Making Sense of Public Opinion: American Discourses about Immigration and Social Programs

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Hanover since the pretty Cumberland. The new Aircraft spoke an surviving person. Scott had run on download making sense of public opinion: And although some children of immigrants face special challenges in school because of the bilingual nature of their environment, English language proficiency is almost universal Portes and Schauffler, The data we have assembled suggest that, even though the United States does not explicitly require immigrants to speak English, in the nature of the selection process for immigration many already do when they arrive, and the majority learn it eventually.

Virtually all secondand third-generation descendants have good English language skills. Naturalization is a milepost along the path of many immigrants' adjustment to U. Although a significant fraction of immigrants remain permanent resident aliens all their lives, many others seek to become U. Naturalization brings with it certain advantages. First, naturalized citizens may sponsor immediate family relatives parents, spouses, and minor children for immigration without numerical limit.

Adult children of naturalized citizens move into a higher preference category, making it easier to bring them into the United States. Second, naturalization confers almost all the rights. Naturalized citizens may vote, and they gain broader access to public assistance programs. Across countries, the rights of citizenship by birth are typically based on two principles: The United States, like Australia and Canada, places primary weight on birthplace; however, children born outside the United States to a U.

There is more substantial variation in the procedures for acquiring citizenship through naturalization.

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The United States permits naturalization after five-years, about the middle of the 3 to 12 year span across countries. The annual number of naturalizations in the United States has been increasing steadily since about , reaching approximately , in recent years. The year saw a dramatic increase to 1. But they are not eligible to serve as president or vice president, nor, under certain state and federal laws, may they work in certain occupations, such as jobs requiring a security clearance with citizenship as a prerequisite.

Naturalized citizens may also be deported under certain conditions. All countries have naturalization procedures through which citizenship may be acquired. Countries derived from English common law, including Australia, Canada, and the United States, use the term "citizenship," whereas European countries and Japan, for example, refer to the term "nationality.

Special rules for U. As of April , according to Immigration and Naturalization Service estimates, Of this population, about 5. Of course, foreign-born persons do not have to seek citizenship and can continue to reside and work indefinitely with a permanent residence status. About half of the population with permanent visa status population resides in either California 35 percent of the total group or New York 14 percent: Some countries have different requirements for children of unknown parentage.

Many countries have special rules for citizenship of adopted children. See Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development Interviews with consulate officials at the U. Immigration and Naturalization Service and embassies in Washington, D. To put naturalization into historical perspective, in and over 50 percent of the country's foreign-born residents were citizens. The proportion dropped below that in and , in association with the large-scale immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe; it then climbed to over 70 percent in.

Children under 18 years of age need not pay the latter fee. There is no fee for children. A second reason seems to lie in the historically low rate of naturalization of Mexican immigrants, who have dominated recent immigration but who have tended to be sojourners. A related factor is that the U. As residence of the foreign-born in general lengthens and, as seems likely, more Mexican immigrants seek naturalization, the number of applications will rise and the proportion of the foreign-born who are naturalized citizens will expand.

Several factors may account for the propensity to naturalize. One study of immigrants from all countries who became permanent resident aliens in reveals that, by 10 years after immigration, 30 percent had naturalized Jasso and Rosenzweig, Among immigrants from Asia, Europe, Africa, and Oceania, the proportion was much higher, at 45 percent, and it was much lower among immigrants from Canada, the Caribbean, and Latin America—only 20 percent of whom became citizens within 10 years.

Canadian and Mexican immigrants had particularly low rates. Gender also plays a role. Adult men, aged 21 to 55 years, are more likely to become citizens than are women, according to census data Jasso and Rosenzweig, Inasmuch as men generally take the lead in sponsoring family members for immigration, this difference may reflect the incentive men have to improve their standing as sponsors of their immediate families.

Immigrants from English-speaking countries other than Canada are more likely to naturalize than are those from other countries, suggesting that language facilitates integration into U. Citizenship is one marker of the eventual assimilation of an immigrant into American society. Although rates of naturalization are at an all-time low, mainly due to Mexican immigrants, the evidence is that propensities to naturalize are now increasing rapidly, in part due to the added benefits attached to citizenship.

Citizenship is not an issue for the descendants of immigrants, all of whom are citizens at birth. Questions about immigration often focus on the potential adverse consequences on American society because of their numbers, geographical concentra-.

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Census data provide information about naturalization, allowing us to calculate the proportion naturalized of current foreign-born residents. These data must be treated with some caution, however, because some foreign-born residents, such as students on nonimmigrant visas, are enumerated in the decennial census but are not eligible for naturalization. What is more rarely asked is the alternative question: What have immigrants contributed to American society?

Even to pose to the question requires a shift of perspective. It is not possible to provide a full accounting to this question, in large part because data on the participation and contributions of immigrants and their children in most spheres of American society are simply not available. Immigrants and their descendants may have effects on many institutions that are outside the scope of this report's inquiry. Immigrants affect the quality of American schools, the range and growth of churches in a community, and the interests and views in the local political arena.

We limit our attention here, however, and do not examine these important possible repercussions of immigration. Rather, our approach is to present some illustrative information on the roles of immigrants in the development of science, art, and other valued fields in America. Pointing to celebrated cases does show that immigrants have added considerably to the vitality and the richness of our country, but other observers may point to some of the perceived social problems exacerbated by large numbers of immigrants. Therefore, in the next section of the chapter, we examine evidence on the effect of immigration on crime and interethnic tensions in America.

The United States is acknowledged as a world leader in an extraordinary range of fields of endeavor, from science to sports. The question is what part immigration has played and continues to play in this pursuit of excellence. Of course, since almost all Americans are the descendants of immigrants, the assessment of the contributions due to immigration requires some definition. Our method is to measure the representation of immigrants and the children of immigrants in the top ranks of Americans in diverse fields: American winners of Nobel prizes, recipients of Kennedy Center honors, Olympic medalists, and esteemed scientists and other professionals requiring great talent and dedication.

People with exceptional talent may find it easier to gain admission into the United States. So the overrepresentation of immigrants among the extremely talented is, in part, an indication that U. But the presence of talented immigrants may indicate two other mechanisms. One is that the United States is an attractive place of settlement for world-class scientists, artists, and athletes. The second is the benefit that the United States gains by having this very talented group of individuals settle in this country. Standard data sources, including most biographical references, rarely report all the information necessary to record the numbers of immigrants among prize-winners or selected professions.

Place of birth and sometimes citizenship is usually available, but details about the person's naturalization and the nativity of. This means that estimates of the numbers of the second generation are almost never available. Despite these problems of data, it is fairly clear that Americans with recent foreign roots are overrepresented in any classification of Americans who have brought honor and recognition to the United States. Nobel prizes are awarded to the most distinguished contributions in the arts and sciences, including the Nobel prize for peace.

Winners of prizes in the arts and sciences are named by various Swedish academies; the peace prize is awarded by the Norwegian Nobel Committee. The base for the proportions is the number of winners not the number of prizes. The first measure counts as a U. The second measure is more stringent, counting as a U. Both measures count as an immigrant anyone born outside the United States.

Neither measure is fully satisfactory: As shown in Table 8. If immigrants accounted for roughly these same proportions of the U. But the proportion of foreign-born in the United States reached its peak, 15 percent, in , declined to 5 percent in , and climbed back to 8 percent in Moreover, the foreign-born population includes persons besides immi-. Nobel Laureates, to percentage. Measure 1 counts as U. If the comparison were made solely with immigrants in the overall population, the proportions of immigrants among American Nobel laureates would be even more striking.

Immigrants in the United States are represented in all of the fields for which Nobel prizes are awarded. The percentage of U. In the United States, two of the highest honors for a scientist or engineer are election to the National Academy of Sciences and the National Academy of Engineering, in recognition of distinguished contributions. The procedures for election involve nomination by an Academy member, with supporting references from several other members, and election at an annual meeting.

The National Academy of Sciences currently has 1, members, who represent a wide variety of fields in the physical, biological, and social sciences. The National Academy of Engineering currently has 1, members, of whom , or 14 percent, are foreign-born. Kennedy Center honors are given annually to persons who throughout their lifetimes have made significant contributions to American culture through the performing arts.

Recipients need not be U. Of the 90 recipients from , when the award was first given, to , 22—that is, almost one-fourth—are foreign-born. Those recognized have made contributions not only to universal culture, as in music, but also to something largely, often quintessentially, American. Immigrant participation in professional sports varies considerably. At one extreme, only 48 of 1, players in the season of the National Football.

