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Because the edition of the Gesta by O. The following analysis will the Elegantiae went through three major redactions, the last of which was not finished until Studi in onore di Giuseppe Billanovich , edd. Besomi argues that this manuscript does not entirely represent the finished version which Valla wished to present to King Alfonso.

Thus the editor incorporates into the text of the autograph a number of corrections, which are based on an archetype reconstructed from the other surviving copies. This archetype was not the copy dedicated to the King now lost , but another copy, perhaps transcribed by Valla himself, which lies between the surviving autograph and the copy presented to King Alfonso. Valle epistole note 3 , pp. When citing the edition of the Gesta , I refer to book, chapter and section number, e.

In cases where my reference includes 32 T. We shall also examine features which seem to be his own idiosyncracies. In the Elegantiae , Valla took the revolutionary step of denying the authority of the ancient grammarians and attempting to base his precepts concerning Latin usage entirely on the observed practice of the ancient authors themselves. Valla makes a distinction between grammatice loqui , which is mere grammatical correctness, and Latine loqui , the pure and refined use of the Latin language 6. In view of this, we must ask which authors Valla considers to be best 8. The following statement may be taken as representative of his approach in the Elegantiae.

Neque si quid aliter penes autores reperiatur mihi obesse debet, qui non legem scribo, quasi nunquam aliter factum no key words, I add page and line number, e. I also employ the following abbreviations: Umanesimo e teologia Firenze, , pp. Tavoni, Latino, gramma- tica, volgare. Storia di una questione umanistica Padova, , pp. See also Camporeale, Valla , pp. For imitation in general, see G. The exempla from ancient authors cited in the Elegantiae fully support this statement. The vast majority of them are concentrated in the period of Latin literature between Caesar and Trajan.

Valla does not favor early Latin or the comic poets as models for prose, and he is hostile to late Latin, with the partial exception of the Roman jurists of later Antiquity, whose precision and economy of expression Valla seems to admire. And since the chief purpose of the Elegantiae was to purify Latin from medievalisms, it is scarcely surprising that Valla retains this negative opinion for all authors of the Latin Middle Ages right up to the period just before his own lifetime Throughout his life, Valla maintained this favorable attitude towards the prose of the Silver Age as well as that of the Ciceronian period.

His youthful treatise on the comparison of Cicero and Quintilian caused a stir because it gave preference to the latter as a teacher of rhetoric. In his Epistula ad Serram , Valla lists the authors which he considers exemplary In the Antidotum primum in Poggium , composed in , Valla adheres to his praise of Quintilian as well as Cicero, and the language of both authors is favorably contrasted with late Latin Sabbadini, La storia del ciceronianismo Torino , pp. His conclusions are essentially confirmed by V. Valla, Antidotum primum , ed. Respublica literaria neerlan- dica Amsterdam, , 1.

Yet Valla sometimes defends poetic expressions In the Elegantiae , moreover, he frequently cites passages from Latin poetry. In fact Valla does not categorically exclude poetic expressions. It is primarily in those cases where poetic and prose usage conflict that Valla wishes to avoid poetic language We have already noted that Valla advocates usages which are more common, even where examples to the contrary may be found Nevertheless, on occasion we find him voicing preference for obscure or rare expressions The best models for Neo-Latin prose are the prose authors from the periods of Cicero and Quintilian.

On the whole, late Latin writers should not be imitated. Poetic language should be avoided in cases where it departs from what is acceptable in prose. Returning to consider the Gesta Ferdinandi regis Aragonum , we shall note first that Valla shows a predilection for constructions and expres- 14 One such instance is Antidotum secundum in Poggium , in Opera note 3 , vol.

O caper, ne dicam capram, qui fieri potest ut quia poetice quid dictum sit inelegans? Habitual with Valla is the use of quam pro after a comparative, for example " Valla employs forem , as equivalent to essem, with the gerundive or gerund, another feature of Silver prose introduced by Livy LHS, pp. On several occasions Valla uses the phrase recepta opinio e. Also poetic are terram legere 3.

Although the adjective inexploratus is only common in Silver prose and later Thesaurus, 7. In the Gesta, we observe gratia preceding its genitive, e. Contentus with the infinitive 1. The same is true of compellere with the infinitive 1.

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Praecipere equivalent to iubere with the accusative and infinitive 1. The same can be said of indulgere with the dative and accusative equivalent to dare alicui aliquid 3. Both passages, however, have been emended. Valla is fond of inhere with the subjunctive, either with or without ut , e. We also note vereri with the accusative and infinitive 2.

The use of the perfect participle of a deponent verb in an ablative absolute to govern an object, e. Securus with the genitive, e. Diversus with the dative, e. Likewise, the adverbial expression e diverso used often by Valla e. Valla constantly treats itaque and namque as postpositives, e. With the exception of one instance of itaque postpositive in Ad Herennium 1.

The use of an adjective with the ending -bundus governing an object is also foreign to Caesar and Cicero. See the discussion in Riemann, Etudes note 21 , p. On adjectives with the ending - bundus , see also Elegantiae , 1. In the Elegantiae , Valla recognises both meanings of invicem 2. The use of que Valla employs all of these pairs in the Gesta We read, for example: Nec can be equivalent to ne We note necdum used instead of nondum , e. We encounter non for ne with the hortatory subjunctive 1. Examples of the former can be found in many periods, but the latter form of negation begins in Silver Latin and is common in late Latin LHS, pp.

Sometimes Valla has quo instead of ut introducing a final clause, although the clause contains no comparative, e. Dorey London, , p. In the Elegantiae 2. But it is more important to observe that his belief this use of et is not Ciceronian seems to be no deterrent to his own very frequent use of et this way in the Gesta; e. Also noteworthy is the indicative in causal relative clauses introduced by quippe e.

