Intégration des savoirs et postures professionnelles: UE 5.1 à 5.6 (French Edition)

In the following section, the notion of literacy as social practice is further developed. Combining ethnographic with experimental psychological methods, they explored the uses of literacy outside school contexts. Scribner and Cole compared how literacy acquired in formal schooling and non-formal contexts could affect cognitive abilities such as communication skills and memory. They also found that literacy played an important role amongst Vai people, even if their society was seen as an oral one. Their study also challenges the idea that dominant literacies English literacy and literacy acquired at school are better than vernacular ones Vai literacy and literacy related to Quranic education.

I define these two types of literacies in Section 2. The notion of literacy practices was afterward taken up by NLS researchers who were less interested in these technical aspects. The concept of literacy practices was notably adopted by Brian Street According to him, the notion of literacy practices allows researchers to link observable literacy events to a broader social context Street, Similarly to Street , Barton and Hamilton also explain that literacy practices, unlike literacy events, are not observable, since they also include elements such as attitudes, emotions, values and social relationships.

Therefore literacy practices are situated between people rather than at an individual level. For instance, we can think about all the forms one has to fill out in order to receive services from the government. These forms use a certain type of language register , specific terminology and they are structured in a specific way layout.

A number of explicit and implicit expectations come with these forms. These literacies, which can be defined as bureaucratic literacies also see Section 2. The notion of literacy practices is now well established in the NLS. However, Street and Hull and Schultz observe that authors do not always define it explicitly. If we look at the ways authors define it explicitly or not , there is generally not an elaborated definition of how literacies are seen as practices and what exactly practices mean.

Authors in the NLS seem to draw on a wide range of social theories in order to conceptualise literacy practices e. More recent social practice theories should also be explored in relation to literacy studies. For instance, Elisabeth Shove draws on the work of Schatzki and others. At the same time, if they are to exist at all, practices require active reproduction and performance.

In other words, people have to do them. More than that, it is through these doings that the contours of individual practices are defined, reproduced and constituted. Since people engage in many practices during a day, a year or a lifetime , any discussion of the temporal texture of daily life has to take account of how practices intersect in time and in space.

In her current work, Shove studies consumption practices, design practices, materiality in social practices and also how social practices change over time. She looks at practices over time, across contexts spaces and also as they involve different individuals including their body and mind.

I suggest that the dimensions of social practices identified by Shove are also relevant for the study of literacy practices. In her later work, Kell For example, literacy practices are associated with broader social practices such as counselling practices, teaching practices, social work practices, baking practices, video games practices, shopping practices, and so on.

This is an important element in my understanding of literacy practices, which I take into consideration in my analysis. In an NLS perspective, literacy always involves power relationships, this is what Street calls the Ideological model of literacy. For Crowther, Hamilton and Tett Some practices are seen as more legitimate than others.

For example, reading a book by Tolstoy is likely to be seen as more valuable than reading, for instance, a Spider-Man Comic Book at least by teachers or probably by some parents. Barton and Hamilton have identified two types of literacies: This signifies that dominant literacies can be associated with formal organisations e. This suggests that some genres defined in more detail in Section 9.

According to Hamilton , vernacular literacies are shaped by everyday-life demands, and are not controlled by institutions and their formal procedures.

Vernacular literacies are often seen as having less social value than the dominant ones, and they can be devalued by some social actors. I will come back to these various form of literacies in my analysis see Chapter 6. Instead of literacy addressing economic needs, powerful literacies should be grounded in everyday life and be entrenched in issues of social justice. Powerful literacies are also situated in social contexts and cannot be understood solely in terms of economic benefits and skills. As mentioned before, a Freirean approach still considers literacies as skills to be acquired in order to empower individuals.