Eleven Nobel prizes for literature have been awarded to residents of the United States. There are also foreign associate members who are excluded from these numbers. The 1, members are active or emeritus members in the United States. Examples of recipients who have made contributions to culture beyond anything specifically American include musicians such as Eugene Ormandy and Sir Georg Solti, both from Hungary.

League, or 3 percent, were foreign-born. Of these 48, 11 were born in Canada, 8 in Germany, and 4 or fewer in other countries. At the other extreme, of the players in the season of the National Hockey League NHL , or 81 percent, were born outside the United States. In one case, the Tampa Bay franchise, not a single player of the player roster was U. In between these extremes are immigrants in other professional sports.

The National Basketball Association includes 30 foreign-born players of a total of players, or 9 percent. Immigrant basketball players come from around the world, with players from such diverse countries as Lithuania, Yugoslavia, Croatia, Canada, the Netherlands, Italy, Romania, and Nigeria. There are foreign-born baseball players, or 14 percent, of the 1, players on the nation's major league baseball teams. As Colorado Governor Richard D. Lamm and Gary Imhoff wrote, "No aspect of immigration is more sensitive, more liable to misinterpretation, and more problematic than the issue of immigration and crime.

In , 55 percent of the persons arrested for crimes in New York City were Irish-born and an additional 22 percent were born in other foreign countries Jones, Yet many of these allegedly criminal acts were for minor actions, including public drunkenness and disorderly conduct; the contribution to more serious crime was much smaller. The gap between popular perceptions about immigration and crime and reality are no narrower today. Measuring the effect of immigration on crime is mired in a statistical maze.

The major limitation from existing crime statistics is that immigrant status is often not known. We often do not know who commits a crime; we especially do not know from victim reports whether the person is an immigrant or a native. Victims are simply not able to tell if a person is an illegal or legal immigrant, or a naturalized or native-born citizen. Almost all of what is know about immigration and crime is from information on those in prison. But not all crimes are detected, and many perpetrators are never apprehended.

For many minor crimes, especially crimes involving juveniles, those who are apprehended are not arrested. Only a fraction of those who are arrested are ever brought to the courts for disposition, and only a minority of. Twenty players on the Tampa Bay team were from Canada. Two players were from the Czech Republic, one player was from Russia, and one from Sweden. At each stage of the criminal justice process, the data record is incomplete, and there is rarely any information on immigrant status beyond a simple measure of foreign birth or citizenship.

The short answer to the underlying question is that it is difficult to draw any strong conclusions on the association between immigration and crime. Crime measurement is particularly troublesome for illegal immigrants. Immigrants may be apprehended by federal, state, or local authorities for criminal acts, but many illegal immigrants are apprehended by the Border Patrol and other enforcement officers of the Immigration and Naturalization Service INS.

Many illegal immigrants who are apprehended by Border Patrol agents are voluntarily returned to their home countries and are not ordinarily tabulated in national crime statistics. If immigrants, whether illegal or legal, are apprehended entering the United States while committing a crime, they are usually charged under federal statutes and, if convicted, are sent to federal prisons.

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Throughout this entire process, immigrants may have a chance of deportation, or of sentencing that is different from that for a native-born person. Nativity and immigrant status can be assessed for prison inmates, however; it is possible to ask inmates about their place of birth as well as to validate their responses by checking with administrative records.

We use these inmate data to calculate rates of crime per 1, males, aged 18 to 54 years, for citizens and noncitizens see Table 8. The first two columns report crime rates for citizens and noncitizens. The third column shows the ratio of the noncitizen crime rate to the citizen rate; values greater than 1. One finding that is clear from this table is that noncitizens are more likely to be in prison for drug offenses, especially possession of drugs.

Almost one-fifth of prisoners serving sentences for drug offenses are noncitizens, even though. A related measurement issue concerns information on immigrant status. Except data on noncitizens in the federal criminal justice system, we lack comprehensive information on whether arrested or jailed immigrants are illegal immigrants, nonimmigrants, or legal immigrants.

Such information can be difficult to collect because immigrants may have a reason to provide false statements if they reply that they are an illegal immigrant, they can be deported, for instance. And the verification of these data is troublesome because it requires matching INS records with individuals who often lack documentation or present false documents.

Noncitizens may have had fewer years residing in the United States than citizens, however, and thus less time in which to commit crimes and be apprehended. Hence, incarceration rates do not necessarily reflect differences in current crime rates. Number of prison inmates is from Harlow Population data for the number of males, age 18 to 54, by citizenship is from tabulations of the microdata from the census.