We find quamvis with the indicative 1. The science of philology, as we know it, was just beginning, and the ancient texts available to scholars were sometimes quite corrupt. However, as we have already noted repeatedly, the Elegantiae shows that in many cases Valla was perfectly aware that some usages are later than others, and when he adopts these same expressions in his own writing, this confirms his preferences. In the Elegantiae , Valla correctly observes that the future participle used to denote purpose or intention is characteristic of post- Augustan prose We often encounter this idiom in the Gesta , e.

And for other northern humanists, I cite pp. Thomson, which will appear in Pflugiana, ed. Pollet, Saecula spiritalia Baden Baden. See also Elegantiae , 2. For ut qui see Elegantiae , 2. In the same work 2. As with many trends in later prose, the freer use of the 40 T. Indeed, Valla uses it so frequently that it almost seems to be an affectation Although Valla does not invariably choose constructions from the prose of the imperial age 41 , the fact that he does so freely when he wishes is significant.

Sometimes he employs a very loose sort of apposition, in which the appositional phrase refers to the idea contained in a whole future participle really begins with Livy, see LHS, p. In the Elegantiae ibid. Though Valla obviously favors the future participle in the Gesta , he sometimes uses the supine for purpose after verbs of motion, e. Valla also uses the future participle without any form of esse in hypothetical conditions, another construction found in Silver prose, e.

He does not accept the view that the accusative for duration denotes continuous time, and the ablative for duration denotes interrupted time. Raudensis, Opera , 1, p. However, under some circumstances the ablative is used for duration in classical prose see LHS, pp. For some examples of the ablative for duration in the Gesta , see 1. There is at least one clear instance of the accusative 2.

We repeatedly notice this in the Gesta , e. Sallust employs this sort of apposition, but it is greatly extended and very common in Silver prose LHS, pp. The same assertion cannot be made about the traces of late and medieval latinity which can be found throughout the Gesta. Valla was in the forefront of the humanist struggle to throw off the medieval Latin inheritance, and his Elegantiae was a fundamental contribution to the whole movement.

It is, therefore, perhaps surprising at first to notice in the Gesta such phrases as: Valla repeatedly uses habere in this medieval way For this use of habere , see LHS p. Shuckburgh [Cambridge, ] argue that habere in this passage has the same force as in the example from Ad fam.

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Similarly, the use of inquit to introduce oratio obliqua 3. Comedere with de and the ablative instead of an accusative object 2. Valla uses applicare in the medieval way to denote arrival at a place by land and not by sea , e. In the Gesta , carruca 1. Valla often uses the shifted perfect passive — or perfect of deponents — with forms of fuisse instead of esse , e. Valla frequently employs the indicative for indirect questions, e.

Niermeyer, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus Leiden, , p.

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Blaise, Lexicon latinitatis medii aevi. Corpus christianorum, continuatio mediaevalis Tumhout, , p. The infinitive form laudatus fuisse is somewhat less rare LHS, pp. Examples in classical Latin of a past participle with fui, fueram, etc.

Lebreton, Etudes sur la langue et la grammaire de Ciceron Paris, , pp. Thomson notes it in the Latin of Erasmus and Julius Pflug: Qui, cum alii nulli potiores sint, nulli iniuriam facturus est neque plane esse illegitimum ex patre celibe ac matre innupta genitum. Hoc si in privatis semper valuit, multo magis debere valere in regibus, quos sola contentos uxore esse vix postulandum est, et in bellis aut longinquis regionibus agentes, ut uxores habeant fieri non potest. Neque exclusos a successione fuisse filios ancillarum Iacob, neque eandem causam Salomoni obstitisse, quominus ad regnum tolleretur, cum tamen non modo solus qualis Federicus, sed ne primus quidem ex David liberis esset, et alia plurima omnibus ex gentibus huius generis exempla 2.

In the works of Caesar and Cicero as well as in Livy it is possible to find occasional instances of the indicative in the subordinate clauses of oratio obliqua which are difficult to explain as parenthetical insertions or mere explanatory circumlocutions. Sometimes, especially in Cicero, clauses are placed in the indicative for greater emphasis, or to contrast reality with another clause in the subjunctive denoting hypothesis, or indirect speech may be abandoned in mid-sequence However, the majority of the instances which have been noted occur with a main verb in the present.

It is probably safe to assume that this reflects the influence of medieval Latin, since there is no doubt that the use of the indicative in this way becomes much freer in late Latin LHS, pp. We also find the subjunctive and indicative in close juxtaposition: TUNBERG In addition to subordinate clauses in the indicative, the extended passages of oratio obliqua in the Gesta often contain shifts from primary to secondary sequence or vice-versa , many of which seem to be quite arbitrary Nam se unum omnium esse indubitatum cardinalem ab indubitato creatum papa, cum ceteri, qui se eodem nomine appellarent, creati essent tempore schismatis: Caesar frequently shifts from historic to primary sequence — even within the same speech Various reasons 52 See, for example, 2.

For similar shifts of tense sequence in the same oratio obliqua , see 1. In many of these passages we also note the indicative in subordinate clauses. It must be stressed, though, that this appears to be merely a tendency, and it is certainly not a principle which can be applied to every change of tense sequence in oratio obliqua in the Gesta. Sallust generally adheres to conventional secondary sequence, except where use of the historic present causes variations. But sometimes he employs the present subjunctive of repraesentatio change of point of view from reporter to speaker for commands in oratio obliqua It has been argued, however, that his numerous deviations from the conventional tense sequence are often motivated by a desire to represent shifts of mood rather than tense in oratio recta Rules for sequence of tenses, as we know them, had not yet been formulated in the fifteenth century.