I found inspiration in the field of human geography. Sheehy and Leander note that the use of geographical terminology as metaphors in the social sciences is now common: However, beyond this superficial use of terminology, Soja notes that more and more social researchers are concerned about space as a social construct. Massey argues that a place cannot be experienced and perceived the same way by different individuals. In my thesis, I explore space and place through the lens of the semiotic landscape. These authors explain that the concept of the semiotic landscape emphasizes […] the way written discourse interacts with other discursive modalities: Jaworski and Thurlow, This study adopted a quantitative approach to observe the presence of different languages on signs in a given public space.

Linguistic landscape studies see Gorter, for example focused on language minorities, and bilingual and multilingual contexts, for example in a specific neighbourhood, a street, a district of a city, etc.

These studies are more interested in understanding the meaning of the texts and languages present in a specific place and the narratives that they might underline. They also noticed differences in the kinds of signs they observed; their functions, authors and intended audience. Gorter and Cenoz and Hanauer expanded the list of possible functions and adapted it to the context of schools and other spaces used in educational settings a microbiology laboratory. Gorter and Cenoz Another important aspect that these studies took into consideration was the emplacement Scollon and Wong-Scollon, of the texts.

Emplacement refers to the physical place where a text is put. The students from Spanish backgrounds had more space to display their literacy artefacts related to activisms and were supported by school staff. Emplacement of texts can provide information about the purpose of text, but also its social legitimacy. She indicates that the people who visit and live in this area might engage in practices involving consuming the products advertised on these signs. Coming back to a study looking at the interior of a school, Poveda The use of the concept of the semiotic landscape seems appropriate to understand space as socially constructed.

Despite the importance of learning with regards to the study of literacies, NLS researchers have not always been explicit about their perspective on learning. For my study, I need a learning heuristic, that is to say, a general idea of learning in order to help me to identify what can be considered as learning in my data and to examine this from the perspective of my research participants, the key point being that I need a model to help me understand what constitutes learning for the research participants.

I identified two main perspectives on learning which seem to be commonly used in the NLS: Before introducing these two concepts, I need to say a few words about lifelong learning and what it means for my study. First, I do not use the term lifelong learning to solely describe the knowledge required by the job market, as it is sometimes presented in policy documents see Wildemeersch and Salling Olesen, , and the other articles published in this RELA special issue.

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This means that I do not see learning as solely being an economic tool which can fulfil market requirements. My study is situated in a lifelong learning perspective since it is looking at how people learn throughout their lives and outside formal schooling. It implies that knowledge acquired at school is not superior to other forms of knowledge see discussion about formal versus informal learning in Section 2. Scribner and Cole started thinking of learning in terms of practices, a notion now central in both the NLS and situated learning theory.

Scribner and Cole worked with the Vai people in Liberia using a Vygotskian approach to learning. A few years after they had started their fieldwork in Liberia, Jean Lave also began a study with Vai people in Liberia. Lave drew on Scribner and Cole for her own work and understanding of learning. For over five years, Lave studied the apprenticeship practices through which people became tailors in Monrovia the capital of Liberia.

In this study, she observed and described how learning was transferred from the tailors to their apprentices. In , Lave published a book, Apprenticeship in Critical Ethnographic Practice, in which she reflects on her fieldwork experience in Liberia. A community of practice is a group of people working together with a mutual engagement, a joint enterprise, and a shared communicative repertoire.

Learning happens when people are participating in the community. Members of the community would produce things material or abstract together and these are traces of their learning and participation. This is what Lave and Wenger call reification. For this study, I decided not to use the concept of communities of practice since it was not clear that the two groups of young people I worked with had clear common goals. The young people were experiencing precarity in various ways and were taking part in social and professional insertion programmes for different reasons.

Tensions observed in the two groups also suggest that mutual engagement was not always present in the groups participating in my study. Even though this triad might be useful to describe the plurality of learning people encounter in their lives, I argue that they should be used with caution. As suggested by Lave , these terms imply that these forms of learning are different and related to each other in a hierarchy of importance. Lave explains that formal learning is commonly understood as being more transferable out-of- context than informal learning context-embedded.

