Glimpses Through The Dream Catcher

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As Seligman began to wonder about the universality of Freudianism, he noticed that the Oedipus complex took a particular form in the dreams of his colonial subjects: That Lhuzekhu perceived the elephant as the property of the district officer, then threw a stone at it, revealed undercurrents of hostility which could not be expressed openly. This insight caused the remaining pieces of the puzzle to fall into place.

In other words, Seligman concluded: The oppressive force in this case was neither a class nor a generation but the British empire itself: In this context, dreams offered a glimpse of the tensions that were integral to an undemocratic and hierarchical society, but which remained unsayable — at least to the British. Thousands of miles away, in Uganda, an African working for the colonial administration also suffered nightmares about the authority figures in his life. Whether the violent assaults in his dreams offered a literal accounting of reality or a figurative representation of emotional truth is unclear.

But there is no doubt that Oruro experienced imperial rule as an ongoing trauma and a source of wrenching anxiety. Four nights later, Oruro dreamt that another Bwana a Swahili honorific that could have signified any European figure threatened to give him 10 strokes with a cane for breaking through the fence behind the school. Three weeks after that, Oruro dreamt that yet another Bwana , apparently a missionary, scolded him sharply: When, a quarter-century later, Frantz Fanon analysed the dreams of Algerians living under French colonialism, he noted that many involved scenes of running and jumping: For Oruro, by contrast, even sleep did not provide a respite from the weight of oppression — a striking revelation.

They focused attention on a dark side of empire that he was unwilling, or unable, to acknowledge.

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Can its aims, and its breakdowns, really tell us anything about the way that states try to know their subjects? In fact, the dream project was neither so unusual nor so apolitical as it might seem. Particularly after the Indian Rebellion of , British officials across the empire shared two related preoccupations: For British officials, these anxieties surged anew in the aftermath of the First World War when an outbreak of rebellion from Ireland to Egypt to Iraq to India forced Britons to confront the depth and intensity of resistance to their rule. Against this alarming — for the British — backdrop, Seligman was not alone in seeing psychoanalysis as a potentially cutting-edge instrument of political intelligence.

In the s, in the colony of Northern Rhodesia now Zambia , a British education official psychoanalysing African students passed along his observations to a colonial administrator. The findings stirred concern: Arguing that the boom-and-bust cycles of the colonial economy and the repressive actions of the colonial military had unleashed pathological levels of resentment, she warned that the threat of rebellion remained strong.

In the Gold Coast now Ghana , another Seligman acolyte collecting dreams and free associations from indigenous sub-rulers also picked up on powerful feelings of aggression against British authority. The same studies that gave evidence of indigenous pathology pointed to the damage done by British rule.

February 14 – March 3, 2019

The common thread running through all the accounts was a twist on the Oedipal story. This was a strikingly deromanticised vision of empire, in which only habits of deference and fear of reprisal constrained the urge to throw off tyrannical shackles. The question that emerged was whether British rulers could defuse the challenges that this sentiment posed to their rule before it engulfed them. Such was the pragmatic logic that drove British efforts to map the unconscious minds of their colonial subjects. After , as another wave of anticolonial unrest loomed, the machinery of psychoanalytic surveillance came to life once again.

In Malaya, Communist rebels captured by British security forces faced questions devised by social scientists.

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The insurgents were asked about their childhood experiences, family relationships, social connections, gambling habits, and feelings of shame and envy — all in an effort to map the unconscious origins of rebellion. In Jamaica, a study sponsored by the Colonial Office amassed psychological data from children and adults across the island: In Uganda, Colonial Office researchers used questionnaire data to trace the connections between life experiences and support for nationalist movements. Did colonial officials get what they wanted from these growing collections of Freudian data?

Some results, to be sure, ended up in tendentious arguments portraying anticolonial politics as the product of mental illness. Once again, however, a clear-cut vindication of empire through expert knowledge proved elusive. The same studies that furnished evidence of indigenous pathology could not avoid pointing to the damage inflicted by British rule: