Léclat (Christine ERGO t. 5) (French Edition)

In the interest of space, this article will only present examples of circular dia- grams from the category of geometrical shapes, and examples of plant- and tree- shaped diagrams from the category of living things. The illustrations belong in both music theory manuscripts and in manuscripts devoted to other disciplines. SCRIPTOR, PICTOR, NOTATOR The first point, however, that needs to be addressed here is a question of terminology arising from the culture of the time, involving the way in which music theorists and other medieval writers expressed themselves with regard to the writing and illus- trating of manuscript books, and the designations used in medieval texts to refer to those engaged in such activities.

Scriptor, autor, compilator, and notator are all terms frequently encountered in medieval documents. Among modern researchers, C. Such a practice was perceived as a vicium scriptoris that forced the notatores in a musical context, those who penned the notes to squeeze in several notes above one syllable, thereby rendering the music difficult to read and to sing. The entire manuscript, with the exception of a few folios, can be seen by following the Bodleian Library link at Early Manuscripts at Oxford.

The treatise, edited from MS Digby 90, is printed in E. Hildesheim , 4, pp. Rouse and Mary A. Those who worked in a richly endowed private library or were engaged in medieval commercial book production under academic or ecclesiastical patronage had access to a plethora of books on a great variety of topics. So did those working for a monastic scriptorium, for some religious orders were quite famous for keeping well-equipped libraries, as attested by surviving and reconstructed library catalogues.

And while some of the books were the property of a particular monastery or convent, others — covering a variety of suit- 13 R. Essays Presented to N. Ker, London, , p. On John of Tewkesbury, a fragment of his bio- graphy, and the two texts he most probably authored and wrote, see L. For the use of scriptor, see P. Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 13 , p. Furthermore, within the ranks of medieval religious orders, the copying, annotating, and binding of books by friars were considered permissible — even desir- able — activities, even when these activities became lucrative and thus conflicted with the rules of poverty spelled out in monastic consuetudines;18 these same orders employed, in addition to men of their own, the services of lay professional scribes, illuminators, and notators.

Often the same scribe copied the several tracts on a diversity of subjects forming one composite codex, and sometimes this meant drawing the pertinent illustrations in each tract. Some of these disci- plines were perceived as closely related to music: Music theory treatises were no exception, for in addition to signs for sounds and silence, the manuscripts abound in diagrams, tables, graphs, charts, and other types of visual aids used to make more accessible matters that reading alone could not clarify.

Words could be either too much or not enough, and, in order to solve problems of comprehension or further explicate the subject at hand, a different level of visual perception was addressed: Furthermore, drawings could create intelligible structure, order, and a sense of reminiscing about things already seen or learned; the figure were an implicit invitation for the reader to make mental comparisons with illustrations already familiar from non-musical works, and, by extension, with the non-musical concepts thus rendered in graphic form.

The music theory, the compositions, and the drawing of the scores in this manuscript belong in the ars subtilior tradition, at whose heart Dedalus may be taken to symbolize the well-versed, innovative, subtle, imaginative artisan. Even the two musical pieces… seem to have been part of the original composition of the manuscript — in other words, not posterior additions. University of California Music Library, ms. Images from the manuscript, including the ballade see Figure 1 , have been mounted on the website of the Digital scriptorium.

The phrase is sometimes attributed to St Jerome, as is the case in chapter 4 of the Secundum principale in the Quatuor principalia: Beatus Jeronimus ad Dardanum de musicis instrumentis dicit quod nisi in hominis memoria teneantur soni pereunt quia scribi non possunt; see Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Digby 90, fol. The poem had Ovidian over- tones26 and the graphics prompted the reader to meander from labyrinth seen to labyrinth invoked, and beyond, as the eye and mind journeyed through a constella- tion of symbolic meanings surrounding the concept. It must have been a constella- tion quite familiar to the medieval decoder.

I have transcribed the text from the digital reproduction mounted on the Digital scriptorium, see note 22 above. For Taillandier, see M. Once established as part of the visual history of a work, illustrations would be reproduced time and again, as the work itself was being recopied.

Producing a new copy of a book could involve the labor of the same scribe and illuminator who had copied and illustrated some already existing exemplar of the same work; this would 29 Described and analyzed by Jules de Saint Germain, in J. Series latina, vols. Audomari Canonici Liber Floridus. Codex authographus bibliothecae universitatis Gandavensis. Auspiciis eiusdem universitatis in commemorationem diei natalis, Ghent, henceforth: Autographa Medii Aevi, 4 , Turnhout, Le livre fleurissant en fleurs, contains, on folio 40r, a per- fect replication of the labyrinth drawing in the Latin version which may or may not be the one of , with the Minotaur at the center and a word-for-word French trans- lation identifying the characters involved.

Simple signs, however, are truly scarce, as most of the time the matter illustrated naturally lends itself to being depicted by means of complex graphic renditions. More frequently, and in most treatises, two or several simple graphic signs would be combined in one complex diagram, of which perhaps the most frequently encoun- tered are the ladder and the monochord. Letters were often enclosed within other graphic shapes such as squares and triangles; through repetition, these individual pat- terns tend to form the image of a ladder — a most appropriate visual denotation for a musical scale.

Sources of inspiration for musical scalar figures could have easily been found in illuminated Bibles and books of spiritual advice and devotion: Unlike folio 21v in the Latin version, which is almost identical although more skillfully executed with what can be seen on folio 20r in the autograph manuscript of , folio 40r in the French version does not include the text at the bottom. I am giving both the Latin and the French captions for comparison: MS 72 A23 has Domus dedali in qua minotaurum posuit, Minos rex, Parsife regina, Dedalus artifex, Ycarus filius eius, and Minotaurus in laberintho; MS C4 has La maison de dedalus en qui il mist Minotaurus, Le roy minos, La royne paliphes, Dedalus le maistre ouvrier, Ycarus son fils, and Minotaurus dedens le laberinthe.

While reading the legal precepts illustrated by such a diagram, one would perform a visual excursion up and down the ladder, ascending to the common ancestor or descending to the members of the newer generations. The image can be seen at The Hague, Handschriften, by selecting the Expert Search link and using the word ladder to perform a Words from descriptions search under Images see footnote 6. A Handlist of Manu- scripts, in Scriptorium, 42 , pp. The basic scheme of the world is expanded here to encompass: At one time, the manuscript included a large diagram48 of the cosmos, showing con- centric circles hosting rank upon rank of angels and archangels, and displaying the puteum inferni at the bottom of the system.

Illuminators of works of literary fiction were also fond of circular shapes: Just like their astronomic counterpart, from which they might have derived, cir- cular or semi-circular diagrams in music theory treatises frequently take on the role of visual summae of pertinent concepts. Astronomy texts perused in medieval libraries and copied in scriptoria include, as a rule, circular diagrams illustrating the Ptolemaic tradition infused with a more recent layer of Christian lore: A case in point is Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Digby 23, where folio 53r displays the colligatio elementorum the conjunction of the four elements and four qualities , while folio 53v shows a diagram of the octave and its subdivisions, with the outermost semicircle demonstrating the diapason and the one concentric to it naming the corresponding proportion, i.

Such interdisciplinary communion, however, is not explicit — yet the concept of image borrowing still make sense — in manuscripts containing music theory tracts only. A case in point are the rows and columns of tangential circles — twenty in all — that were drawn on folios 21v—22v of the exemplar of the treatise Quatuor prin- cipalia found in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Digby 90; they were meant to exhibit solmization-syllable permutations and practically amount to a comprehensive imago or speculum of the hexachord system.

The manuscript Digby 90 contains the earliest extant exemplar of the longer version of this treatise, also preserved in three manu- scripts from the first half of the next century: The four manuscripts were clearly written by four dif- ferent scribes, but it is apparent that many, if not all, of the drawings in each manu- script were executed by the scriptor of the text. The circular diagrams drawn to exemplify hexachord mutations are simple, unadorned, and straightforward; their purpose is to instruct.

The contours of the cir- cles are rather irregular which in turn leads one to believe that no compass was used in the drawing of them , and, although the execution proper is careful and the result of it is tidy, the layout does not suggest a great deal of preoccupation with the gen- eral planning of space. Rather, the scriptor-pictor appears to have gone on to using leaf after leaf until the whole diagram was completed: The scriptor who was conceivably the pictor as well of MS Add. Whether this was a choice prompted by a desire to save parchment, or whether no choice at all was involved and this is just a simple case of forgetfulness, we do not know.