Indeed the subject was not extensively discussed in grammar books until the nineteenth century And it must be kept in mind that the modern rules themselves only represent generalisations about ancient practice, which, as already noted, often varied widely In accord with the general extension in the use of the indicative in late Latin, Valla uses the indicative with licet Although Valla employs dum with its normal meanings, he also frequently follows the late and 55 For example: Marcius respondit, si quid ab senatu petere vellent , ab armis discedant , Romam supplices proficiscantur See Antidotwn primum note 13 , 3.

Yet in the Gesta , Valla himself occasionally falls into the same habit, e. Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia 39 Goteborg, , pp. It should be noted that this construction is common in the late Roman jurists, a group of writers generally admired by Valla. In fact, Valla explicitly sanctions the use of licet with the indicative or subjunctive in the Elegantiae 2. See, for example, 1. Ubi introducing a temporal clause is often employed with the subjunctive, even when the clause does not express iterative action and is not in oratio obliqua , a usage which is very rare in classical Latin LHS, p.

This use of quia appears in early Latin, but the extension of quia at the expense of quod in this and other constructions is typical of late Latin LHS, pp. Therefore, the following expressions are worth noting: Though quia is sometimes employed in these 61 For some other examples, see 1.

Instances of this use of dum in Livy cited by Riemann, Etudes note 21 , pp. It is interesting that the Codex Agennensis of Livy British Library, Harleianus , which was heavily annotated by Valla, reads at Valla also uses ubi temporal with the indicative, see 1. See also the discussion of the phrase by Riemann, Etudes note 21 , p. Valla, on the other hand, clearly prefers quia , a habit which probably reflects the influence of late and medieval Latin. On occasion Valla employs circumlocutions with magis and maxime instead of the comparative and superlative, e.

It has been repeatedly observed that the medieval habit of ending the ablative of comparatives in -i persists into the age of humanism. Thus it is interesting to observe that throughout the Gesta , Valla uses both -e and -i for the ablative of the comparative. In the Adnotationes in errores A. Raudensis, Valla suggests that -e is the preferred ending for feminine comparatives and -i for the other genders In the Gesta , however, -e and -i are used indiscriminately for all genders, e.

We also encounter in the 67 E. Ficus is treated as masculine 2. Valla employs angustia in the singular, e. As the Elegantiae and other works show, Valla was very concerned about the correct use of indefinite pronouns He is at pains to distinguish between quidam and aliquis. However, he considers aliquis, quisquam, quispiam and ullus to be virtually equivalent, although he recognises that ullus usually accompanies a negative Elegantiae , 3.

Though Valla uses the singular of quisque , he often employs it in the plural, usually linked with a superlative, e. Admittedly, the use of the reflexives and third person pronouns is not perhaps quite as haphazard in Caesar and Cicero as in certain late and medieval Latin texts, where se can often 71 On the declension of ficus , see Elegantiae, 1. Antidotum primum note 13 , 1. Thesaurus mundi Padova, , 2. Quid for aliquid is common in late Latin LHS, p. But see also Adnotationes in errores A. Raudensis, Opera, 1, p. In general, quisque in the plural, with or without a superlative, is rare in classical prose.

Exceptions occur where quisque refers to a substantive which has no singular, or when it refers to several groups rather than individual entities, or when it is linked to a neuter superlative. Quisque in the plural is somewhat less rare in the expression ut quisque. For a useful list of examples from a variety of authors, see Riemann, Etudes note 21 , pp. Nevertheless, the treatment of these pronouns can often be quite erratic in classical Latin too This work shows that Valla was fully aware of how ambiguous and inconsistent the ancients could be in their employment of the reflexive pronoun and the reflexive possessive.

Without formulating dogmatic rules, Valla attempts to lay down some guidelines for usage which are chiefly aimed at avoiding ambiguity For an extremely thorough account of the use of the reflexives in Cicero, see Lebreton, Etudes note 47 , pp. For the problem in general, see LHS, p. See De reciprocatione , chs. Valla also notes that erratic use of the pronouns in the scriptures is often due to translations from the Greek ibid. For other examples of this construction in Cicero, see Lebreton, Etudes note 47 , p. It is also discussed by Valla, De reciprocatione, 14, p. Similar passages in the Gesta are: However, I know of no exact parallel for the use of the ablative absolute in this sort of opposition.

In the Gesta we also observe several passages where suus in an ablative absolute about which Valla says nothing in De reciprocatione refers not to the ablative subject, but to the subject of the main clause, e. Valla admits that this latter precept is sometimes violated, even by Cicero But if a verb or adjective is added to the object making reciprocation possible, then suus is used to refer back to the object Respondentibusque se nosse, oraret It should be kept in mind that De reciprocatione was written later than the Gesta , and Valla may not have fully formulated his theories about the reflexives by Valla argues that in such cases eius is preferable, but acknowledges that suus is permissible: For this observation, see also Lebreton, Etudes note 47 , pp.

Here eorum rather than sua is probably used to avoid the inference that the pronoun refers to the same subject as sibi. See the introduction to Antidotum in Facium note 2 , pp. The persistence of medieval syntax into the late humanist period has often been noted, though no very detailed study of the matter seems to exist The works of early humanists, such as Petrarch, Salutati and Poggio abound with medievalisms, and it can scarcely be doubted that detailed study would reveal similar features in the latinity of others of the same period Valla was born in the early fifteenth century, and his education took place when humanism was still very new.