For other categories of crime, however, noncitizens have lower rates than citizens. For violent offenses, noncitizens have rates of about one-half those of citizens. For property crimes, noncitizens have rates of about one-third those of citizens. And for public order offenses, noncitizens have rates at about the same rate or slightly lower than those of citizens. Despite these data, there is, however, often a strong perception that high immigration levels and high crime rates are associated. Indeed, the recent high levels of immigration have coincided with the highest rates of incarceration in modern times.

The correctional population—which includes persons in prisons and jails, on probation, and on payroll—was less than 1 million in the United States from until about It rose gradually from about 1 million to about 2. Several good reasons suggest, however, that the temporal association of high immigration and high crime rates is coincidental and not causal. Some, but not all, of the increase in overall crime rates is due to the increase in the number of young people in the population as the baby-boom cohorts entered their teenage and young adult years.

Similarly, crime rates have leveled off, and they have actually begun to decline in the mids, although immigration remains at very high levels. The rise in the imprisoned population is partly due to changes in sentencing policies, resulting in longer prison sentences; most of the increase results from an increase in arrests, principally connected with drug crimes. Finally, using data from crime reports and Current Population Surveys, Butcher and Piehl concluded that an influx of recent immigrants into a community has no association with local crime rates.

In recent decades, the overall trend has been toward more opposition to immigration, but with frequent oscillations, as illustrated in Figure 8. The fraction of Americans who say they think immigration should be decreased from the current level has risen from less than half of the population in polls taken up until the mids, to roughly two-thirds of the population in more recent polls. To try to understand this shift, we analyzed a set of polling data from that included some questions on immigration.

Our analysis focused on respondents' answers to the question, ''Should immigration be kept at its present level, increased, or decreased? There is no simple link between crime rates and the size of the correctional population.

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There are many filters between a crime and imprisonment, including the reporting of the crime, the apprehension of the criminal, the sentencing of the criminal to prison, and the length of incarceration. At each stage, variations can occur. In addition, we included several variables that described economic conditions in the respondent's state of residence such as unemployment rates and income levels , along with the fraction of that state's population that was foreign-born. This analysis is described in detail in Appendix 8.

A and only the highlights are summarized here. Why have feelings about immigration hardened? This shift may have arisen from concern about economic conditions: Some evidence also suggests a relationship between economic concerns and attitudes toward immigration from cross-sectional comparisons: The change may be a response to the rise in illegal immigration or to.

However, in the same polls no such relationship emerged between unemployment rates and attitudes toward immigration. Others have also found patterns consistent with the idea that economic concerns motivate opposition to immigration. For example, those who say they believe that the U. When individuals in a New Jersey poll were asked why they wanted a decrease in the current number of immigrants, concerns that there would not be enough jobs to go around, or that immigrants take jobs away from native workers, were the reasons most commonly given Espenshade.

Although the majority of Americans now favor decreases in immigration, the strength of this sentiment varies substantially across groups. One might suppose that those who are most likely to face job market competition from immigrants for example, those with job skills that are common among immigrants would be most likely to want decreased immigration. This hypothesis, however, does not always fit very well with the observed differences across groups.

For instance, residents of states with a high proportion of immigrants in the population do not differ systematically in their attitudes toward immigration from residents of other states see Table 8. Neither did our multivariate analysis find any systematic relationship between attitudes and the fraction of a state's population that was foreign-born.

Furthermore, there was no significant relationship between region of the country and attitudes toward immigration, despite the regional concentration of immigrants. Given the large numbers of recent immigrants with less than a high school education, Americans with low levels of education appear to face the most job market competition from immigrants, and so might be expected to be most opposed to further immigration.

Education does, in fact, have an important relationship with attitudes, but not the expected one. At the national level, those with less than a high school education do not stand out as having very different attitudes toward immigration see Table 8. The group that does stand out is Americans. Pooled data from Gallup polls taken in June and July The question asked was "In your view, should immigration be kept at its present level, increased or decreased? The question asked was, "In your view, should immigration be kept at its present level, increased, or decreased?