Suffice it to say that no folios or text are missing at this point — just the twenty circles, which would have taken up about two pages. Whether one or two different individuals wrote the text and drew the illustra- tions in MS Bodley bears further investigation although one could argue that the scriptor and pictor were one and the same person. Whatever the case, the pictor here had in mind a more grandiose scope: Furthermore, and as a final touch, he enclosed the circles on each page in a rectangle to create the effect of a framed painting.

From these and from other drawings it appears that the maker or makers of MS Bodley was or were creating not just a means of transmitting information by way of text and graphics, but also a book that would be pleasing to the eye — in other words, a work that was both instructive and decorative. In terms of its illustrations, the copy of the Quatuor principalia in MS O. In terms of visual complexity and aesthetic gratifica- tion, they go from simple schemes to images of lush arbors of rhythmic relationships.

Bearing the fruits of the maxima, the longa, the brevis, the semibrevis, and the minima on their branches, these trees are sometimes drawn in color and depicted as literally growing in pots: From it the smaller values are generated, like newer branches stemming from the root or trunk of a tree and illustrating the various types of modus, tempus, and prolatio.

Just like his predecessor, the scriptor of MS Digby 90, he wrote and drew as he copied from his model, and obviously had no master plan in terms of 54 Colophon on folio 53r. As he worked his way through this composition, the illustrations became more and more involved, including a greater amount of purely ornamental elements: His vision of the system where smaller note-values still stem from larger ones bearing a schematic resemblance to trees relays, however, on tri- angular shields inscribed in circles and, just like in the case of the solmization dia- grams, his execution of the whole has an element of surgical precision.

Trees of all types — many of them, in fact, of quite imaginary species — are depicted in an astounding variety of shapes outside the realm of natural sciences where they would be expected. The tree represents the idea of natural or divine hierarchy and orderly proliferation: Every illuminated Bible includes one. Whether one looks at an aerial root or at one firmly affixed into the soil, it is from this point of origin that all other components of the tree-system sprout; as the secondary branches evolve and multiply, so do the elements affixed to them: The arbor amoris tree of [spiritual] love.

This is done with careful preservation of rule and order in all illustrations, whether in music theory tracts or texts belonging in other disciplines: Many more examples can be surmised, but for now these should suffice to illus- trate the concept of migration of visual signs from one discipline to another and back again.

Surely the migration was not unidirectional, as pictures seen in a calendar, atlas, devotional book, and so on, might have inspired the copyist of a music theory manuscript — and vice-versa. Matthew Balensuela DePauw University As modern readers, we accept the insertion of non-prose materials in a music theory treatise as a standard convention of writing about music. On further consideration, however, the use of examples in medieval and Renaissance theory treatises, as with any interruption of any textual narrative, is not without a degree of ambiguity.

A figure intrudes upon the narrative of the text, demanding that the writer prepare the reader for a change in narrative style, often by the insertion of a simple phrase, such as ut hec te figura docet. Among the questions that arise when considering the use of illustrations in music theory texts are: Why are some examples clear in their rela- tionship to the ideas in the text, while others are difficult to interpret? Are we sure we know what the author intended by a figure and where he intended it to go in the text or has the example and its placement been changed by later copyists?

Such questions make it apparent that musical figures and illustrations in music theory texts should be studied in their own right. Questioning the use of illustrations and figures in early music theory texts can provide new perspectives on these works. Recently, Cristle Collins Judd has examined the use of musical examples in the writ- ings of Zarlino and other theorists, uncovering critical questions about the intersec- tion of print culture and musical ideas of the time.

Mathiesen and Tilman Seebass for their comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this paper. Hearing with the Eyes, I. Such a discussion will establish a context for a proposed creation of a census catalogue of figures in medieval and Renaissance music theory sources and suggest areas of further study and work. The article begins with a review of issues raised by examples in literary theory and suggests how these ideas may be expanded to the study of music theory treatises through the delineation of the factors to con- sider in such studies.

Literary critics have been primarily concerned with the insertion of prose examples into a prose narrative in their discussion of exemplarity, but music theory presents the further problems of non-text examples such as figures or musical examples inserted into a prose narrative. Nevertheless, the literary theory of exam- ples provides an important starting point to use in addressing the issues raised by examples in music theory texts. A second is whether to use true examples from history or fictitious examples such as parables.

While the example is meant by the author to clarify and explain the main argument, any form of intertextuality can result in conflicting and competing narratives. A fable inserted into a text may be interpreted 4 While the literature of exemplarity is large, a clear introduction can be found in J.

On the Rhetoric of Exemplarity, Stanford, , pp. The Rhetoric of Example, p. Suffice it say that the issue of exemplarity in medieval music theory texts can provide a further avenue for the reconsideration of medieval music culture suggested by J. In other words, the use of examples can be a risky device that does not clarify the main narrative, but rather confuses it.

While it is admittedly difficult to discuss the intentions of an author in a manu- script culture in general, and problematic to conceive of an individual creator in the field of early music theory which produced so many anonymous treatises, neverthe- less, the text itself must be seen as the primary narrative in music theory treatises that is interrupted by examples of some kind.

Several types of exemplary incursions into the text can be listed in music theory and each involves a different type of intertex- tual change for both the author and reader see Table 1.

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The links between the example and the primary narrative text regarding similar terminology and ideas are often clear to the reader. The quotation presents the usual problems of interpretation and possible textual corruption in transmission, but to no greater extent than is presented by the primary narrative text itself. As the quotation is written in prose, there is no change in mode of thought by the reader — he or she continues to read prose.

Prose Quotations from venerable masters; stories of famous composers 2. Music Excerpts of musical works or examples created by theorists 3. Figures Proportion diagrams, charts, illustrations Table 1. Types of exemplarity in medieval music theory texts. Music theory texts present not only prose but also non-prose examples such as music and figures.

When these non-prose examples appear in theory texts, a new range of issues arises that are not present in prose examples see Table 2. Ideally, the musical examples and figures should be linked to the primary prose narrative text in some manner. Such links might be the quotation of the text incipit of the musical work, a 8 R. The Rhetoric of Example, pp. While beyond the scope of the present study, investigating the applicability of these characteristics to non-prose examples in music theory texts may be a fruitful subject of future study in this area.

Likewise, the non-prose example ideally should be placed close enough to the text so that the reader can make a clear connection between the prose narrative and the non-prose example. Non-prose examples, however, present different problems in both creation and transmission from those presented by prose examples.

If negotiating the multiple nar- ratives of a prose text and prose example is difficult, navigating between prose and music notation or prose and figures certainly compounds the intertextual complexi- ties for both the creators of treatises and the readers. Writers and copyists accustomed to the written word face different issues in the creation of non-prose examples that lead to a greater opportunity for errors in the creation and transmission of non-prose examples than would normally be the case for prose examples.

Scribes of words may not be good at drawing or music notation. If a second scribe or third creates the non- prose examples, other problems may arise, such the absence of adequate space for the example or the omission of the examples in the source text. The first three factors in the initial creation of an example listed in Table 2 text relation between prose and example, location of the example, and the clarity of the example are all compounded by the hand copying of the manuscript treatise over time, which can be seen as a fourth factor affecting the intertextual relationship between texts and non-prose examples; one which greatly affects the first three.

We must assume that later theorists, compilers, and copyists felt free to add, subtract, re-write, and replace not only text but also the music and figures in the transmission of their sources into the new documents they created. While it is not possible to quantify or measure how this mental juggling affects the reader of the text, it is impor- tant to note such changes in modes of thought in order to thoroughly delineate the issues involved in exemplarity in music theory treatises as different from those in a literary prose work. Text relation The use of similar phrases, terms, or descriptions in text and example 2.

Location The placement of the figure in relationship to the text 3. Transmission Changes due to hand copying of treatise 5. Factors affecting intertextual relationship between texts and non-prose examples music and figures. The work was written in the early s and exists in approx- imately fifty manuscript copies. De Muris cites Boethius frequently in the text so that the source of his text example is clear to the reader, as in such phrases as ele- ganter docuit Boethius in prologo suae musicae.

Hildesheim , 3, pp. In many cases, the relationship between the text and figure is clear with little ambiguity or confusion because the figure contains phrases, terms, or numerical proportions also used in the text, clearly linking the text and figure. These figures are often similar across the manuscript tra- dition in design and placement in the text. Nevertheless, the Musica speculativa also contains some striking examples of intertextual confusion and ambiguity in its use of examples.