Many of the features of late and medieval Latin which we note in the Gesta are probably the result of habits acquired at an early age. Then we would know whether or not he developed as a writer, and if so, in what directions. The Gesta , therefore, is something of a hybrid, since Valla incorpora- 83 This is expecially noticeable in academic Latin, where the Ciceronian movement had little influence, even as late as the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Grammar books imparted meagre information about ancient syntax. Olschki, Geschichte der neusprachlichen wissenschaftlichen Literatur.

Zum Problem der Kontinuitat zwischen Mittelalter und Renaissance , ed. Wolfen- biitteler Abhandlungen zur Renaissanceforschung, 1 Hamburg, , pp. See, for example, P. This impression is confirmed by a consideration of the vocabulary of the work. For Valla, Latin was the living language of the learned world. However much he wished to purify Latin syntax, and to restore ancient usage, he saw clearly that it was necessary for the language to adapt to historical circumstances.

As we would expect, Valla freely uses words attested only in post- Augustan and later Latin. The following examples and this is by no means an exhaustive list will give some indication: See also Antidotum in Facium note 2 , 1. Tavoni, Latino note 7 , pp. For schisma, see A. Oxford, , p. Thus it is interesting to note his use of templum for a church 1.

Valla prefers, for the sake of clarity, to use the geographical terms of his own era rather than ancient place-names There is another important factor which should be taken into account in our consideration of the language of this work; this is the genre to which it belongs. Valla, after all, is writing history, and it is especially the historians Sallust and Livy who introduce many of the features typical of Silver Age prose. We would expect Valla to be influenced by Livy, since Valla is famous for his textual work on this writer He also 89 Valla uses several compounds for which it is difficult to find an exact parallel, e.

Reprint, Torino, , vol. Guillaume Bude advocates a similar procedure, though his practice is not always consistent. In VHumanisme frangais au debut de la Renaissance. Colloque internationale de Tours XIV e stage. De Petrarque a Descartes, 29 Paris, , p. See Antidotum in Facium note 2 , 1. Valla himself was well aware, as the Elegantiae shows, that history was a freer genre of prose which could sometimes occupy a middle ground between poetry and formal oratorical prose It is therefore tempting to assign many of the characteristic features of Silver Age prose which appear in the Gesta to the influence of Sallust or Livy.

In most cases this would be rash, since so many of the usages first introduced to prose by Sallust or, more usually, Livy become very common in the general tradition of prose in the post-Augustan period. We may take the opportunity here to note a few others: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi umanistici, Parma ottobre , edd. Regoliosi, Medioevo e Umanesimo 59 Padova, , pp. I have not seen G. Billanovich, La tradizione del testo di Livio e le origini dell'umanesimo, 1. The word obmo- liens 1. Before the fourth century A. Valla constantly employs ita at the beginning of a phrase with a meaning virtually equivalent to itaque, e.

This habit is attested in several authors, including Cicero, but it is a noteworthy trait of Sallust". This is also evident in the Gesta , e. Like the Roman historians, Sallust and Tacitus in particular, Valla enhances the liveliness of his narrative with frequent use of the historic infinitive The following example will give some indication: For the use of imperare with the simple active infinitive of transitive verbs without an accusative in Caesar and Sallust, see LHS p.

This formula is especially common in Livy and Justin. See especially the discussion by J. Chausserie-Lapree, Vexpression narrative chez les historiens latins, histoire dun style Paris, , pp. Studien zur klassischen Philologie 10 Frankfurt, The best summary is probably LHS, pp. Unlike Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus, Caesar shows little taste for the historic infinitive, and Suetonius, with one possible exception, avoids it entirely.

In some cases this may merely be the result of carelessness in the use of tenses, a well-known characteristic of medieval Latin. It seems highly probable that the abrupt shift from the historic present to the perfect is meant to emphasise the sudden termination of the action occasioned by the collapse of the bridge. A somewhat similar effect is achieved by the use of the indicative in the apodosis of hypothetical, or contrary-to-fact conditions For some other examples, see 1.

The following are a few representative examples: Cum inversum is also used in at least one passage which lacks this dramatic force, see 1. In such cases the apodosis comes first, followed by nisi , for example: The prose of Sallust and Livy is also distinguished from other genres by its system of clausulae.


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The existence of a prose rhythm peculiar to historians was a matter of scholarly debate for much of this century. In recent years, however, the application of statistical methods to the study of prose rhythm has produced results which seem to be fairly secure Sallust, probably influenced by Greek models chiefly Thucydides uses clausulae which differ markedly from those favored by Cicero.

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Livy, in the third, fourth and fifth decades, employs a series of rhythms very similar to those of Sallust. Sallust and Livy favor the clausula heroa — ww — w or hexameter ending , the choriamb -www, the double spondee-w, and the choriamb followed Cf. Zielinski, Das Clauselgesetz in Ciceros Reden: Grundziige einer oratorischen Rhythmik.

Philologus, Supplementband 9 Leipzig, Studien zum antiken Prosarhythmus. Sitzungsberichte, Oesterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil. Klasse, Wien, For the clausulae of historians, see R. The statistical method of internal comparison was applied first in the field of medieval Latin by T. The same method has been used to study the rhythm of Roman historians by H. The only pattern favored by Sallust and Livy as well as by Cicero is the double cretic.

Velleius and Curtius Rufus are Ciceronian, and Tacitus apparently favors no system of clausulae at all During the Middle Ages, as is well known, prose rhythm was based on word-accent rather than the quantities of syllables. However, the spread of humanism in early fifteenth-century Italy gave rise to a growing awareness of the differences between medieval and classical Latin Some of the ancient texts which were rediscovered at this time contained detailed discussions of prose rhythm , and a number of the humanists developed a sensitivity to the clausulae of ancient prose Valla was apparently among these: The following analysis of the Gesta Ferdinandi regis Aragonum , which is based on the method of internal comparison as applied to prose rhythm by Janson and Aili, clearly confirms that Valla favors certain clausulae 11 5.