This relates to what Street describes as the autonomous model of literacy see Section 2. Formal learning is commonly associated with learning which takes place in schools and which leads to certification or institutional recognition. Informal learning is the learning which happens in everyday life contexts. Non-formal learning occurs through more or less structured activities outside school but which do not necessarily lead to any institutional recognition by the education system. For instance, it could be used to describe the learning someone does by taking cooking lessons at an adult college or community centre.

For me, learning is always transferable and significant no matter where and how it is acquired. Being aware of the historical and political meaning of the concepts of formal and informal learning, I decided not to use them in my analysis. Following Lave , I argue that learning always involves various social practices and these are always embedded in context situated learning. I argue that it is not useful to label the kinds of learning that occur in a given context, but it is more fruitful to observe what kinds of social practices including literacy practices are involved.

Their practices seemed to cover a wide range of learning perspectives, sometimes drawing on school practices, sometimes drawing on their background in psychology, social work and counselling, but also on their practices related to their family and group of friends. This amalgam of practices characterised the work of the youth workers and the way the young people learned with them. She explains that From a relational perspective, I would now say […] that we are all apprentices, engaged in learning to do what we are already doing.

It surely implies that apprenticeship is a process of changing practice. I believe that this perspective on learning emphasises its relational nature, integrating the role of others and of group dynamics into learning. It also takes into consideration the contexts, local and global, in which social practices take place, and are to be learned.

This perspective also allows temporality to be taken into account, since change might need some time to occur and might be situated in a particular historical context. Looking at how practices are changing can also shed light not only on the cognitive but also on the emotional and embodied nature of learning. These elements are all part of the broader concept of learning that informs my analysis. I use both the notions of literacy events and literacy practices.

Following Barton and Hamilton , I use literacy events as a starting point in the study of literacy, that is to say, to talk about observable events involving literacy and situated in context. However, I am conscious of the limits of this concept, especially regarding the dangers of drawing artificial boundaries around an event and the layered complexity of the context. I am therefore trying to pay special attention to these issues in the analysis of my data. I also try to pay attention to sequences of literacy events which are interrelated. Yet, considering that I conducted my fieldwork on my own and over a relatively short period of time, I can only grasp parts of this complexity, and this affects the way I draw the boundaries around the literacy events observed.

I consider that it is possible to observe literacy events and then infer literacy practices. It should also include questions of materiality, time, and space. Considering the criticisms formulated by various authors see Sections 2. These two concepts cover different phenomena, and yet interrelate coherently with each other.

It is important to situate literacy practices in relation to the larger social practices they are part of as suggested by Kell For instance, in the case of my study, I look at literacy practices in relation to counselling practices, youth work practices, social work practices, practices of community-based organisations, career advising practices, etc. One of the recurrent criticisms of the NLS is related to the local-global debate, that is to say how both the distant and local dimensions of literacy practices can be considered.

As does Street , I believe that the combination of literacy events and practices can overcome this challenge. However, I also use the notion of sponsors of literacy see Section 9. The concepts of vernacular, dominant Hamilton, and powerful literacies Crowther, Hamilton and Tett, are also used since they contribute to the understanding of the role literacies play in broader social contexts, and in particular how different literacies relate to powerful narratives of institutions.

I look at the physical aspects of the premises of the organisations e. For my study, I decided to adopt a general heuristic of learning instead of a theory e. Learning is not necessarily a linear process. Sometimes people relearn things they thought they already knew. Both apprentices and masters learn in this process of changing practice.

This corresponds to the kinds of learning I observed in the two community-based organisations I worked with. Other concepts are also used in order to enhance the analysis see Chapters 7 and 9. These theoretical elements are presented gradually in the thesis. Rather than all together, I decided to introduce the relevant theoretical elements before each results chapter.

This way of presenting aims at increasing the readability of the thesis and at making the links between the data, results and theory stronger and more coherent. This chapter focuses on the methodological, epistemological, and ethical choices made with regards to data collection, treatment, and analysis. The methodological approach chosen is ethnographic and participatory.