One of the better-known examples is the figure of consonance from Book 1, Propositions 2—4, which com- ments on the basic numerical consonances of the fourth, fifth, and octave. De Muris wishes to extend the discussion of these propor- tions in Proposition 4 with reference to a figure. Haec figura consonatiarum in musica perfectarum omnia principia et omnes con- clusiones musicae continet in virtue, quae si essent exterius enodatae, tota musica nota fieret.

Sed haec figura quasi unum chaos, in quo latitant plures formae, potest satis rationabiliter appellari, in qua secundum plus et minus conclusiones nobilis- simas considerantis suggerat intellectus. Unus enim ab ea haurire poterit, quod alter hactenus numquam vidit. Quae autem de consonantiis sunt in suis circulis fi- gurata debent concedi pro principiis huius artis. Nam experientia ex natura rei eas hominibus revelavit. Oportet enim credere, qui discit, quod si non credat, ad expe- rientiam currat et certus reddetur omni ambiguitate remota. His ita se habentibus iam potest huius figurae intellectus misteria et inclusa mirabila extrahere sigillatim.

This figure of perfect consonances in music contains in potentiality all the princi- ples and all the conclusions of music. If they could be clearly and outwardly given, the whole of music would be noted. But this figure can be rationally enough called sort of chaos, in which many forms are hidden, and in the figure, the intellect may accordingly more or less suggest the most noble conclusions for consideration. For one intellect will be able to draw from it what another has so far never seen.

Which among the consonances are figured in its circles, these ought to be conceded as the principles of this art, for experience from nature has revealed the consonances to mankind. It is necessary to believe one who teaches, because if one does not believe, 17 See also F. As these things are so, the intellect can now bring forth separately the secrets of this figure and the marvels included.

The passage clearly prepares the reader to make an inter- textual change from the narrative of the text to another mode of thought — interpreting a figure that will help explain the narrative. But what was the figure to look like, and where was it to appear in relation to the text? Within the manuscript tradition, the figure varies widely in its presentation and placement. A few examples will suffice to demonstrate the problems of exem- plarity for this figure. I would like to thank Thomas J. Mathiesen for his help in clarifying this translation of the passage. In the Milan manuscript, the figure appears as semicircles rather than as a circular figure, which the text indicates , the numerals appear in decreasing order from left to right, and the word kaos appears in the middle of the figure clearly linking it to the passage in the fourth proposition.

But the figure appears at the end of the third proposition, not in the middle of the fourth, meaning that the reader somehow had to remember the figure or flip back and forth between the recto and verso sides to integrate the text narrative and the example. This example is placed directly at the end of the fourth proposition and cited as Figura A. While the readers of the individual manuscripts were presented with figures they could basi- cally understand, modern readers and editors are faced with an ambiguous situation.

These problems are compounded when the examples are not presented clearly in the manuscript — a visual parallel to the more frequently studied problem of gar- bled text transmission. The lighter ink of the figures makes it apparent that the figures were added at a different time than the text, probably by a different scribe. For the example of conso- nances in the fourth proposition, Matheus left space for an example but apparently not enough to present the figure in the same direction as the text Figure 3.

The text is also diffi- cult to interpret, given the small space Matheus left for his example. While there are several problems with this figure, its placement makes it perfectly clear that it is to be linked to the fourth proposition. Matheus frequently ran into the problem of space for the figures, forcing whoever entered them to resort to drawing figures on their sides, bending figures, or overlapping figures with the text in order to fit the example into the given space.

The earliest modern editions of medieval and Renaissance theorists by Gerbert and De Coussemaker presented these works in print to a wide audience but often con- tinued or compounded the problems of exemplarity. Figures that were originally round or spherical were often printed squarely, placed in positions other than those found in the sources, or omitted altogether.

While it is clear that de Muris intended an example to accompany his fourth proposition in Book 1, it is difficult to know how he envisioned it to appear circles or semicircles, ascending or descending numbers, the presence or absence of the word kaos or where he intended it to be placed before the text, after it, or in the middle. West presents a standard model for text editing in his Textual Criticism and Editorial Technique23 and there have been several recent publications on the editing of music in early sources,24 to the best of my knowledge, one of the few resources for editing figures in early music theory is the Style Guide for the series Greek and Latin Music Theory, edited by Thomas J.

Mathiesen and Jon D. A more complete apparatus for figures would provide multiple versions of all figures, perhaps as an appendix to the edition. Theorists who published their work had a greater degree of control over all the elements of the treatise text, musical examples, and figures and thus over their relationship than writers in an age of hand copying of works. Once arranged on the printed page, the relationship between these elements would be the same for every reader of that edition of the work, which essentially eliminated the problem of changes in the examples due to transmission, at least for each edition of the printed treatise.

Some rearrangement of materials may occur between printed editions or in the rare case of a printed treatise subsequently transmitted by hand. It is also possible for differences to appear in various states of an edition if an error is corrected during the printing of a work. History, Method, and Practice, Cambridge, The exam- ples appear close to the text they are describing.

Thus, when Gaffurio employs the rhetorical exemplary phrase, hec omnia presens figura apertissime demonstrat, to introduce the second example in the chapter, the reader knows exactly what to look for in the figure, and how it relates to the narrative. In comparing the figures on consonance in both the de Muris and Gaffurio trea- tises, I do not mean to suggest that all examples in all manuscript-transmitted trea- tises are as ambiguous as the figure related to the fourth proposition of Book 1 in the Musica speculativa.

The exemplary ambiguity in this passage rests as much in the abstract nature of what de Muris is trying to express as it does in the versions of the figures as they appear in individual sources. Nevertheless, while providing only one example each from a written and printed tradition, I would like to suggest that a pos- sible further area for study is the way in which the technology of printing changed the content of music theory texts.

Such studies have proven fruitful in a wide range of areas in music and may prove useful as well in the matter of exemplarity in music theory. Knowing that their figures would appear clearly in a specific relation to the text may have changed the way writers in a print culture wrote about their figures and diagrams and integrated the two narratives in new ways, just as theorists in a print culture began to use musical examples in different ways from their manuscript-based predecessors.

Investigating such suggestions would surely be possible with further research in the field of figures and theory texts. One example of the changes brought about by printing may be seen in the renewed interest in tuning and temperament that took place in the late-fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The exactness of figures and diagrams which printing brought was excellently suited for these highly technical 27 F.

Franchino Gaffurio, Theoria musice, Book 4, chapter 2, Milan, , repr. I am not proposing that printing was the cause of this debate, but that the specificity printed examples afforded, along with the wide circulation of printed treatises, provided a rich environment for the debate to take place.

Figures should be seen as being of equal importance to the more commonly studied types of exemplarity seen in music theory treatises — quotations and musical excerpts. In proposing the study of figures and illustrations in music theory as a relatively unexplored field of research in our discipline, this article suggests that in addition to a catalogue of source materials, further work in this area would include the refinement of the theory of exemplarity as applied to music theory as well as the regular use of a critical apparatus to convey to the modern reader the variety of differences found in the sources.

When scholars have a stronger sense of the range of examples in the corpus of early music theory, a consistent edi- torial apparatus to explain the variations in the figures to modern readers, as well as a broader theoretical framework to conceptualize these examples, then we will begin to understand more fully what the figures are teaching us.

Bologna Bibliotheca Musica Bonoiensis, Series 2, 1. It is obvious that a systematic and detailed rule-by-rule comparison on melody, dissonance-treatment, text-setting, and so forth, among a substantial number of textbooks would be an under- taking of vast dimensions clearly exceeding the scope of this short presentation. Prior to the pre- sentation at the 17th International Congress of the International Musicological Society, Leuven, August , elements of the text were presented in two papers delivered: Papers and Abstracts, University of Aarhus, , p.

Portions of the text have been translated and revised from T. An investigation of half note dissonance in two-part counterpoint conducted on a similar selection of twentieth-century textbooks as in the present article, can be found in T. Originally published in Danish, the work was soon translated into German and English, and later into at least five other languages, probably making it the most widely disseminated counterpoint textbook of the twentieth century.

Jeppesen, Knud Christian , in L. Copenhagen — London, ; republ. Lehrbuch der klassischen Vokalpolyphonie, Leipzig, , rev. Regarding the translations into Japanese , Rumanian , Finnish , Hungarian and Greek , cf. Although most are real textbooks exhibiting exercises and assignments, some are studies of a predominantly stylistic and analytical nature, the contents of which are not arranged into a pedagogical progression. The question of teaching method dominates the methodological statements of the books — and the published reviews8 — to a degree almost making this issue the most important.