The sample consists of every sentence ending throughout the text which meets the criteria for analysis, and this amounts to a total of clausulae Moreover, Lindholm accepts the view of W. Meyer, Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur mittellateinischen Rhythmik , 2 Berlin, , pp. See the remarks of Janson, Prose Rhythm note , pp. See also Quintilian 9. Sabbadini, La scuola e gli studi di Guarino Catania, , reprinted in Guariniana , ed. Sancipriano Torino, , pp. Sabbadini asserts that many humanists preached the doctrine of numerus , but very few actually practiced it.

In fact, however, we lack detailed studies of quantitative clausulae in the works of Italian humanists. A partial exception is G. Only clausulae at the ends of sentences are counted, since the location of minor pauses is too often the result of subjective editorial judgment The method involves comparing the expected frequency with the observed frequency of a long or short syllable in each of the final six syllables of the sentence Thus we are considering thirty-two possible combinations.

The X 2 test is then applied to the entire sample to determine whether or not the possibilities which seem to be favored are due to chance. If the X 2 figure greatly exceeds the critical value, the chance of randomness is accordingly very small The X 2 value for the present sample is The most favored clausula is the cretic and trochee —w. When preceded by a long syllable —w— J the observed frequency o in our sample is 97, while the expected frequency e is only When preceded by a short syllable — J , o is 72 and e is The difference between the versions preceded by a long or short syllables is probably accounted for by the different expected frequencies for long and short Aphaeresis, however, does not cause rejection.

Aili does not count clausulae when syllables can be contracted e. Also excluded from my sample are all clausulae containing adaptations of vernacular terms or place names, as well as those sentences which are clearly direct quotations from other works such as the citation from Quintilian in praef. For a full account, see Aili, Prose Rhythm note , pp. Wonnacott, Introductory Statistics New York, 3 , p. For a long syllable in this position e is and for a short syllable e is Both values are reasonably close to o of 97 and 72 respectively.

These figures may indicate a very slight preference for a short syllable in the sixth position, but we are probably safe in assuming this clausula is only five syllables long Also clearly favored by Valla is the double trochee -w—w , another Ciceronian ending. This amounts to a slight partiality for w- as the two preceding syllables, which matches the configuration of this clausula preferred by Cicero.

Cicero favors a four-syllable final word for this rhythm, and so does Valla Another favored rhythm in the Gesta is the double cretic. In the present sample, -w — ww has an o value of 55 and an e value of This cadence happens to be one favored by both Cicero and the historians Apparently — as our study suggests — he regards it as more suitable for the end of a period.

For this particular configuration his partiality is strong: This means, however, Valla does not favor the final choriamb in precisely the same configuration as Sallust and Livy, since they prefer a long syllable preceding the choriamb It is possibly significant that -u-uuvisa rhythm which Cicero may have slightly favored in a few of his early speeches In this respect also, Valla follows Cicero, for in present sample from the Gesta , there are only eleven instances of the clausula heroa , although the expected frequency is In contrast to Valla, Poliziano apparently likes the clausula heroa Because of the paucity of studies of clausulae in humanistic Latin prose, no further conclusions can be drawn here.

See also Aili, Prose Rhythm note , pp. Valla also rebukes Poggio for writing an entire hexameter in prose ibid. There are other features of the language of this work which deserve note, some of which probably reflect the personal idiosyncracies of the author. The Gesta was written very quickly: Valla claims to have composed it in only two months Traces of this haste can be detected throughout the text. In Antidotum in Facium 1. For example, at Gesta , 2. Mulieres, crinibus pene passis, nocturna tantum veste indute aut alteraquoque circumvolute Other anomalies, which were not noticed by Bartolomeo Facio, and are not quoted in the Antidotum in Facium , are probably also the result of hasty writing.

Valla twice writes ne , where he seems to mean nec See also Antidotum in Facium , 1. Traces of this hasty or unrevised writing appear in the structure of several sentences. In the context — describing a pope who refuses to abdicate — the sentence is nonsense. However, this is an error in the edition.

We may note here a few other mistakes which result from the edition, and not from Valla. In fact, it has been erased though with poor success. I have noted some other errors elsewhere in this study. There are also several obvious misprints, which I have not mentioned. Thomson for the suggestion that a change in thought pattern might explain these irregularities.

Yet the construction, harsh though it is, makes sense, so perhaps we may assume it is deliberate. Oddities which result from speed must be distinguished from those which result from a tendency towards elliptical expression which can be observed throughout the Gesta To a moderate extent Valla seems to favor compressed locution, and this inclination can be paralleled in the works of other humanist historians One obvious result of this is the omission of prepositions.

Pronouns, usually objects, are frequently omitted, for example: Auxiliary verbs are constantly omitted, expecially with the future active infinitive, e. Moreover, it should be stressed that the instances of attenuated phrasing discussed here only represent a tendency. Acta Philologica Fennica 16 , , shows how Platina revised his material to accord with a humanistic sense of Latin style.

A persistent feature of these revisions is the attempt to enhance the compression and brevity of the narrative. The traditional view that brevitas is desirable for the writing of history e. Cicero, Brutus , was well known in the humanist period. For discussion of the views of the ancient authors, see A. But at no point does Valla question the validity of the ideal of brevitas itself.