I begin by describing the ethnographic approach chosen and its relevance for looking at literacy. After that, the data collection process is explained for the first and second phases of data collection, together with the methods used. I then explain the way I analysed the data. Finally, I address some ethical concerns about confidentiality and reciprocity. In this section, I endeavour to give a comprehensive definition of ethnography and the epistemological concerns underpinning it.

I begin by defining in which ways my research is ethnographic. This is followed by an explanation of how ethnography is relevant for studying literacy. I then go on to present two main characteristics of my ethnographic approach; it is critical and reflexive. As Barton and Hamilton highlight, approaches and methods in qualitative research are interpreted and understood in multiple ways. Ethnography is no exception. Therefore, it is important to firstly explain what ethnography means according to my understanding of the relevant academic literature.

This involves not only talking to them and asking questions as we do in surveys and interviews but also learning from them by observing them, participating in their lives, and asking questions that relate to the daily life experience as we have seen and experienced it. In traditional approaches to ethnographic research, the ethnographer usually spends an extended period of time in a culturally different community. Between the ss, ethnographers of the Chicago school were more interested in urban phenomena and subcultures. They were already part of the culture they were studying: Usually the interaction is neither as intensive the ethnographer is not as isolated nor sustained over as long a period.

I did not have to learn a new language, study the history or the political background of the area because I already knew it well. Despite the short period of time spent in the field sites a total of three months over two years , my epistemological stance is coherent with an ethnographic approach. Indeed, I adopted an insider emic perspective and I studied people and their experience with literacy in context, as they participated in the activities of the organisations.

These are important elements of an ethnographic approach, which I share. I also consider how young people in a situation of precarity and youth workers talk about and make sense of literacy in their everyday lives, and particularly in the community-based organisations they were attending. This question is deepened in the following section as I explain why ethnographic research is suitable for looking at literacy.

According to Papen , and also other NLS researchers, the ethnographic approach is a pertinent methodology to look at literacies as social practices. Ethnography is also suitable in the specific case of my research project because I was endeavouring to look at literacy practices in community-based organisations working with young people in a situation of precarity. I found that some young people might not be fully aware of the place that literacy had in their lives, and its role in difficult moments and in their learning.

Also, they were not necessarily aware of the powerful narratives that some texts implied. I concluded that holding these negative beliefs regarding their own lack of literacy practices, and also regarding their alleged poor reading and writing skills, might also affect young people and lead them to devalue their own literacy practices.

The narratives mentioned in Section 1. Therefore, this study also aims to question those preconceived ideas whereby literacy and learning are confined to a formal kind of schooling. In order to do so, I want to give voice to people directly concerned with those questions: Papen explains that adopting a reflexive stance in practice means that the researcher describes the process of research including its difficulties and setbacks and acknowledges gaps and challenges in her claims to authority.

Researchers must be conscious of their power amongst the groups with whom they are working. They should not reproduce an unequal situation like the one their study is challenging Hytten, In my study, I have attempted, wherever possible, to involve participants in the research. There is a wide continuum of understandings and ways of applying the participatory paradigm Holland et al. Some researchers consider as participatory studies in which young people or children have been simply invited to take part ibid.

In contrast, others involve young people and children in the ethical approval, design, data collection, analysis, writing e. We can see here that the participatory paradigm can be understood in various ways, from considering young people as simple participants to fully recognising them as co-researchers. I would qualify my participatory stance as moderate, located in between the two poles explained above. I stayed flexible and adapted myself to the participants and their contexts. However, because I was studying in a different country than where I was doing my fieldwork and because of the nature and requirement of a PhD, I was not able to involve participants in the design of the project.

Moreover, the group of young people at Le Bercail had not yet been put together at that time see Section 4. In the first phase of data collection, I tried to involve the youth workers and the young people as much as possible. In the second phase, a particular attention to participation was however paid. Following Barton and colleagues , I brought back and discussed the results of the preliminary analysis with the participants in order to receive their feedback and give them more say in the process of interpretation see Section 3.