Although most of the authors profess to be ardent supporters or just as ardent opponents of the system of the species, a sharp distribution into species- and non- species-books cannot always be made. The following three examples will give an impression. But no- where else in the book, though, is there any mentioning of Palestrina, let alone cita- tions from his works or, for that matter, from those of other Renaissance composers. Der Cantus-firmus-Satz bei Palestrina,20 yet another angle to the issue is presented. According to Hohlfeld, the magnificats by Palestrina 14 H.

Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da, par. In all three cases, though, the common denominator of the uncertainty can be narrowed down to the question of the source foundation of the books. For any author of a textbook at least three different types of sources exist. Another possibility is to examine which rules and instructions the writers of that time — that is, teachers and theorists, and in some cases the composer himself — committed to paper.

And finally, if the musical corpus is of some age, you may investigate the writings of later researchers. The contents of a textbook necessarily depend on which of the three types of sources the analyses and the different sets of rules are based on. Contemporary music theory is hardly referred to. The other work, written by Peter Schubert, will be commented on later. Regarding the third source-type, quite a few textbooks, mainly older ones, do not support their subject matter with references, neither to theoretical treatises nor to modern literature.

The majority of the works, though, contain a bibliography, and their authors state — in a more or less explicit manner — which of the other books make up their basis. It can be concluded, then, that 1 as to the source foundation of the textbooks, only very few are based on systematic analysis of a large musical corpus; 2 rele- vant sixteenth-century treatises are not included, except in a few significant instances; and 3 most of the works are based upon some of the other twentieth-century text- books, adding their own analyses, exercises and assignments.

In all three of the above-mentioned areas, Knud Jeppesen was, so to speak, fully covered. Most importantly, he had indeed carried out a minute analysis of a large musical corpus. For example, they provide more detailed rules concerning triple mensuration, an aspect only superficially dealt with by Jeppesen. Several of the rules formulated by Jeppesen are corrected, and Hamburger provides supplementary rules on the ascending leap from the unaccented crotchet, on isolated pairs of crotchets when they occur in place of the unaccented minim, and so on.

The only revised edition was published in Danish in , and no significant alterations were made in the subsequent editions in Danish, German and English. But it is a fact that already around the work was ripe for revi- sion on a number of points. The accounts of mode and modality constitute another aspect of updating in the textbooks. Nach den Quellen dargestellt, Utrecht, English rev. Studies in the History of Polyphonic Modality, Ph. When the dissertation was published in , these pages were left out — see F. As an exemplification of some of the issues touched on so far, this examination will conclude with a short comparison of the textbook by Thomas Daniel, Kontrapunkt.

Eine Satzlehre zur Vokalpolyphonie des Jahrhunderts with the one by Peter Schubert, Modal Counterpoint, Renaissance Style , not only because they are the two newest textbooks included in this survey, but because they are among the most comprehensive and simply rank among the best. Starting with the modes, the by far most comprehensive account is found in Daniel, who gives a thorough presentation of the eight- and twelve-mode systems, the psalmtones and mode in polyphony, supplemented by the modal impact on voice- dispositions, clef-combinations, imitation, cadences, and so on.

Although Daniel divides his exposition into chapters dealing with two-, three- and four-voice counterpoint, he does not apply a species approach. The book contains a lot of rules, scattered throughout the text, but there are no assignments at all. His target group can best be defined as broad. As already mentioned, Schubert adheres to the old species approach, making a lot of so-called hard and soft rules.

The volume, Tonal Structures in Early Music cf. Schubert lists a number of sixteenth-century treatises but almost no modern research literature, and he makes no references to other twentieth-century textbooks at all. Daniel, on the other hand, lists a number of sixteenth-century treatises and quite a lot of twen- tieth-century literature,51 and he is very careful in giving precise references to all musical and textual citations. Several other differences could be mentioned,52 but it should be evident that although both Daniel and Schubert aim at the same objective, the number of dissimilarities between the two books is quite stunning.

Of course no such thing as an ideal or perfect textbook exists, encompassing the entire vocal polyphonic output of the sixteenth century. In every case the author is obliged to make choices regarding style, period, method and so on, in order to obtain a suitable mixture of both continuity and change. The second half of the twentieth century has witnessed a wealth of contributions to the further mapping of the musical grammar of sixteenth-century vocal polyphony — the ones mentioned above in no way being representative — and the results are slowly finding their way into the text- books, but to a very varying degree, and with very varying degrees of documenta- tion.

This indicates that Schubert has formulated the contrapuntal rules exclusively on the basis of sixteenth-century treatises and his own analyses, without being influenced in any way by his twentieth-century colleagues — including Jeppesen. In that respect, it is unfortunate that Schubert does not discuss essential methodological issues, for example the possible value and relevance of the huge amount of twentieth-century research in relation to sixteenth-century treatises. But the outcome of this brief survey nevertheless tends in the direction that none of the more recent textbooks can be said to consti- tute an actual replacement for his work.

About half the works included in this survey are written in English by Englishmen or Americans, and their sources — whether other textbooks or actual research literature — are in English as well. With very few exceptions there are no references to German literature at all. On the other hand — and perhaps a bit more surprising — it actually turns out that the German-speaking writers are just as monolingual, using sources written in English only to a very limited extent; cf.

A Basis for the Study of Counterpoint, Cambridge, , A Practical Text- Book, London, Thomas Rive, Oxford, Spanish ed.: An introduction to the art of composing vocal counterpoint in the sixteenth-century style, London, A Practical Introduction, London, A Practical Approach, New York, Ein Lese- und Arbeitsbuch, Munich—Kassel, Konsentrat fra regler i Knud Jeppesen: Out of the would-be Shirley evolved the fop.

Jonson's influence on English comedy before is not a mere mat- ter of extensive and chaotic borrowing from his various plays. His Caroline "Sons of Ben" developed an eclectic social comedy whose distinguishing characteristics are that it imitates every chief feature of his comedy of social satire, separates imitation of his comedy of social satire from imitation of his comedy of ethical satire, gives the former more centrality in individual plays than imitation of his comedy of farcical intrigue, combines it in almost every conceivable fashion with other genre-types emphasizing social standards and ma- terials, and thus establishes it as the most dominant force in realistic comic tradition up to the close of the London theaters in In view of these facts, it is possible to assert that Jonson's influence on English comedy before makes clear his claim to the title of "father of Eng- lish social comedy" and warrants the belief that he is one of the most important progenitors of the Restoration comedy of manners.

But no general treatment of the subject to withstand critical scrutiny has yet been produced. An investigation is needed that will give accurate information regarding the exact nature and extent of each borrowing from Moliere in Restoration comedy, appraise these borrowings judi- ciously as contributions to the development of each author using him, and show clearly the extent and the limits of his influence on the English comedy of manners.

Such is the intention of this study of Restoration plays that reflect, or have been alleged to reflect, in any degree the influence of Moliere. Discussed below in Chap. My comments will be found, passim, Chap. I stress logic, for honesty and information alone do not lead inva- riably to truth: Reliance on the instinct that guides the great scholar safely through the hazards of research may wreck the lesser man. And even great scholars have been known to err, where a more explicit technique might have saved them.

Since, for the investigation of literary sources and influences, there is no formulated body of principles to which I can pledge allegiance, it is desirable to state at the outset exactly what meth- ods of weighing, considering, and checking I shall use. As the previous chapter made clear, the problem of Moliere's influence on Restoration comedy has been abundantly studied before now.

The opinions might have been in harmony if the investigators had used the same methods. At any rate, I hope that by stating the principles that have guided my study I shall make it possible for any one to verify my results. The variant and contradictory opinions of my predecessors in the field impress one fact clearly upon me: In many instances, I find, foregone conclusions, stowing themselves away in the minds of scholars, rob their unwitting hosts of just that quality that makes research superior to guessing.

Some students, for example, appear to think that the tracing of a literary influence is an act of homage to the source; 3 such an assumption is revealed in a tendency to believe things compli- mentary to Moliere's influence and to reject equally good evidence of borrowing where an influence would be no credit to him. Ac- cordingly I have tried to remain objective by regarding literary influence as a simple issue of cause and effect. Another fact that cannot be overemphasized is the need for clarification of the difference between mere resemblance and demonstrable borrowing.