Blacks and Hispanics have more favorable attitudes toward immigration than do non-Hispanic whites: The data we presented earlier that indicate that blacks in general do not live near immigrants may be relevant. Some immigrants appear to be more welcome than others. Americans generally indicate a preference for European immigrants, and immigrants from Asia in turn are generally rated more favorably than are those from Latin America Espenshade and Belanger, At the same time, Americans also attributed positive characteristics to both Asian and Latin American immigrants: In the more detailed analysis in the appendix, at the national level only those with graduate education differ significantly from others in their attitudes toward immigration once we control for other characteristics.

Within the immigration states, there are larger differences associated with education, and those without a high school degree are indeed most opposed to immigration. However, their attitudes never differ significantly from those of high school graduates. Our polling data do not identify Asians, but others have found that Asians also generally have more favorable attitudes toward immigration Espenshade and Hempstead, ; Espenshade, These data include information on ethnicity but do not identify the foreign-born, so differences associated with the two factors cannot be disentangled from one another.

Americans are particularly concerned about illegal immigration, to the point that they greatly overestimate the proportion of immigrants who are in the United States illegally. In a June poll, over two-thirds of respondents believed that the majority of recent immigrants were in the country illegally Espenshade and Belanger, , whereas the U. Immigration and Naturalization Service estimates that net illegal immigration in fact accounts for about 20 to 30 percent of annual net immigrant arrivals Washington Post, This disparity between perceptions and reality complicates the interpretation of Americans' attitudes toward immigration.

Part of the recent hardening of attitudes may be due to the widespread media attention paid to the issue of illegal immigration. To sum up, on the basis of polling data, Americans appear to be more opposed to immigration than they have been in the past. It is not possible to pin down the source of this change in attitudes, although concerns about economic conditions and about illegal immigration seem likely candidates. The majority of Americans now favor decreases in immigration, but there are significant differences across groups in the strength of this sentiment—blacks, Hispanics, and Asians generally have more positive attitudes than do non-Hispanic whites, and Americans with graduate education also have particularly favorable attitudes.

Is immigration at high levels exacerbating ethnic and racial tensions in American society? Some authors have suggested that increasing competition between new immigrants and black Americans has led to urban unrest in recent years Miles, ; Morrison, Portes and Stepick describe the riots in the Liberty City area of Miami as stemming in part from the frustrations of black Americans who see Cuban Americans and Haitian Americans leapfrogging ahead of them into better jobs and housing in the Miami area.

Jack Miles wrote an influential piece in the Atlantic Monthly describing the Los Angeles riots of as reflecting tensions between Latino immigrants and black Americans entitled "Blacks vs. These incidents might lead people to conclude that there is growing ethnic tension in American cities, fueled by the ethnic and racial diversity and the absolute numbers of new immigrants currently being absorbed by gateway cities such as Miami, New York, and Los Angeles.

There is little systematic research into how the presence of new immigrants affects American racial and ethnic attitudes, and into the racial and ethnic attitudes of the new immigrants themselves. Researchers have only just begun to explore interminority racial and ethnic attitudes. They found a complex web of interethnic attitudes with regard to threat and competition from other ethnic groups. More black respondents in Los Angeles perceived that competition with Asians was a zero-sum game than had that perception with respect to Hispanics.

And more Hispanic respondents perceived that competition with Asians was a zero-sum game than had that perception with respect to blacks in the areas of housing and job competition. Bobo and Hutchings Does nativity make a difference in perceptions of discrimination? Using the same data source, Bobo found that, among Asian Americans, the same proportion of foreign-born and native-born reported discrimination 22 percent. But among the other minority groups there were strong nativity differences, which went in opposite directions. Among Hispanics, the foreign-born were more likely to report discrimination 33 percent compared with 25 percent for the native-born.

Among blacks, natives were more likely to report discrimination 62 percent for natives compared with 29 percent for the foreign-born. Waters also finds that foreign-born blacks are much less likely than American-born blacks to see themselves as victims of discrimination. Using survey data collected by the Los Angeles Times, Oliver and Johnson found that Hispanics in that city are generally more antagonistic toward blacks than blacks are toward Hispanics. They concluded that the black antagonism arises almost exclusively from economic concerns.

Hispanics were almost twice as likely as blacks to agree that the other group is more violent than the average group 39 versus 20 percent. The level of antagonism toward Hispanics was much higher among whites than among blacks. Several recent studies have attempted to measure discrimination against immigrants and minorities. In a survey of hiring practices among Chicago-area employers, Kirschenman and Neckerman found that employers strongly preferred to hire immigrants over inner-city blacks see also Neckerman and Kirschenman, ; Wilson, Our reading of these preliminary studies is that interethnic frictions and occasional violent outbreaks between minorities and immigrants are reflections of the conditions of inner-city life where rates of joblessness and poverty are high, and not signs of the inevitability of antagonism between immigrants and minorities.

Despite employer preferences for immigrant workers over black. During the interval between the two world wars, the children of immigrants from Southern, Eastern and Central Europe made significant socioeconomic gains, in terms of both educational and occupational attainment. Few socioeconomic or cultural differences now separate the descendants of immigrants from Europe. There are competing hypotheses about whether present-day immigrants and their children will make the same generational socioeconomic progress. Some scholars predict the possibility of second-generation decline for some national-origin groups in the post wave of immigrants, and others predict continuity of historical patterns of assimilation.

The future social and economic success of recent immigrants is subject to uncertainty, in part because it is still too early to draw conclusions about the mobility of their children. The early readings are that most immigrants and their children are doing comparatively well. Some descendants of immigrants, current Asian Americans, for example, clearly are at or above parity with whites in terms of education and occupation, although they have less income. One of the more important indicators of social adaptation is residential integration.

On initial arrival and in the early period of residence, past and recent immigrants have tended to settle in certain states and cities, and within particular neighborhoods, creating clusters of people of similar ethnicity. At the turn of the century, most major American cities had large neighborhoods of Italians, Germans, and Irish. Most of those neighborhoods have now changed, and the descendants of the original immigrants are widely dispersed. In recent years, Cuban and Vietnamese refugees have created similar ethnic neighborhoods.

With the possible exception of Mexican immigrants, the available evidence suggests that current ethnic neighborhoods will change with time, as children and grandchildren of the immigrants disperse. Except for young children, all immigrants arrive with language skills. Because public discourse is in English in the United States, the crucial question is how successful immigrants are in adapting to an English-speaking environment. Many immigrants come from countries where English was the dominant language or where they attended English-speaking schools.

Almost three-fifths of immigrants who arrived in the s reported in the census that they spoke English well or very well. Among those immigrants who spoke English with difficulty or not well, most came from non-English-speaking countries, usually Latin America.

Although we lack cohort data on immigrants, the available evi-. Today, after three or more generations of descendants of the original immigrants, offspring of European groups are virtually indistinguishable in terms of education, income, occupation, and residence. Because of extensive intermarriage and the changing patterns of ethnic identification among descendants of European immigrants, the boundaries between different national-origin and ethnic groups-Italians, Irish, Polish, and Jewish, for example-are increasingly blurred.

If population projections had been done for groups of European origin at the beginning of the twentieth century, they would have failed to predict the voluntary choices of ethnic ancestries of the present U. Under high rates of ethnic intermarriage, ethnic identity becomes quite varied and increasingly a matter of choice. In recent years, ethnic and racial intermarriage has been increasing in this country and is increasingly common among children and grandchildren of Asian and Hispanic immigrants. Current population projections of the future ethnic composition of the U.

American public attitudes about immigration have long been equivocal. The United States has had periods of large-scale immigration, with considerable public support and welcome, and periods of great distrust and antagonism toward immigrants. In the past 50 years, public opinion polls have allowed us to chart more clearly how the American public views immigration and regards immigrants.

Americans have increased their opposition to immigration in recent decades, in part, it appears, because of economic concerns. These attitudes vary greatly, however. College graduates have more positive attitudes toward immigration. Black, Hispanic, and Asian Americans tend to have more favorable attitudes toward immigrants than do non-Hispanic whites. Public concerns with immigration are centered on illegal immigration, although the average resident greatly overestimates the proportion of immigrants who are illegal.

Over two-thirds of respondents believe that most recent immigrants are illegal, whereas the proportion of illegals among total immigrants is closer to 20 to 30 percent. The scant available data on crime do not allow us to say much about its relationship to immigration. It is hard to draw firm conclusions from the currently scarce information. The crime rate increased from the s until about , then has declined noticeably for the past six-years.

There is no apparent association in these temporal trends with immigration. From available studies, it appears that overall crime rates have been associated more with other factors, including the changing demographics of the country with shifts in the number of young men , fluctuations in drug use, and changes in the effectiveness of the police and criminal justice system in reducing local crime. The problems of data of the criminal justice system make it very difficult to reach empirical conclu-.

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