and Latin is so turned that the more recondite tongue, Greek, is to him an even more unrestrained sphere of animal abandon and truly pagan art. Weirdly incongruous there appear in this company of Aphrodite Pandemos some lines of a quasi-religious nature in Greek hexameters, filled of course with solid patches of Homeric phrase, grotesque application of Zeus-epithets to the Almighty to whom in the end the creature of clay confesses his sins.

    Two hymns in honor of the Virgin Mary were penned by the same hand v. Meanwhile the notorious decline of the church and its government had kept pace with this much vaunted Renaissance of Classic imitation. Church politics, church government, the financial exploitation of Christendom with ever new forms of Sacerdotal Commerce, the unblushing secularization of the central see of Rome and all its works, the conversion of the Roman pontiff into a prince and politician among the princes and politicians of Italy, the splendid nuptials of papal daughters, the establishment of short-lived dynasties and principalities for papal sons — these and many more things mark the last generation of the Italian quattro cento.

    The paganism of the Humanists found itself in calm concord with the general drift. This church and this world indeed were as one, nay, they were merely different phases of the same world. In Pope Sixtus IV supported the murderous plot of the Pazzi at Florence, in which a brother of Lorenzo dei Medici was actually stabbed to death in a church during divine worship, and Lorenzo himself, the central saint in the wearisome cult of the Renaissance, barely escaped.

    The pope made his case worse by issuing an edict of excommunication against all Florence, all, it seems, on account of the political interests of the Count of Imola, his nephew. In Innocent VII succeeded. He had seven bastard children. He had pledged himself to the cardinal politicians of the conclave to promote but a single one of his kin.

    He broke this pledge, and also enraged the municipal Romans by bestowing the fat places on non- Romans. He chose his son-in-law of Genoa, a financier, to supervise the city taxes; in fact, with the commercial spirit of his native Genoa well expressed, he was cleverly attentive to the papal ledger. One of his sons married a daughter of Lorenzo, the so-called magnificent. As a practical consequence of this family alliance, three years later Lorenzo's son John was made a cardinal, though a mere stripling of fourteen, destined to become pope further on, and last of the Humanist popes, a species which, after the revolt of Luther, became somehow quite page: What he did for his children and what they were and what they did, is it not recorded in the diary of the papal master of ceremonies, Burchard?

    Recorded, I say, in a very cold-blooded manner, although the Latin is not at all up to the Humanistic standard. And so we will leave the genial Cesare and the romantic Lucrezia to those who wish to rave about the great moral emancipation wrought in beautiful Italy by the Renaissance; or when they have become a little exhausted by the ecstasies of the comely Walter Pater, ecstasies about Mona Lisa or some other item in the latter's calendar of Renaissance saints both male and female, to which I suppose Rafael's Fornarina also belongs.

    An arch-saint also in the traditional cult of the Renaissance was Lorenzo dei Medici, very magnificent indeed in spending the wealth of his grandfather and barely successful in concealing his own insolvency with money that belonged to the commonwealth: We must content ourselves here with transcribing from the pages of Villari, one of the most patriotic and learned Italians of these latter times: In the present day, not only the young nobles, but the lowest rabble would page: But their composition was the favorite occupation of a prince praised by all the world, and held up as a model to other sovereigns as a prodigy of talent, as a political and literary genius.

    And such as he was then reckoned, many now hold him to have been. He is pardoned by them for the blood he shed in maintaining a power which had been unjustly acquired by his family and himself; for the disorders he caused in the republic; for plundering the public treasury to defray his extravagant expenditure; for the indecent profligacy to which he was given up, although infirm of body; and for the rapid and infernal system of corruption of the people — an object to which he never ceased to apply the whole force of his mind: But Erasmus remains, and without some view and vision of this protagonist among the Humanists this chapter would be wretchedly truncated and inadequate.

    Of him even in our own day may be said what Schiller said of Wallenstein. I must be somewhat precise myself. For a century or more had the more earnest spirits whose spirituality had not been smothered by the inferior things cried out for a radical betterment. The Humanists had contributed somewhat less than nothing to this cry and craving. Neubulgarische Ubersetzungen der Viten Nagarjuna und Gorgias, 9 Quellen im Literaturverzeichnis, Sprache: Ein Enkomion des Proklos von Constan- tinopel auf Johannes findet sich in cod.

    Ein Enkomion des Johannes The author describes educational methods, educational ideals and literary education in the Hellenistic period based on an analysis of ancient ideas and concepts of teachers, pupils and students. Ein Enkomion des Proklos von Constantinopel auf Johannes findet sich in cod.

    Richard Adelbert Lipsius, Dieses historische Buch kann zahlreiche Tippfehler und fehlende Textpassagen aufweisen. Kaufer konnen in der Regel eine kostenlose eingescannte Kopie des originalen Buches vom Verleger herunterladen ohne Tippfehler. Der Sentenzenkommentar des Durandus von St. Pourcain nimmt, was seine Originalitat und seine Bedeutung fur die philosophische und theologische Mediavistik angeht, eine herausragende Stellung unter den Der dritte Band behandelt zunachst die letzte Blute der christlichen Kabbala bei Christian Knorr von Rosenroth sowie die philologische, historische und philosophische Kritik der christlichen Kabbala.

    Friedrich Daniel Ernst Schleiermacher - was, in Berlin, an eminent preacher, professor, and member of the academy. He displayed an influential theological and philosophical position between enlightenment, German Spinoza no hace renegar al hombre de su condicion humana. Lo hace atender a aquello que no obstante es su naturaleza misma, lo atraviesa y va mas alla de el: This book examines the fundamental basis of 'reality, ' in all of its manifested forms, whether or not experienced by humans.

    Explored are what there is to know; what it is we are capable of knowing; what makes such knowing La observacion y el analisis de cualquier situacion alimentaria realizado desde la interdisciplinariedad enriquece el estudio. Los momentos de crisis alimentarias como los vividos con la encefalopatia espongiforme bovina o mal de Es folgen ein paar biografische Eckdaten uber den Autor, sowie augenscheinliche Banalitaten aus dessen Jugend. When David Gorlaeus passed away at 21 years of age, he left behind two highly innovative manuscripts. Once they were published, his work had a remarkable impact on the evolution of seventeenth-century thought.

    This is a reproduction of a book published before This book may have occasional imperfectionssuch as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Esta investigacion nace como una inquietud de buscar la vinculacion existente entre una tecnica proveniente de occidente y el pensamiento milenario de los pueblos descendientes del arbol Mayence.

    Por ello la importancia de Das Buch verschafft einen Uberblick uber die neuere Willensfreiheitsdebatte, wobei es auch die Konsequen-zen der Hirnforschung fur das Frei-heits-problem erortert. Zum anderen entwickelt der Autor eine originelle eigene Position Constructing Solidarity offers a critical path toward the transformation of white worldviews, theologies, ethics, and praxis for scholars, activists, religious leaders, and those seeking guidance. This book allows the reader to really get a glimpse of what America has created when they've oppressed a people for years!

    This is a classic work by the German philologist, poet, composer, author and philosopher, Nietzsche He critiqued religion, morality, contemporary culture and philosophy, basing his thoughts on whether the idea is Vordiplomarbeit aus dem Jahr im Fachbereich Philosophie - Philosophie des