Now a resemblance between the work of a later author and an earlier may justifiably be called a bor- rowing only when there is no other way to explain it. All like- nesses, whether they are verbal parallels, similarities of spirit, of in parallel passages, especially when the parallels are far apart. I have given earlier opinions in conveniently placed footnotes.

He appears to have assumed that the best quali- ties of Restoration comedy came from Moliere; the better the play in which they are found, the more certain he seems to be that an influence exists, and, vice versa, he asserts that minor writers, who he admits borrowed the most, were influenced the least see pp. In this particular prob- lem there is no disagreement concerning such passages, for whether translated, half-translated, or merely paraphrased speech by speech, they are always found in association with further like- nesses.

With long verbal resemblances, the existence even of a common source would not contradict the fact of borrowing, for Moliere did not follow his sources verbally. Caution is needed when dealing with such likenesses, because of the great possibility that both authors are independently availing themselves of an ancient and ever-growing body of commonplaces. Moliere also went directly to the Latin classics.

But these same classics had been affecting 6 An undue will to believe seems to be clearly proved when a scholar ignores chronology to call a likeness a borrowing. Their dates are and respectively. August, , but dated in Gillet. He also warns that likenesses of accidental origin must not be considered. In his play Moliere centers his attention on the subject of a suitable education for young people. He develops his idea of freedom by having each of two brothers, who entertain opposite views, rear a child in his own way; he thus shows the beneficent results of freedom in contrast with the unpleasant consequences of repression.

The Squire of Alsatia can also be described by exactly the same words. Does this prove that its spirit and matter were borrowed? The similarity noted above is the result of describing the plots in the most general terms. If we were to retell the action of each play in detail, describing the characters as they appear, no one would ever dream of likening Shadwell's play to that of Moliere. Recalling the Adelphoe of Terence, Moliere wrote a typically clear thesis play, in which he was discussing such a problem as his own approaching marriage to the beautiful young Armande Bejart, who was only half his own age.

Sganarelle may have been a symbol of the jealous, possessive side of Moliere's own nature, while Ariste may have stood for his genial, intelligent side. The play revolves solely about the efforts of these two middle-aged men to win the love of their wards so that they can marry them. For interesting evidence of the use of commedia dell' arte in Elizabethan drama, see Campbell's "Love's Labour's Lost Restudied," pp.

Smith "Italian and Elizabethan Comedy," Modern Philology, V , points out many contacts between the comedy of the two countries. Bader "Italian Commedia dell' Arte in England, ," p. It is a comedy of low life in Whitefriars, the lowest section of London. It is full of the bragging and brawling of scowrers, cheats, and bullies; it contains a group of eager women and rejected mistresses.

The author paraded an underworld jar- gon so obscure that he provided a short "Explanation of the Cant" when he printed the play. Like the authors of dozens of Restoration plays, Shadwell contrasts true gentlemen, Restora- tion style, with shabby imitations. He provides ladies with whom to reward the gallants. To the Restoration mind, the surest way to breed a fool is to keep him in the country, away from the re- fining influences of city society; a real gentleman is bred in London by a father wise enough to let him learn by experience in fashionable circles.

With experience, some of which may come through reckless excess, a man will live a more sensible life in the city than will a money-minded boor from the country. Realis- tic writers of comedy are likely to start either with setting or with characters and later develop the action. So when Shadwell needed a plot for his play in which to imbed these ideas, he took over the Adelphoe of Terence as a general outline of the action and of the chief relationships.

A surly, ill- mannered, miserly man from the country has allowed his bache- lor city brother to adopt one of his sons. The original father believes in strict discipline; and in contrast the adoptive parent prefers kindliness as the best way to educate young men. The 9 Since The Squire of Alsatia does not come into the discussion at a later point, it is no more than fair to Shadwell to note that this tracing of the play to Terence does not imply any other than a masterly use of well-known raw materials of drama. Shadwell's play is full of merits and originality due to the talent of the author, who is neither a slavish imitator nor an artless plagiarist.

The city son is entangled with a girl whom he has debauched, but he is able to devise a way to extricate his simple brother and himself from their troubles, and both are happily married to the girls of their choice after the apparent conversion of the country father to the standards of his city brother. Methods, materials, devices, limitations, and needs pro- duce resemblances that often have no common origin, or at least no traceable one.

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A myopic parallel hunter often lists these con- ventions of the playhouse as borrowings. The salient features of Moliere's plot are briefly as follows: In the original, the follies resulting from the soft method are stressed; in the adapta- tion, the benefits growing out of the soft method are accentuated. Shadwell's shift in emphasis may have been due to the influence of L'tcole des maris, Moliere's comedy based upon the Adelphoe. I grant that Demea Terence's country father makes a closing ironic explana- tion of his sudden generosity that largely, but not wholly, nullifies his personal reform; this speech, however, can be explained as a bit of final irascibility, comical and human.

It does not completely throw the moral of the comedy against "the soft method," for after all it was the soft method and Demea's fifth-act acceptance of it that brought happiness to the young people. But even if the Adelphoe did oppose "the soft method," there are not enough points of resemblance between Shadwell's play and Moliere's, nor such elements of originality as to bar the likelihood of coincidence, a likelihood that is heightened greatly by the fact that such a similarity would accord with Restoration social attitudes. Coldly rejected, their two substantial bourgeois suitors revenge them- selves by sending their valets, Mascarille and Jodelet, to imper- sonate noble suitors under the names of the Marquis de Mascarille and the Vicomte de Jodelet.

Mascarille enters first, dressed in the most exaggerated burlesque of the current fashions for French fops. With manners that match his clothes, he talks about lit- erature and poetry, to which he offers his immortally inane addi- tion. Then he shows his skill in literary criticism by discussing the merits of his own composition in great detail. He talks about his clothes, item by item. With Jodelet's entrance the two men shift to talk of military prowess, making magnificent boasts and introducing an element of farce by proposing to show wounds on all parts of their bodies.

They finally order fiddlers, that they may dance a few steps. Their false delicacy, silly affectations, and inane gallantries, in which Mascarille is the leader, are ex- travagant enough to meet the highest expectations of the de- lighted young ladies. After the proud girls have accepted the social brass of the valets for gold, the masters return, beat the servants, and disclose their identity.

The center of the play is the satire of the current affectation of preciosite; the plot device of the masquerading servants is a means of making the folly of Madelon and Cathos apparent; their folly lies in their ac- ceptance of preciosite as a serious social standard. In Betterton's play, two young men are unable to woo the ladies of their choice because an amorous old widow, Lady Laycock, insists on a relentless pursuit of every male who ap- proaches her niece.

To escape the widow, the men introduce a falconer, Merryman, as the Viscount Sans-Terre. He gives a gay impersonation, monopolizing the attentions of the widow, and finally marries her for her fortune. With no general like- nesses of action except the fact that a man of low rank is induced to masquerade as a viscount, there is no more reason to suspect THE METHOD 25 a copy from Moliere than there is to recall parallels in earlier English plays.

Merryman has none of the essential qualities of Mascarille. However, Betterton may have developed him from Mascarille; the evidence does not enable us to deny that he did. Unable to affirm or to deny that the likeness is a borrowing, we must class it as a possible borrowing, being careful at all times thereafter not to base on it a more definite conclusion than an unproved possibility. This could be illustrated by reference to another aspect of Les Precieuses ridicules. Mascarille is an ex- treme burlesque of a French fop.

He is not a portrait, but a satire of a type. On the Restoration stage we find a type of char- acter often regarded as an imitation of Mascarille — the fop who is full of affectation, but is not a masquerader. Surely French fops and English fops would both take an interest in dress, and in the current social graces of danc- ing and singing. Moreover Etherege presents Sir Fopling as a Frenchified Englishman, and as such he would have some of the characteristics currently ascribed to French fops.

If there is noth- ing to prevent Moliere's looking about him and sketching Mas- carille, what is there to prevent Etherege's looking about and sketching Sir Fopling? Observations by different men of a persistent or a recurring element of life may look to the book-minded observer like a borrowing. Two women enter in succession, each declaring De Boastado has mar- ried her. Each supports her claim by producing the alleged off- spring of the union. The fact of this debt, coupled with Ravens- croft's generally known readiness to take anything from any one, especially Moliere, would increase the probability that a second likeness is a borrowing.