In the following sentence all verbs are omitted: Sometimes other important words must be supplied from the context, for example: He is very fond of the ablative absolute, which is sometimes This is very frequent throughout. Note these examples just from Book One alone: Instead of a subordinating causal conjunction such as cum, quod , etc. This, of course, can be parralleled in classical prose. Even more striking, however, is the way in which the present participle nominative sometimes does service for a temporal clause denoting time prior to the main verb as equivalent to the perfect participle of deponents , for example: In the Antidotum in Facium 1.

For Caesar, the ablative absolute typically functions as a connection with the previous thought. See also Elegantiae , 1. Ex quo is very often used to begin a sentence or a clause with a meaning roughly equivalent to quare or quam ob rem. In such instances, ex quo has no specific antecedent, but it refers in general to whatever situation has just been described, for example: Ex quo te bono animo esse He persistently employs asyndeton, e. Sometimes this involves groups of words, e. Asyndeton is very frequently combined with anaphora for greater intensity, e.

These devices are common in elevated medieval Latin prose, which relies heavily on parallelism in structure and sound Parallelism is also sometimes avoided by chiastic word order Like many Latin writers of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, Valla is fond of play on the sound and meaning of words He has a moderate partiality for alliteration, e.

Valla seems to delight in adnominatio , especially the kind which involves play on different forms of words with the same root, or varieties of the same word with different endings polyptoton: This sort of word-play is style has often been noted and discussed. See, in particular, R. Sallust is especially fond of alliterative pairs. For a useful list of such word groups in his works, see E. Valla sometimes employs abstract substantives in a rather unclassical fashion, e.

Concerning this latter passage, Valla, in the Antidotum in Facium 1. The statement is just, and the employment of such expressions is another example of the tendency towards compression which we have already noted. We can now summarise the results of our discussion. We will be in a much better position to appreciate this when we have more studies of humanistic prose. Marcus Antonius Sabel- licus, in his De reparatione linguae latinae dialogus, praises Valla as a scholar, translator and Latin stylist.

It is difficult to say how representative these views are. However, we can observe with some certainty that by , although there were different views on style, Ciceronianism was coming to be the dominant ideal in Italy Cocci Sabellici opera omnia , vol. Quid ergo est causae, si tam diligenter Valla de ratione verborum Latinorum scripserit, ipse non bene satis loqui Latine videatur? Non est enim, Alexander, eadem ratio scribendi quam praecipiendi.

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Conabatur Valla vim verborum exprimere, et quasi vias, sed eas non rectas tradebat ad structuram orationis, in quo tamen et inquinatam dicendi consuetudinem emendavit, et multum acuit iuventutem. Sed est certe alia scribendi ratio, quae a Valla aut praetermissa est aut ignorata. Paolo Cortesi, De hominibus doctis dialogus , ed.

Graziosi Roma, , p. I have not been able to see the more recent edition of this work by G. But the situation in northern Europe, where Ciceronianism never achieved such dominance, was different. Yet all of this is quite vague, and based on opinions voiced by a few men of the time. We really know very little about humanist Latin prose. How much did Ciceronianism affect Latin history writing in Italy, by comparison with other genres such as the letter, the dialogue, and the oration?

If history was less influenced by Cicero than other forms of prose, we might assume Livy, Sallust and others would be the natural models for historiography. Was this the case? And if so, was there a development towards more accurate imitation of these models, or did historical style branch off in new directions? Two arguments may be advanced in favor of this policy. Firstly, the autograph is a rough draft which was hastily written, and it may be doubted that Valla paid much attention to punctuation when he wrote it.

Secondly, punctuation in the Renaissance was unsystematic and inconsistent, thus it is the normal policy among editors to introduce modern punctuation 2. Minora sunt, quam ut in tantis rebus memoranda sint. Note also the following passages. Kessler Miinchen, , pp.


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  • Nichols argues that modern editors normally do not take sufficient account of the punctuation of Neo-Latin poetry. I think this is also true of prose, although I do not perhaps wish to go as far as Nichols in advocating total restoration of the original punctuation. Deque auguriis, ominibus, pronosticis habent libros diligentissime scriptos. Horum, ut dixi, magistri, que opinio usque ab Homero Que opinio usque ab Homero Federico morte avi prope destituto et per etatem magis adhor- tando quam adhortante duce Gandie, non per se sed per alios auxilia rogante Nova ubique facies, insolitus tumultus ac clamor, eodem tempore terrestre prelium tarn angusto in loco gerebatur ac cedes fiebat, mari, palude, etc.

    Quia nec aliquis deprehendit Quippe qui credi volebat velle insulam in officio tenere, donee Constituerat enim sicut per consensum populorum. Alfonso rege presidente, lata lex fuerat, nequis illegitimus in regno succederet; ita nunc se presidente, per populos presentes, quibus idem liceat quod superioribus, exceptionem unius optinere These pauses are necessary and are rightly added in the edition. Quorum pater consobrine vir esset, filius ex consobrina eadem natus, promptiorem- que se esse ad amiciciam inter ambos reges conciliandam In neither case does he use a question mark.

    These are two exclamations, the first of which has some of the force of a rhetorical question. As usual, Valla is sparing with punctuation: A better version of this passage might appear as follows: Monstri profecto ac prodigii simile, regem civibus suis pendere vectigalia!

    Inquireret sontes quos magnos viros esse suspicabatur? At ne Adelittum quidem potuerat ulcisci. At magnum dispendium et ut in fame magis ac magis invalescente in dies, militum contumacia proponebatur. The first of these seems to have no function, and it may be a mistake caused by hasty writing. The manuscript is no help here, since quotation marks are not indicated.

