Die Wirkung von Film und Fernsehen auf die Zuschauer (German Edition)

Das ist die Topelf des Amazon sieht zu, wie China den deutschen Onlinehandel ruiniert. Colin Kroll ist tot. Darum ist Wild das bessere Fleisch. Sebastian Steudtner reitet Riesenwellen. Mini-Oktopus findet neues Zuhause. Harter Dialog zwischen May und Juncker. Schneelawine in der Schweiz. Postkartenaktion gegen den Brexit: Aus der Themenstellung "Was braucht der deutsche Film? Die Ludwigshafener Position vom Der deutsche Film wird Kunst sein oder er wird nicht sein. Wir glauben nicht an den Mythos einer deutschen Filmindustrie.

Dieser Mythos jedoch ist die Grundlage des real existierenden deutschen Films. Eine deutsche Filmindustrie gibt es nicht. Was der deutsche Film sein kann: Wir stellen uns der Angst entgegen: The demand to close the books on history, often voiced in Germany Heyder et al. The more vigorously the relevance of the Holocaust is rejected, the less group-based shame should be experienced Peetz et al.

In the main study, we tested if the film excerpts have indirect effects on film-induced group-based shame through the mediator variables film-induced distancing from victims , film-induced closeness to perpetrators , film-induced blaming the victims , and film-induced rejection of the relevance of the Holocaust. For this segment of the population, Holocaust engagement can be assumed to occur primarily through media or in a school context.

In order to answer the research question on emotional reactions, we selected a quasi-experimental design in the frame of secondary school instruction in German and History classes as the most true-to-life setting. Data was collected at two time points. Six school classes 9 th and 10 th grade from each state were randomly assigned to one of the six film sequences.

In this way, the individual participants were not artificially separated i. Initially, the pupils filled in a pre-test questionnaire. Three weeks later, in the classroom group, they watched one of six film excerpts on the Holocaust and immediately afterwards completed a post-test questionnaire. We obtained written declarations of informed consent from the legal guardians, as well as from the pupils themselves.

The participants did not receive any kind of compensation or reward. The post-test questionnaire captured items on four different film-induced defense strategies and film-induced group-based shame. Due to film-specificity, it was not possible to use pre-formulated items. As can be seen from the items, the defense strategies 1 film-induced distancing from victims and 3 film-induced closeness to perpetrators describe the two poles of one dimension of an emotional relation emotional distancing vs. For reasons of readability, the defense strategies were reverse-coded and labeled according to their hypothesized effects on group-based shame see below.

Additionally, the participants indicated their agreement with film-induced group-based shame, assessed with the following self-designed items: For detailed descriptions of the post-test measures and their distribution between film sequences see Table A1 in the Appendix. According to our theoretical framework, all participants eligible for this study should hold German citizenship and should identify with being German at least to a minimum extent Mackie et al. Because of lack of identification with Germany or incomplete questionnaires, 34 participants were excluded from the analysis, so that the final sample consisted of individuals.

Thirty-two participants watched the control scenario Free Fall 1.

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Therefore, power analysis was conducted setting the alpha error at. Calculations were performed using GPower 3. The participants in the different experimental conditions did not differ across conditions in regard to their origin Thuringia vs.

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Intercorrelations of all measures are reported in Table 4. The starting point for testing the mediator hypotheses was modeling the total effect of the film conditions on the extent of perceived collective shame see Table A2 in the Appendix. The data analysis revealed significant indirect effects of the film scenarios featured by emotionalized closeness to victims and perpetrators Befreiung , individualized victims on historical footage Free Fall 2 , and contemporary relevance Panorama through defense strategies on film-induced group-based shame.

All models regressing the strategies to the control variables and film excerpts reached significance. The significant path coefficients are shown in Figure 1. The participants who had watched the excerpt characterized by emotionalized closeness to victims and perpetrators experienced more film-induced group-based shame. The participants who watched this film excerpt perceived less group-base shame due to their greater perceived emotional proximity and sympathy towards, as well as understanding of the members of their national in-group.

Thus, recipients of this clip were confronted with film-induced closeness to different protagonists of the Holocaust, while the direction of the mediation effects in terms of group-based shame were contrary to each other. Thus, hypothesis H5a was confirmed. Nevertheless, not all hypotheses about film effects were confirmed.

Shame on Me? Shame on You! Emotional Reactions to Cinematic Portrayals of the Holocaust

The interplay between historical injustice and group-based emotions, and the ways of coping with such emotions, are of a complex nature. The present study aimed to investigate influential mechanisms of cinematic representations of the Holocaust in the third German post-war generation and disentangle their ambivalent effects on reconciliation processes. We postulated specific ways in which media presentation affects group-based shame, and examined the mediating influence of various film-induced defense strategies on this emotion.

We selected a quasi-experimental design and used films previously broadcasted on German television in order to assure the external validity of our findings. Thus, the current research was oriented towards the reality of the teaching and knowledge transfer about the history by the German media and schools as it takes place about 75 years after the Holocaust and the Second World War.

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This effect, which was evoked by drastic footage from concentration camps and interviews with contemporary witnesses in the clip Befreiung , was mediated by less distancing of the German recipients from the Jewish victims. This could be ascribed to the fact that the German audience developed more compassion, sympathy, and understanding for the Jewish side, and thus reported a higher level of film-induced group-based shame.