But this second resemblance lies in the fact that Ravenscroft's plot revolves about a stern father who is determined to settle his daughter's marriage for her; this someone has actually ascribed to Moliere. It is found in classic, Italian, French, Spanish, Elizabethan, Jacobean, and Restoration drama, because it was in the life of all those times and places. Sir Fopling was said to be drawn for one Hewit, a beau of those times The likeness must not be considered as even a possible borrowing.

Moliere's play opens with a rather spirited argument between the brothers, Sganarelle and Ariste, each the guardian of a girl he hopes to marry. Old-fashioned Sganarelle ridicules Ariste for his stylish dress. As the young ladies appear on their way outdoors for a pleasant stroll, Sganarelle orders his ward to stay inside.

He advocates forceful repression and strict adherence to household duties as the best way to teach a girl to be a faithful wife, while Ariste argues for freedom and kindness. The young ladies are present during the discussion in which Sganarelle pre- dicts disaster to Ariste for the freedom he allows his ward.

The rising curtain of Sedley's The Mulberry Garden reveals Sir John Everyoung, a cavalier of the last days of the Common- wealth, who has taken to foppish dress, and his brother-in-law, Sir Samuel Forecast, who still affects the Puritan ways. They argue about the proper way to rear and to dress Everyoung's daughters, Forecast's nieces.

These daughters soon enter to ask for the coach in which they wish to take a drive in the park. Forecast remarks that his own daughters are locked up at home, and the men resume the controversy about proper freedom for young ladies. Here the number of likenesses is too great for coin- cidence. Characters, subject of discussion, and order of events through four pages are almost identical, although there are no verbal parallels. These four pages are undoubtedly a borrowing from Moliere. April, and Les Precieuses. Lady Fantast and her daughter have a silly desire to ape the refine- ments of the French.

As Lady Fantast's stepdaughter, Gertrude, and Wildish, suitor to the latter, cannot endure the postures and pretenses, they determine to use ridicule. Much original fun develops from the bar- ber's inability to keep exactly in character. But La Roche wins the attention of the ladies, although it is at the price of a beating from their admirers.

When the rumor of his being a barber spreads and Wildish admits the hoax, the duped ladies leave Bury in confusion and dismay. The differences between La Roche and Mascarille are many; yet the similarities are distinctive of Moliere's invention, and their repetition in Shadwell is inex- plicable as coincidence. We note that, by the same device, both authors ridicule two silly women for their affectations, having them trapped into receiving the courtship of false counts whose affectations are evident to everyone else.

The pretenders are fur- ther induced to undertake the action by suitors whom the affected women have despised ; the opportunity appeals to the natural van- ity of the counts, and their enthusiastic responses makes them secondary butts; their unmasking brings about the social debacle of the pretenders and the chagrin of the affected women.

Any one of these elements separately could be fortuitously hit upon by two men, but their entire combination could not. Shadwell has undoubtedly borrowed the material. Thus even a fairly close likeness between Restoration authors and Moliere must be treated with calm skepticism and denied the name of borrowing, unless the similarity is peculiarly marked with identifying traits that cannot be reasonably explained as the independent use of commonplace materials of literature, of the theatre, or of life. Or, to state it positively, a likeness to Moliere is accepted as a borrowing when the thought, the wording, the THE METHOD 29 action, the situation, or the dramatic device has, in isolation or in combination, enough points of resemblance or such identify- ing peculiarities as to bar the livelihood of coincidence in observa- tion or in the use of commonplaces.

Somewhat less convincing resemblances are noted as possible borrowings, not proved; but commonplaces of literature, of the stage, or of the times are ex- cluded from this classification. The influence is identified when the tracing of borrowing enables us to perceive what elements in the product of the borrowing author are definitely due to his encounter with the source. As influences are of all kinds and degrees, they must be clas- sified and studied before their natures can be intelligently deter- mined. Borrowings are here placed under the three heads traditional in literary criticism, the spirit, the matter, and the form.

Under spirit Gehalt , I include any aspect of the author's thought as a whole, so far as it can be distinguished from the particular kind of objectivity which he gave it. This is the most 14 The foregoing definitions and principles doubtless reflect the opinions of more scholars than I am aware of.

In addition to those cited from time to time above, I feel specific debt, for some suggestion or support, to the following: Baldensperger, "Litterature comparee — le mot et la chose," Revue de litterature comparee, l r6 annee, pp. Gundolf], Shakespeare und der Deutsche Geist, is followed in this division. Influences of spirit have a higher value, therefore, than those of matter or form.

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The greatest are formative of the mind and spirit of a great man. By matter Stoff I mean the particular objectivity the artist has given his literary spirit. In drama this consists of the action, the characters, the incidents, the situations, the scenery — every- thing that comprises the audible or visible medium by which the author's intention Gehalt reaches the audience. Borrowings of matter may or may not be very influential, depending largely upon the amount of spirit that goes with them.

Without evidence of influence on a man's thought, no great importance can be attached to borrowing. Shakespeare, for example, borrowed mat- ter from Lodge, from Kyd, from Bandello, from Rabelais, and from Montaigne; but we must insist on finding likenesses of spirit before we believe there are prospects of discovering a great influence. In the field of seventeenth-century drama, the use of incidental material is often a factor of very little importance. The limitations of the dramatic genre make originality in plot ele- ments difficult; the urgent necessity of theatrical success makes a playwright eager to use any tested device.

A slightly relaxed standard of literary honesty in drama, in comparison with other types of literature, seems to have been the rule. Perhaps this lack of force comes about because a borrower in search of new material does not surrender to the spirit of the text, as he may when his reading lacks a practical motive. Under form I place those aspects of literature that relate pri- marily to manner and method, so far as they are separable from 1 5 See preface to An Evening's Love in Dramatic Worlds of Dry den, ed. An author considers form when deciding to express an idea in a sonnet rather than in an essay or a story, as when the Elizabethans turned to sonnet sequences after the example of Petrarch.

Form, of course, is always intimately related to matter and spirit. In drama it is largely barren as a separate concept be- cause all plays are similar externally. But the sort of dialogue, the style of language, the manipulation of scenes, the plan of exposition, and the selection of elements for direct or narrated action are primarily in the category of form.

In the discussion of the value of an influence, with which we are chiefly concerned, no a priori precedence can be given to either matter or form, although both must be placed far below spirit. After classifying the borrowings under spirit, matter, or form, I study them for their influence in determining the character of the literature in which they were used. The weighing of the influence of these elements is guided by three criteria, to which I give a priori acceptance.

In using these criteria, one must keep in mind that separately they do not reach the truth. After apply- ing all three separately, I undertake to synthesize the partial answers into a final judgment that takes all the evidence into due consideration. In this particular study the estimation of the degree of influence is simpler because the source is the work of just one man. But even with our single author, the value of different works is far from the same. At the top stand his great comedies of character and of manners.

The most direct influence must be central to the art of the author borrowed from, if his special personality is to be a force. Marginal matters often bear no stamp of an author's own genius. For Moliere this means that the most significant influence must come from a great comedy, not from a minor one. To be most potent, a borrow- ing, however, must also be central to the art of the particular work from which it is taken, for the significance of a play as a whole does not necessarily appear in every detail; thus a borrow- ing may be made from a very fine play and yet be of no im- portance at all.

For example, in he Tartuffe the husband is concealed under the table so that he can be shown Tartuffe's villainy. For a Restoration playwright to reproduce the stage devices of this scene does not argue for any very considerable influence, as a common French farce might have suggested the same action. Moliere's greatest plays incidentally contain exam- ples of his unerring skill in pleasing his customers with clever theatrical devices, and material could be borrowed from the best plays without touching upon the man's greatness. The farces, the comedies of intrigue, parts of the come die-ballets, and much of the cleverness and skill of the great comedies are much less central to Moliere's art than the main elements of the comedies of character and manners.

For example, in attempting to determine the degree of influence of Moliere upon Dryden, one first assembles the list of established borrowings in Dryden's plays and applies Criterion I to see whether it was the great Moliere or merely the clever Moliere who was at work in Dryden. One next weighs Dryden's works separately to see what their essential qualities consist of, and then one refers to the borrowings to see which of these qualities, if any, came from Moliere.

One tries to imagine Dry- den's plays with the borrowings from Moliere left out. One asks if Dryden could have replaced the deficiencies from his own resources or if he would have been as impotent as Medbourne would have been without a Tartuffe to translate. The more central this difference is to Dryden's peculiar and essential culture, the greater Moliere's influence upon him. The need here is to keep the whole of the borrowing author's work in mind and to avoid a distortion that will certainly come if one concentrates upon the borrowings to the neglect of the proportion they bear to the whole.