    Therefore, this should be punctuated as a question. The same is true of the long sentence at praef. In the manuscript f. An speramus occupatos nos duplici Marte It is not there in the original see f. Valentie primum abalienatis a se Centelliis, deinde Cum interim res incredibilis This is a single sentence with cum inversum 9. Si regni possessionem vellem, iurandum pari- ter ac promittendum?

    Valla, however, omits the question mark here, and this should be retained. Dept, of Classics University of Virginia Charlottesville, Virginia 10 On the use of an for questions or with verbs indicating doubt, see Elegantiae , 2. Wiederbe- lebung der Antike meint einen ganz neuartigen Umgang mit den griechischen und lateinischen Autoren, die fur lange Zeit weitgehend hinter theologischen und philosophischen Spekulationen und Streite- reien — um nicht zu sagen Haarspaltereien — zuriickgetreten waren und deren Kenntnis vielfach hochstens durch Anthologien vermittelt wurde; Wiederbelebung der Antike meint nicht zuletzt neu erwachendes Inte- resse an den Schriften Ciceros, der auch im Mittelalter nie ganz vergessen war, dessen Werke aber teilweise neu entdeckt werden muBten, etwa der vollstandige Text der Bucher De or at ore oder die Reden.

    Die verschiedensten Geister wurden von diesen Schriften gepackt, die mit ihrem Reichtum und ihrer Vielfalt die mannigfachsten Reaktionen auslosten. Daraus ergibt sich die Notwendigkeit der Beschrankung fur die hier vorzutragenden Darlegungen: IJsewijn bin ich zu herzlichem Dank dafur verpflichtet, daB er diesem Aufsatz, fur den in den KongreBakten kein Platz gefunden werden konnte, zur Veroffentlichung verholfen hat, der Gesellschaft der Freunde der Herzog August Bibliothek dafur, daB sie mir einen vierzehntagigen Aufenthalt in Wolfenbiittel ermoglichte, auBerdem der Leitung der Bibliothek und des Forschungs- und Kulturprogramms und den Mitarbeitem fur die mir gewahrte Hilfe.

    Zunachst ist ein Wort zur lokalen Begrenzung nicht zu vermeiden. So iiberflussig, so abwegig es erscheinen mag, innerhalb der in einer, namlich der lateinischen Sprache abgefaBten Literatur ausgerechnet nach Landergrenzen oder nationalen Unterschieden zu gliedern, so wenig kann man darauf verzichten, weil gerade viele der neulateinischen Autoren aus dem deutschsprachigen Raum auf ihre Herkunft Wert legen — ich erinnere an J.

    Bebel — wahrend die Humanisten Italiens die Barbaren aus dem Norden zu verachten und verspotten geneigt sind. Mit Recht betont J. IJsewijn daher 2 , daB es in jedem Einzelfall wichtig ist zu wissen, in welcher sozialen, reli- giosen, literarischen und sprachlichen Tradition der einzelne Autor oder Gelehrte groB geworden ist. Es geht hier nicht um Nationalismus oder kulturhistorischen Imperialismus, sondern um das Verstandnis geistes- geschichtlicher Zusammenhange und Unterschiede. In der schon genannten Arbeit uber die Cicerostudien in der Romania im funfzehnten und sechzehnten Jahrhundert, die auch vor allern der Beschaftigung mit Ciceros Reden gait, habe ich meine Beobachtungen zu den einzelnen Landern folgendermaBen zusammengefaBt: Zur Beschaftigung mit Cicero im Mittelalter vgl.

    Leiden , S. Vielmehr sind die Franzosen oft Einzelganger, Autodidakten, unmittelbar an der Sache interessiert und ihr hingegeben, daher bemiiht, die Texte selbst zu klaren in dem Bestreben, deren Gehalt nutzbar zu machen, das juristische Wissen, die rhetorischen Erkenntnisse, die sprachlichen Moglichkeiten — im Hin- blick auf die eigene Sprache wie auf das Lateinische. Wendet man sich nun dem Raum nordlich der Alpen und ostlich und nordlich von Frankreich zu, ist es ratsam, sich, ehe man zu den Einzelheiten kommt, folgende grundsatzliche Unterschiede zu vergegen- wartigen: Die fruhesten Bemuhungen italienischer Humanisten nordlich der Alpen stifteten nicht Nutzen, sondern Schaden.

    Petrarca und spater Poggio brachten nicht neue Ideen, sondern entfuhrten Handschriften, bekanntlich auch Cicerohandschriften, nicht ohne sich iiber die torichten Deutschen lustig zu machen oder sie gar anzugreifen. Immerhin bot schon das Konzil von Konstanz vielen Deutschen Gelegenheit, die Uberlegenheit der Beredsamkeit der humanistisch geschulten Italiener kennenzulernen, und dies gilt in noch hoherem MaBe vom Konzil von Basel.

    GewiB zeigte Enea Silvio Piccolomini 3 — der aus diesem AnlaB von mit Unterbrechungen dort weilte und spater in der Kanzlei des Kaisers tatig war — seine Verachtung fur die ungebildeten Fiirsten ebenso wie etwa fur die in scholastische Disputationen verstrickte Universitat in Wien 4. Zugleich ist zu vermuten, daB sein Wirken und das Auftreten anderer Italiener nordlich der Alpen manchen Studenten veranlaBt haben diirfte, nach Siiden zu gehen. Wenn die negativen Urteile der dortigen Humanisten iiber die Deutschen nicht aufhoren wollen, so wird das auch auf die wachsende Zahl der studierenden Gaste aus dem Norden zuriickzufiihren sein; sie verdienen deswegen mehr Beachtung, als ihnen von der Forschung geschenkt wird, weil sie in der Regel zuriickgekehrt und oft, auch ohne sich einen groBen Namen zu machen, zu Hause fur die Verbreitung der neuen Gedanken und 3 Zu ihm vgl.

    Wolkan, Fontes Rerum Austriacarum 2. Klagen iiber mangelndes Interesse an den Studia humanitatis z. Seine eigenen Anschauungen iiber die Notwendigkeit, die antiken Dichter, Redner und Historiker zu lesen, vertritt Enea Silvio immer wieder, z. Auffallig groB ist die Zahl der Deutschen, die in Italien seit als Drucker dafiir sorgen, daB die Texte der antiken Autoren leichter zuganglich werden. Wenngleich ihr EinfluB auf die Entwicklung in der Heimat, wo man die neue Kunst auch bald mit groBem Eifer zu nutzen beginnt, schwer abzuschatzen ist, so diirften sie zum Wiedererwachen des Interesses am klassischen Altertum nicht weniger beigetragen haben als die allerdings nur kleine Schar der sudlandischen, vor allem italieni- schen Humanisten, die man als Sekretare Oder Hauslehrer wie Arrigi- nus oder als Universitatslehrer nordlich der Alpen nachweisen kann 6.

    Seine als Teil der Oratoriae artis epitomata urspriinglich in Venedig erschienene Ars Tulliano more epistolandi belegt dadurch, daB sie mehrfach mit ahnlichen Titeln etwa Ars conficiendi epistolas elegantis- sime Tulliano more Bertalot auf die verschiedenartigsten Handschriften hingewiesen, die in Italien studierende oder wirkende Deutsche geschrieben und spater in die Heimat gebracht haben: Voigt, Wiederbelebung II, S.

    Publicius war iibrigens nicht Italiener, sondem Spanier, vgl. Sicher wand ten sie sich gegen den nutzlosen Grammatik- unterricht, das sinnlose Auswendiglernen des Doctrinale , und traten ffir eine frfihe Autorenlektfire ein. Auch darfiber, wann und wo sich Vorzeichen oder erste Anzeichen ffir das Erwachen oder die Verbreitung des Humanismus an den Universitaten im deutschsprachigen Raum zeigten, hat man gestritten, weil der Begriff Humanismus viel zu vage ist Erfurt, Leipzig, Basel — Krakau lasse ich zunachst aus, weil es nicht im deutschsprachigen Raum liegt; es wird noch zu erwahnen sein — und zugleich einige der bekanntesten Humanisten der ersten Stunde aus den Landen nordlich der Alpen: Was haben sie gemeinsam, was trennt sie, welche Bedeutung messen sie Cicero und dessen Reden bei 12?

    Koln ; zu F. Entscheidend war fur sie, daB sie nach Italien gingen und dort fuhrende Humanisten kennenlemten, Luder den alteren Gua- rino, den Ciceroherausgeber, von Eyb u. Nicht in diesem Zusammenhang, sondern um die Dichter zu loben, zitierte er ausfuhrlich eine Passage aus Ciceros Rede fur Archias 16 , und am SchluB lieB er ein weiteres Zitat aus der dritten philippischen Rede folgen, das sich auf das Danksagen bezieht 4 Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon 5 , S.

    UTOPIA - Cristóbal de Morales (1500 - 1553) - Lamentations of Jeremiah the Prophet

    Luder wirkte auch in Leipzig und spater in Wien, wo er Vorlesungen u. Bauch, Leipziger Fruhhumanismus s. Nachtraglich werde ich durch die Freundlichkeit des Verfassers aufmerksam auf E. Wahrend seines vieljahrigen Aufenthaltes in Italien erwarb er nicht nur die juristische Bildung, die ihm seine spatere Tatigkeit als Rechtsberater und Diplomat ermoglichte, und wurde von Pius II. Enea Silvio Piccolomini zum papstlichen Kammerer ernannt, er sammelte zahlreiche Handschriften antiker Autoren — vierzig Jahre nachdem Poggio seine Abschriften aus Deutschland nach Italien geschickt hatte.

    Redekunst und Lebens- weise werden hier deutlicher als bei Peter Luder miteinander verkniipft, wahrend das patriotische Element fehlt Die Zahl der genannten, zitierten und exzerpierten Autoren iiberrascht und beeindruckt; sie reicht von Plautus liber Vitruv zu Macrobius und weiter zu italienischen Humanisten wie Petrarca und Leonardo Bruni.

    Verfasserlexikon 1 , S. Sie sind zu nicht geringem Teil Ciceros Werken entnommen, vor allem den philosophischen, etwa ein Sechstel den Reden, die er jedoch nach eigenem Bekunden rasch exzerpierte, um mehr Zeit und Raum fur Laktanz zu haben Hier interessiert der antike Autor offenkundig nicht um seiner selbst willen, und auch die von ihm behandelte Sache gewinnt ihren Wert vor allem aus der Moglichkeit, sie inhaltlich oder formal zu iibertragen.

    Der Dichter Peter Luder zitierte die Rede fur Archias, um den vielfaltigen Wert der Dichtung zu verdeutlichen, die Freude, die sie vermittelt, den Trost, den sie spendet. Der Jurist und Diplomat von Eyb riickt allein den Nutzen der antiken Autoren und der Autorenlektiire in den Mittelpunkt, und nur die Einzelheit, die einzelne Phrase, der einzelne Gedanke, das einzelne Beispiel wird beachtet — aber nicht der Zusammenhang.

    Wieweit die Margarita poetica fur die zahllosen spate- ren Sammlungen von Phrasen und Formeln beispielhaft geworden ist oder wieweit diese durch andere Vorbilder angeregt worden sind, kann hier nicht untersucht werden Request this item to view in the Library's reading rooms using your library card.

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