The criticism by Brink and Krings , according to which a drastic and dehumanizing portrayal of victims would result in increased distance between viewers and the victim group, could not be completely disconfirmed because of the complexity of the real life stimuli we used. The rather demanding excerpts with an individualized victim focus Free Fall and Shoah , which visualized the suffering in a less striking and more abstract way, were not able to do so.

We found neither a direct effect of the clip historical stereotypes on victim blaming or distancing nor an indirect effect on film-induced shame. The missing effect of victim blaming on group-based shame might be ascribed to the special context of the Holocaust. The narrative of the Holocaust offers a clear assignment of perpetrator and victim roles, which made a perpetrator-victim reversal less likely in comparison to other, more complex cases of historical injustice.

From a theoretical perspective, the results showed that formal criteria of the excerpts we used, such as historical footage, language etc. The reason for this might be the greater social distance between the recipients on the one hand and the victim out-group on the other hand. In contrast to these rather distal factors concerning the victims, that is the out-group , the more proximal factors portraying the perpetrator in-group and perceived relevance had a stronger impact on the development of film-induced group-based shame.

In particular, the emotionalized way of portraying the perpetrator side in the Holocaust established emotional closeness to the perpetrators compassion, sympathy, and understanding , which again had a strong shame-reducing effect. This strategy of parallelization Befreiung lowered the severity of the moral failure through a partly victim status of the German side see Table 1 , that is through externalizing the responsibility of the individual German to social elites and the political system.

Thus, it decreased the necessity to be ashamed for the historical injustice. Beside the emotional closeness to the perpetrators, the subjectively perceived relevance of the Holocaust had the strongest shame-reducing impact on group-based shame see path 4b in Figure 1. Thus, the clip systematically deconstructed the self-serving claims of eyewitnesses and made National Socialism and the destruction of the Jews understandable as a mass phenomenon. By making clear references to contemporary Germany, the clip lowered the opportunity to downplay the relevance of the Holocaust for today and thus had a shame-enhancing effect.

The most important contribution of this study, the use of specific real-life stimuli, simultaneously represents its most important limitation. It refers to its focus on particular films, the mediation of film-induced ways to deal with the Holocaust and the effects of both on film-induced shame. Thus, the operationalization of all measured constructs was clearly linked to the particular filmic real-life stimuli.

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This strategy on the one hand offered the advantage of precisely answering narrowly defined research questions about the mechanisms of certain Holocaust documentaries, but on the other hand limited a more general measurement of subjectively experienced shame. For interpreting the cinematic effects of Holocaust films, it should be taken into consideration that in this study the effects of the different films were set in relationship to a non-neutral reference category, the excerpt Free Fall 1.

It is possible that in light of a clearly negative German discourse on the Holocaust, cinematic representations evoke very uniform media effects and make prior knowledge available that overlay weaker film-specific effects and make it harder to identify them.

Thus, our strategy represented a rather conservative approach. It could be extended in future research by testing film-effects more sensitively against a neutral category that is free of content regarding the Holocaust. This strategy would make a broader conceptualization of group-based shame necessary, which would be less closely linked to certain film excerpts. Items that focus more on subjectively experienced shame see above and are less associated with specific films allow not just further generalization of the findings.

Additionally, they aim more toward the individual recipients rather than cinematic intentions as the current shame-items might suggest, and therefore they might reveal different findings. Such a wider understanding of group-based shame would additionally offer the opportunity to measure long-term effects of films on emotions of shame and complement the results of the current study on immediate responses, and would allow for pre-testing these emotions. In the present study, it was not possible to pretest the items before watching the films due to their specific reference to films.

Real-life film clips comprise complex sets of stimuli and thus come with a higher risk of missing relevant variables compared to artificially created stimuli for lab settings. This can threaten the internal validity of the postulated relationships. While this study cannot rule out with certainty that the observed effects are not partly triggered by not analyzed aspects of the films, the theory-based selection of the content analytical variables, the deductive approach using a well-elaborated coding procedure, and the high intercoder reliability should alleviate this threat.

Besides considering long-term effects and a content free category of reference, future research should integrate further developments in the field such as the differentiation of different forms of moral shame and image shame Allpress et al. The distinction between victim- and perpetrator-focused ways of dealing with past injustice might reveal interesting differences in specific facets of these emotions. In order to validate the results of the current study, the research question should be applied to another case of historical injustice.

The Holocaust implies specific and unique characteristics such as the discourse in current Germany, which for example affect victim-blaming or a perpetrator-victim reversal. The generalizability of the findings should be verified in different contexts which are debated more controversially in the public.

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In sum, in the specific case of the debate about the Holocaust, this study was able to show the effects of influencing mechanisms of the cinematic stimulus qualities on different ways of dealing with the issue and their partly mediating effects on group-based shame. The partly counter-intended effects regarding film-induced emotions point out the great significance of which portraying strategies are chosen in the media, especially of the perpetrator in-group.

The study closes a gap in our knowledge about the influencing mechanisms of history transmission by the media, which is gaining in importance with the increasing temporal distance from the historical events. Nevertheless, we evaluated this effect, controlling for gender and age. In both models, the extent of shame was lower when the participants identified more strongly with Germany, as postulated by Lickel et al.

These findings are further in line with Doosje et al. Due to its clear and one-sided division into perpetrators and victims, probably the singularity of the Holocaust is only to a limited extent suitable for testing the moderating function of national identification.

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