The first phase took place in April and May , and the second in April In April and May , I conducted participant observation in the two field sites: In addition, I interviewed 21 research participants and was able to collect documents, have informal conversations, and take photographs. As illustrated in Table 3. Because of the schedules of the organisations, I was generally able to visit both on the same day: This is why the total number of days spent in the organisations is 25 and not In total, 27 people took part in the participant observation sessions 17 young people and 10 employees and 21 people were interviewed 14 young people and 7 employees.

More information is given in Chapter 4 about the research participants. The 21 people interviewed all took part in the participant observation sessions. I interviewed the people who I got to know well over the two months of fieldwork. The interviews took place at the end of the fieldwork. This schedule was an initial attempt to think about what could be interesting to consider prior to entering the field sites. It was a flexible schedule and it evolved throughout the two months of fieldwork. The field notes I took are based on the five aspects of the observation schedule. In my field notes, I also included verbatim extracts of some conversations, mainly about the use of literacy in the organisations or in the everyday lives of the participants.

When I considered a conversation relevant for my study, I tried to write down its complete content as soon as possible. I also included in my notes plans of the premises and of the physical position participants held in it. In their study about a homeless centre for young people, Barton et al.

David Naudin

I sometimes went to another empty room or into the toilets in order to write down verbatim quotes. I used this technique especially when I was coming back home late after a long day of participant observation. Before describing the course of a typical participant observation session in each organisation, it is interesting to think about the dialectic relationship between two words that are apparently opposed: In my study, I took three different roles during the observation periods according to the context and the group dynamic: I describe these in the following paragraphs and sections.

At Le Bercail, the observation schedule was: Tuesday and Wednesday morning, from 8: I observed workshops such as woodworking, arts and crafts, multimedia, radio hosting, customer service running the second-hand clothing and school supplies shop , and doing distance-learning modules, personal projects, and everyday indoor and outdoor caretaking and maintenance work.

I explain these workshops in detail in Chapter 4. Most of the workshops took place on the premises of the organisation. The customer service workshop second-hand clothing and school supplies shop was located in a nearby adult education centre on the same street. I attended this workshop only once since it took place at the same time as the workshop about radio hosting.

Regarding the roles I took on during the fieldwork at Le Bercail, in most cases I took part in the activities similarly to the young people. For example, one of the activities was about painting a flower pot and planting tomato seeds in it. I painted a pot and at the same time asked the young people questions about their choices. What does that mean to you? The youth workers always prepared activity sheets for me, as if I had been one of the young people.

However, during the activities I tried to be discreet and not to disturb the normal course of it. For technical reasons, I was not always able to take part actively in all the workshops at Le Bercail. For example, I did not actively participate in the woodworking workshop because the pieces of wood were prepared in advance by a volunteer carpenter who was not aware that I was doing a study in the organisation at that time.

In this context, I was still active but as a resource to help the young people with their work. For instance, if a young person needed help holding their pieces together, I would be there to help them. In this position, I was able to move around the table easily, observing and asking questions.

When the young people were doing academic work or working on their personal project, I was mostly an observer. These two activities were mostly individual, and I did not want to distract them. I sat around, observing or writing notes about previous workshops. Occasionally, mainly when there were no youth workers around, some young people would ask me to help them with their academic work.

Every Wednesday there was a community dinner, which I attended three times from I describe these workshops in Chapter 4.

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The workshops took place in two different buildings located on the same street. The group also used the backyard of the main building to do their gardening. At some point, the group visited several community gardens around the city. I visited one of those gardens with them. In this organisation, I mainly took a participant role in all workshops. I carried out the same activities as the young people: I was able to informally talk to the young people and the youth workers during the workshops and to ask them questions about their uses of literacy.

Thus, my interviews were more structured than a guided conversation. In total, 21 participants were interviewed: The average time for an interview with the young people was 43 minutes minimum: With the youth workers, the average time was 60 minutes minimum: Two different interview schedules were created: This was followed by a brief reminder of the research topic and aims. It is important to explain that the interview schedules were not strictly followed and the questions were always adapted in response to the interviewees: Therefore, they were used as basic guidelines for conducting the interview.