In The Tempest Shakespeare copied a passage of Mon- taigne almost literally. What is the importance of this passage in the whole? The play would not be very different, nor would the role of Gonzalo be much weaker if Montaigne had been left out. Surely, we must always consider the extent to which borrowed elements loom up in an examination of the whole in proper perspective. While it would not be hard to demonstrate that there is much difference in spirit, the amount of matter from Plautus in The Comedy of Errors is very high.

But before we commit ourselves too far in thinking Plautus highly forma- tive of Shakespeare's comic art, we must read all the comedies of the latter and allow for the fact that the ratio to the total drops with every additional play, for Plautus ceased to influence Shakespeare. For this aspect, the natural approach seems to be chronological. All the comedies of the Restoration have therefore been arranged by years.

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The relation of Moliere to each of these groups of plays can be decided with some precision. The degree of influence on an age will be affected by the significance of the borrowers. The value of a servile imitation by a hack cannot be great unless it becomes an intermediate source of influence on an important author. April, , because the hack generally fails to transmit any of the essential greatness of the original. A translation or a complete adaptation drawn from an unimportant work of Moliere's is not a valuable influence.

Such is Otway's Cheats of Scapin. Neither would an influence on a minor writer of comedy like Otway have the value of an equal influence upon a Wycherley or a Congreve. We must remember also that the influence on an age has a relation to the centrality of the borrowings in what is transmitted to the borrowers' fellows and successors. We must concern ourselves with the extent to which those ele- ments borrowed from Moliere affected the nature of the total comic writing of the Restoration.

A comparison must be made between what is central to the age and what is borrowed, to see what effects the borrowings produced. If the essential qualities of Wycherley, Dryden, Shadwell, and Congreve, for example, were the things directly or indirectly borrowed from Moliere, they would have transmitted much of him to their age, and his influence would be very high.

But the farther the borrowings are from the center of their productions, the slighter his influ- ence would be, for to have been influential in a high degree he must have greatly changed the total product from what it would have been without him. The visibility of Moliere's influence when the perspective is true to the facts, when all the comedies are seen in their true relation, is the final test. Fletcher, Jonson, Shirley, Shakespeare, Brome, and Middleton provided the bulk of the comic offerings. New writers, as they arose, naturally made their inventions con- form to those elements in the old drama which satisfied current taste.

But it is an incontrovertible fact that Moliere's comedies were repeatedly levied upon also. What did each Englishman take? What did he do with it? What did he like about it? With such questions as these in mind, let us examine some early Res- toration plays that indubitably borrow from him: April, , and Shadwell's The Miser January, They provide examples of Moliere's fate in the hands of typical English adapters. The process of adaptation is interesting. Dryden based the first two acts on Quinault, and then shifted to Moliere for the rest.

Barbieri's play had provided Moliere with a combination of Italian comedy and classical material. The fundamental situa- tion is that of a rather stupid young man in love with a pretty slave girl, but without money to buy her. His clever servant tries to bring about the desired result, although the young man's father wishes him to marry another girl. This is all conven- tional stuff of ancient drama.

The interest in the play arises from the resourcefulness of the servant in rapidly bringing forward a dozen or fifteen successive plans for extricating his master, who stupidly spoils each design, except the last, by a farcical capacity for ineptitude and misunderstanding. According to Toldo, Moliere gave his young man much more intelligence than Barbieri, 3 and then adapted his plot so that some of the trouble was sheer bad luck and some due to inadequate cooperation between servant and master.

Thus Moliere made a happy ending acceptable. Moliere also enlivened this example of Italian literary drama with devices drawn from commedia dell' arte. Barbieri's speeches were shortened, shorn of their pseudophilosophical elements, and replaced by brisk action.

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Despite these changes and despite its appeal everywhere, neither the tone of L'Etourdi nor the matter suggest localized manners. Allen for first calling my attention to this point. Scott wrote exactly about the relation of Quinault and Moliere to Dryden's play, but he has apparently been misread; hence Quinault is often erroneously credited with the racy underplot. In Sources of Dryden's Comedies p.

Sir Martin Mar-All is as essentially English as most farces of native origin. The characters are British people, their actions, though farcical, are based on life in England, and the merry tone is a common one in the Stuart theatre. Less than half the tricks employed by Mascarille are retained in any form, and these are adapted to the British background. The tricks added to piece out the plot are as good as Moliere's, and one deserves Genest's praise for superiority. As he can neither sing nor play, he goes through the gestures and grimaces while his clever Warner plays and sings from concealment.

But Sir Martin misses the signal and ecstati- cally continues his gestures long after the music ceases. Dryden realized the impossibility of making Mar-all a sympathetic char- acter. Instead he made him the typical silly country knight of Restoration plays, following the tradition of the Jonsonian char- acters of little social insight.

He completely mars all when he marries the maid, thinking he has won the mistress. The mistress has used this plan to wed Warner, the servant, whose true wit attracts her in accordance with Restoration notions, and who proves to be of good family and laughingly insists that he has been the master all the time.

Thus true-wits are rewarded. If one were to adapt Dryden's play to modern America, with all the changes needed to make the farce appear contemporary in ac- tions and dialogue, the revision would be comparable to the re- vision he imposed on Quinault and Moliere. Dryden wrote more than half of the first two acts with Quinault open. He adapted speech by speech, idea by idea, and when he wished, word for word. Est-ce vous, cher Lisipe, est-ce vous que je voy? Non, Cleandre, c'est moy.

J'ay fait assez longtemps un mestier inutile, Ou je n'ay rien gagne, si ce n'est quelques coups; II est temps que chez moy je cherche un sort plus doux. Je me sens tout use d'avoir porte les armes, Et pour moy, desormais, le repos a des charmes. Je suis prest d epouser une rare beaute Ou je borne mes voeux et ma felicite, Et j'ay fait de Paris le voyage avec elle, Pour vuider un procez qui dans ce lieu 1'appelle.

Depuis trois ans passes vous estes hors d'icy, Sans nous avoir ecrit! Cleandre, il est ainsi; Mais les mains qu'on employe a servir aux armees D'ecrire bien souvent sont desaccoutumees; Puis on a de la peine a les faire tenir. Et puis de ses amis on perd le souvenir. Point du tout, j'eus toujours Cleandre en ma memoire. C'est m'obliger beaucoup que me le faire croire. Ton m'a conte que vous jouez toujours. Comment va la fortune? Elle est dans le decours: Ma maison de Paris, depuis un mois vendue, En beaux deniers comptans dans mes mains s'est fondue.

Lorsque le malheur dure, il est bien affligeant. Quand je jette les dez, je jette mon argent, Et si je m'emancipe a dire tope ou masse, Le malheur qui me suit ne me fait point de grace. Si je joue au piquet avec quelque ostrogot, II me fera vingt fois pic, repic, et capot; En dernier il aura deux quintes assorties, Et vingt fois pour un point je perdray des parties. Le jeu n'est pas plaisant lorsque Ton perd ainsi. J'ay perdu le desir de plus jouer aussi, Et j'en ay fait serment au moins pour six semaines. Les sermens d'un joueur sont des promesses vaines: Je suis fort asseure que vous n'en ferez rien.

Je pretends menager le reste de mon bien, Et n'iray plus tenter un hasard si nuisible. Vostre ame pour le jeu sent trop demotion. Elle est pleine aujourd'huy d'une autre passion. C'est d'amour, cher Lisipe. Dans ce jeu bien sou vent, comme aux autres, on pipe, Et parfois tel amant s'embarque avec chaleur, Qui perd souvent son fait, et joue avec malheur. Est-ce pour une veuve, ou bien pour une fille? C'est pour l'unique enfant d'une bonne famille, Pour une fille riche et belle au dernier point.

Et qui souflre vos soins? Et qui ne me hait point. L' Amant indiscret, Act I, scene 4. Some three days since, or thereabouts: But, I thank God, I am very weary on 't, already. Why, what's the matter, man? My villainous old luck still follows me in gaming; I never throw the dice out of my hand, but my gold goes after them: If I go to piquet, though it be but with a novice in't, he will pique and repique, and capot me twenty times together: The pleasure of play is lost, when one loses at that unreas- onable rate.