The interview schedule for the young people was divided into five main sections. Afterwards, I asked some questions about literacy in this specific activity. In the second section, I discussed with the young people an artefact related to their personal uses of literacy. This artefact would be significant or important to them. For example, a participant showed me her personal diary see Section 5.

The use of a literacy artefact was a way to break the ice and talk about their vernacular literacy practices. I also asked, in that section, some specific questions about their uses of digital literacy, and about literacy in their family. The third section was about their previous experience with formal schooling. I asked them to talk about what they liked and disliked at school and how they felt about academic literacies.

In the following section, I asked the young people to share with me their plans for the future and the role of literacy in relation to them. I decided to ask these questions at the end of the interview because I did not want to start with these questions which would have seemed too formal and detached from the friendly relationship I had established with the young people. The interview schedule for the youth workers was divided into four sections.

I began the interview by asking the youth workers for a description of the organisation and of their job. In the second section, I asked the youth workers to choose an activity that they were in charge of, and to describe it to me. I then asked specific questions about the uses of literacy based on my observations in and around this activity and others.

In the third section of the interview, I asked about literacy practices that youth workers might encounter in their work. The youth workers had to tell me if these were frequent instances. They explained how they would usually address the issues, and provided concrete examples. I also asked questions about the administrative e.

Finally, I asked short demographic and background questions in order to have a portrait of the youth workers: In this section, I describe what kind of documents and photographs I have collected. The majority of the documents collected were related to my field notes. For instance, I always collected the activity sheets of the workshops I observed. The documents were taken into account while analysing my field notes, thereby adding to the depth of analysis. I asked the young people to take pictures of literacy artefacts that they considered important in their lives.

The young people appeared to demonstrate great interest in the activity, but the actual participation rate turned out to be very low. The young people had about two weeks to take these pictures. Only one participant took pictures related to his vernacular literacy practices. Many of the young people were experiencing personal difficulties over these two weeks health issues and family problems.

This might be the reason why this method was not successful. I changed my initial idea and asked the young people to bring an object instead, as explained above. I took pictures of some of those objects with the permission of the participant. According to Hamilton The photographs taken are inseparable from the field notes, completing the portrait described therein. For example, I took pictures of the posters or leaflets that the youth workers or the young people were looking at or talking about.

Also, some other pictures show artefacts that the young people had created paintings, a wooden chest, pieces of paper with written songs, poems, plans, etc. The photographs also illustrate the multimodal and multilingual nature of literacies in the two community-based organisations, as I will show in my analysis. This is in line with the epistemological stance of my study and its methodological approach: Also, this would probably not have been an interesting task for them.

Instead, I developed workshops around seven important concepts I had identified in the data collected in the first phase of the study: I also created a workshop on one aspect that I did not cover during the first phase: The workshop design is in line with the philosophy and kinds of activities that the community-based organisations would organise for young people. The two organisations were often organising activities during which young people had to work in teams and generate ideas, sometimes using artistic or creative methods e.

The workshops I created also adopted similar methods. The workshops had four main objectives: In this section I describe why I organised this second phase and how I carried it out. I introduced the second phase of data collection to the research participants as workshops aiming to get their views about certain important topics of my study.

I explained to them that it was important to me to give them more power over the analysis process. I then designed potential activities to explore these themes that I could do with the young people and the youth workers. I then wrote emails to the youth workers asking them if they would be interested in participating in a second phase of fieldwork.

We agreed to meet in person in order to arrange the details of the workshops. During these preparatory meetings one in each of the organisations , I gave examples of the activities we could do during the workshops and asked them for their opinions and suggestions about them. I gathered helpful comments from them and adapted the activities. Accordingly, I changed the material following their specific interests and time constraints. The youth workers and I also identified potential time periods and dates for the workshops. They then contacted the young people. The youth workers contacted me by email in order to confirm the chosen times.

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