But I have sworn not to touch either cards or dice this half year. The oaths of losing gamesters are most minded; they for- swear play as an angry servant does his mistress, because he loves her but too well. But I am now taken up with thoughts of another nature; I am in love, sir. That's the worst game you could have played at; scarce one woman in an hundred will play with you upon the square. You ven- ture at more uncertainty than at a lottery: For you set your heart to a whole sex of blanks.

But is your mistress widow, wife, or maid? I can assure you, sir, mine is a maid; the heiress of a wealthy family, fair to a miracle. Does she accept your service? I am the only person in her favour. Such rewriting is evidently masterly in its attempt to produce an English effect from a French original. It condenses much more than the following parallel, which is probably as close as any: Vous ne m'avez pas dit l'heure du rendez-vous. Maie que veut ce maraud?

C'est vous que je demande, Pour vous dire deux mots d'importance fort grande. C'est en secret que je vous dois parler. Je le tiens fort subtil, s'il peut s'en demesler. Par l'ordre de Cleandre, avec beaucoup d'adresse, Je suis venu sonder la vertu de Lucresse, Et j'ay par mes discours si bien sceu 1 emouvoir, Que mon maistre a receu rendez-vous pour la voir. Mais scachant vostre amour, loin de vous faire outrage, II renonce pour vous a ce grand advantage, Et veut vous faire voir, par ce prompt changement, Qu'il est meilleur amy qu'il n'est discret amant.

II ne pretend plus rien au coeur de cette belle, Et vous fait advertir d'avoir l'oeil dessus elle. Pour un si bon advis recois ce diamant. Que ton maistre m oblige! Madame, Philipin, de la part de Cleandre, Touchant le rendez-vous vient de me tout apprendre. Le croyant mon amy, je n'etois pas trompe. La defaite est fort bonne, et Lisipe est dupe. L'Amant indiscret, Act II, scene 6. Half my business was forgot; you did not tell me when you were to meet him.

Well, what's your business, sirrah? We must be private first; 'tis only for your ear. I shall admire his wit, if in this plunge he can get ofT. I came hither, sir, by my master's order, Sir John. I'll reward you for it, sirrah, immediately. Translated excerpts are given in EK pp. There are five English extended translations of Sefer ha-Bahir: The Book of Bahir: Nino Aragno Editore, The English version is from the Latin of Mithridates, composed around CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, From the Amsterdam edition.

Based primarily on the edition by Reuven Margolioth Jerusalem: Seabury Press, , pages Arthur Scholem, ; Leipzig: Excerpts of the Bahir appear in the following: The Pilgrim Press, Targum Press, , pp. The Jewish Publication Society, , pages Jewish Publication Society, , pp. Journal for the Study of Jewish Mystical Texts, vol. Cherub Press — The Magnes Press, —2nd revised edition The Edwin Mellen Press, Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking Oxford: Oxford University Press, Princeton University Press, Ascensions on High in Jewish Mysticism: Central European University Press, Brill, , pages Mirror of His Beauty: Seven Bridges Press, Duke University Press, Spring The Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy, vol.

The fragments of material that were to become Sefer ha-Bahir made their way to Provence where they fed the development of a mystical school, ca. Isaac the Blind d. On Isaac the Blind, see EK pp. Asher ben David, and R. Azriel of Gerona see below. Hinting, Leaking, and Orthodoxy in Early Kabbalah. Brandeis University Press, The Jewish Publication Society of America, The kabbalah of these strange texts is quite different from the doctrines which developed into classical kabbalah.

Medieval Jewish Mystical Sources Albany: The most prolific circle of kabbalists from the period before the Zohar was that of Gerona, which followed up on the teachings of R. The primary figures of this group were 1 R. Ezra ben Solomon and 2 R. Azriel, who established a school which included 3 R. Moses ben Nahman Nahmanides and 4 R.

On the Gerona circle, see EK pp. Studies in Religious Philosophy and Mysticism Ithaca: Cornell University Press, Western Michigan University, Knowledge of God, noted above, p. Winter, ; PART 2: A Jewish Journal at Yale, vol. Analogy in Midrash and Kabbalah noted above, page A passage attributed to R. Commentary on the Ten Sephiroth Praha [Prague]: Jacob ben Sheshet of Girona: Patronat Call de Girona, , pp. Its Doctrines, Development, and Literature London: Longmans, Green and Co.

The Commentary on the Ten Sephiroth, pages Harvard University Press, Keter Publishing House, , reprinted frequently , pages Mohr [Paul Siebeck] Nahmanides in Medieval Catalonia: History, Community, and Messianism Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame, Commentary on the Torah, 5 vols. Writings of the Ramban New York: Shiloh Publishing House, Rabbinic Council of America, , pp. The Modern Period Northvale — Jerusalem: Association for Jewish Studies, Philosopher and Kabbalist Northvale — Jerusalem: Also in Studies in Judaism: Meridian Books, , pages Problems and Parables of Law: Rabbi Moses Nahmanides Ramban: Explorations of His Religious and Literary Virtuosity.

Bal-Ilan University, Winter The Hermeneutics of Medieval Jewish Thought: July 17, , accessed via Academia: Peeters Publishers, , pp. Jewish Publication Society, Scholem, On the Kabbalah and Its Symbolism, pp. Stroumsa, and Rina Talgam Leiden — Boston: Brill, , pp. Immortality, Resurrection, and the Age of the Universe: A Kabbalistic View Hoboken: Hanegraaff and Jeffrey J.

Kripal Leiden — Boston: Brill, ; see especially pages Shimon Shokek argues for Rabbi Jonah Gerondi 13th century as the possible, if not probable, author. Some traditions attribute ShY to Rabbenu Tam from the end of the 14th century. The Book of the Righteous New York: Ktav Publishing House, In the second half of the 13th century, a circle of kabbalists grew around the brothers R.

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Scholem, Kabbalah [], pp. Joseph Dan points out, however, that The two brothers presented two different conceptions of the celestial and divine worlds. To their teachings, Rabbi Isaac added a new, revolutionary dimension: Mohr Siebeck, , pages A Tribute to the Memory of A. Scheiber, edited by Robert Dan Budapest: Cherub Press, , pages Yehudah He-Hasid and R. Unlike the developing theosophical stream of kabbalah, Abulafia sought a system of ecstatic experiential kabbalah.

Refer to the following: Western North Carolina Press, David Smith, LLC, Tome 1 of 4, Tome 2 of 4, etc. The Path of the Names: There, however, he writes very little regarding the actual method in which one makes use of such permutations. There is, however, one place where Abulafia goes into this at length, and this is in his Otzar Eden HaGanuz.

Translated by Yodfat Glazer and Adam Shohom. Integral edition in English and Hebrew Belize City: Jewish Mystical Testimonies New York: Meditation and Kabbalah York Beach: Yale University Press, While Abraham Abulafia is not the only mystic discussed in this book, he figures most prominently throughout. Imprint Academic, November , pages Baron, edited by J. New York University Press, Abraham Abulafia, the Franciscans, and Joachimism Albany: University Press of Maryland, , pages Harris Cambridge — London: Routledge, , pages Harwood Academic Publishers, Crossroad Publishing Company, Kabbalah in Italy A Survey New Haven — London: Abraham Abulafia and R.

Messianic Mystics New Haven: Mystical Experience in Abraham Abulafia Albany: Studies in Ecstatic Kabbalah Albany: Instytut Religioznawstwa, , pp. Mohr Siebeck, , pp. The Name of God in Jewish Thought: The Edwin Mellen Press, , pages Abraham Abulafia—Kabbalist and Prophet: This work incorporates the following articles: Mohr Siebeck, and New Insights and Scholarship, edited by Frederick E. Greenspahn New York — London: Moses ben Shem Tov de Leon: Mystical Bodies, Mystical Meals: Eating and Embodiment in Medieval Kabbalah Detroit: Wayne State University Press, Wolfson prepared a critical edition of Sefer ha Rimmon: The Book of the Pomegranate: The text is given in Hebrew; the page introduction is in English.

Studies in the Zohar Albany: State University of New York Press, , pages The Book of Mirrors: His renderings represent the first lengthy translations of the Zohar. Text and Study Waltham: Brandeis University, , available from UMI at www. Cherub Press, , pp. Jewish Theological Seminary of America, The Jewish Mystical Tradition. Theosophical Publishing House, The Book of Punctuation: Routledge, , pp. Le secret du marriage Paris: